LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

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THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

MBW  YORK  •   BOSTON  •  CHICAGO  •   DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •   SAN  FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LIMITED 

LONDON  •    BOMBAY  •    CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA.  LTD. 

TOKONTO 


BY 
HARRY  W.  LAIDLER,  PH.D. 

Secretary  of  the  Intercollegiate 
Socialist  Society 


gotfe 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 
1920 

AM  rights  reserved 


COPYMOHT.  1920, 
BT  THE   MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Set  up  and  electrotyped.  *Fbbluh)d  February,  19*0. 


TO 
MY  GOOD  FRIEND 

MARY  R.  SANFORD 


PREFACE 

In  the  year  1900,  a  student  would  have  searched  Ameri- 
can literature  in  vain  for  any  adequate  expression  of 
socialism  written  by  a  sympathetic  student  of  the  subject 
in  this  country,  and  published  by  a  non-socialist  publish- 
ing house.1  From  that  year  until  the  outbreak  of  the 
European  war,  however,  volume  after  volume  issued  from 
the  press  and,  by  the  summer  of  1914,  practically  every 
phase  of  socialist  theory  and  tactics  had  been  carefully 
treated. 

Since  the  first  of  August,  1914,  revolutionary  changes 
have  taken  place  in  the  socialist  movement  and  philosophy. 
In  many  countries  socialist  theory,  for  the  first  time,  un- 
der the  most  difficult  circumstances,  has  been  brought  face 
to  face  with  reality,  and  the  socialist  movement  has 
evolved  from  a  small,  minority  group  to  a  powerful  factor 
in  the  life  of  the  people. 

The  war  has  given  a  great  impetus  to  the  guild  socialist 
idea,  with  its  emphasis  on  producers'  control  of  industry 
and  its  insistence  on  the  development  of  personality  as 
the  ultimate  goal  of  society.  It  has  afforded  world-wide 
publicity  to  the  soviet  form  of  the  state,  with  its  demand 
for  occupational  representation  and  its  temporary  "  dic- 
tatorship of  the  proletariat."  It  has  witnessed  the  de- 

i  The  most  noteworthy  book  on  socialism  at  that  time  was  Social- 
ism and  Social  Reform,  by  Professor  Richard  T.  Ely,  an  opponent 
of  socialism.  There  were  also  Bellamy's  Utopian  writings,  Laurence 
Gronlund's  Cooperative  Commonwealth,  pamphlet  literature  and  a 
number  of  translations  and  importations. 


PREFACE 

velopment  of  the  "  revolutionary  communism  "  of  the  Mos- 
cow International, —  advocate  of  mass  action  and  of  the 
immediate  transformation  of  industrial  society.  It  hasi 
changed  the  attitude  of  many  groups  of  socialists  toward 
international  warfare  and  toward  scores  of  other  prob- 
lems. These  new  tendencies  have  been  noted  in  innumera- 
ble pamphlets  written  in  dozens  of  languages.  This,  how- 
ever, is  the  first  attempt  to  deal  with  these  recent  develop- 
ments within  the  pages  of  one  volume. 

"  Socialism  in  Thought  and  Action "  aims  to  do 
more  than  to  record  the  recent  progress  of  the  move- 
ment. Students  of  socialism  have  generally  agreed  that 
any  comprehensive  treatment  of  this  subject  should  in- 
volve a  discussion  of  the  socialist  criticism  of  present  day 
society,  the  socialist  theory  of  economic  development,  the 
socialist  conception  of  a  future  social  state  and  the  activi- 
ties, achievements,  and  present  status  of  the  organized 
socialist  movement  in  various  countries  of  the  world. 
These  phases  are  here  treated  as  fully  as  space  will  permit. 

During  the  last  few  years  it  has  been  my  privilege 
to  address  scores  of  college  classes  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society,  an  educational  or- 
ganization formed  "  to  promote  an  intelligent  interest 
in  socialism  among  college  men  and  women."  At  these 
lectures  certain  well  defined  objections  to  socialism  were 
continually  urged.  This  volume  states  the  most  im- 
portant of  these  objections  and  the  socialist's  answer 
thereto. 

I  have  tried  in  these  pages  to  express  the  thought  of 
the  organized  movement  and  of  its  acknowledged  spokes- 
men, rather  than  to  record  my  own  point  of  view.  I  have 
also  endeavored  to  avoid  abstractions  and  to  connect 
socialist  theory  with  the  concrete  life  of  to-day. 

It  is  my  hope  that  the  present  volume  may  serve  as  a 


PREFACE 

textbook  for  college  classes  and  other  study  groups  and  as 
a  ready  reference  book  for  the  thinkers  and  the  doers  who 
have  come  to  realize  that  an  intelligent  understanding  of 
this  greatest  mass  movement  of  the  twentieth  century  is 
absolutely  essential  to  enlightened  citizenship. 

Among  those  to  whom  acknowledgments  are  due  for 
suggestions  I  wish  to  express  my  indebtedness  to  Gregory 
Zilboorg,  secretary  of  the  Ministry  of  Labor  under 
Kerensky,  to  Evans  Clark  and  Alexander  Trachtenberg 
for  their  helpful  suggestions  in  regard  to  the  chapter  on 
"  The  Russian  Revolution,"  and  to  Ludwig  Lore  and 
Traugott  Boehme  for  their  criticism  of  the  chapter  on 
"  The  German  Revolution."  Acknowledgment  is  due  to 
Ordway  Tead,  Professor  Paul  H.  Douglas  and  others  for 
many  helpful  suggestions  during  the  early  stages  of  the 
manuscript. 

I  wish  to  convey  my  special  thanks  to  Jessie  W.  Hughan 
and  to  Mary  R.  Sanford  for  their  careful  reading  of  prac- 
tically the  entire  manuscript 'and  for  their  invaluable  sug- 
gestions. 

HARRY  W.  LAIDLER. 

70  Fifth  Ave., 

N.  Y.  City, 

December,  1919. 


CONTENTS 

INTHODUCTION   .      .      .      ....   ; 


PART  I 

SOCIALIST  THOUGHT 
CHAPTER  I 

THE  SOCIALIST  INDICTMENT  :     I.  ECONOMIC  AND  HU- 

MAN WASTES       .»'-.'•  *  ,.  '".*"'  •.'•'.    •'.',<*        9 

Introduction:  The  Motive  of  Socialist  Activity  —  Char- 
acter of  Socialist  Indictment. 

Wastes  of  Capitalism:  Failure  to  Utilize  Productive 
Forces  —  Diversion  of  Industry  to  Luxuries  —  Wastes  in 
Manufacturing  —  Wastes  in  Agriculture  —  Social  Losses 
in  Natural  Resources  —  Wastes  in  Advertising  —  Diver- 
sion of  Productive  Workers  —  Evaluation  of  Advertising 
—  Traveling  Salesmen  —  Wastes  from  Producer  to  Con- 
sumer. 

Human  Wastes  :  Unemployment  —  Causes  of  Unem- 
ployment —  Industrial  Accidents  —  Disease  —  Poverty  and 
Disease  —  Increase  in  sickness  —  Summary. 

CHAPTER  II 

THE    SOCIALIST    INDICTMENT:     II.  INEQUALITY    OF 

WEALTH  .      .      ...      .      .      .      .      .     81 

Inequality  of  Wealth:  The  Wealthy  —  Wages  — 
Standard  of  Living  —  Recent  Changes  —  Effect  on  Fam- 
ily Life  —  In  Small  Cities  —  Effect  on  Marriage. 

Effect  of  Capitalism  on  Ethical  Life:  Poverty  Not 
Chief  Evil  —  The  Profit  Motive  —  The  Business  Man  and 
the  Consumer  —  Business  and  the  Worker  —  The  Business 
Man  and  His  Competitors  —  The  Business  Man  and  His 
Fellow  Investors  —  The  Business  Class  and  Corruption 
iz 


x  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

—  Inequality  and  Personality  —  Effect  on  Victor  —  Crime 
and  Social  Evil  —  Intemperance  —  The  Spirit  of  Democ- 
racy —  Artists  and  Capitalism  —  Conclusion. 

CHAPTER  III 

SOCIALIST  THEORY:     I.  ECONOMIC  INTERPRETATION 

AND  CLASS  STRUGGLE 50 

Th'e  Ulopidnt:    The  Forerunner^  of  Marxian  Socialists 

—  Mistakes  of  Utopians  —  Marxian  Socialism. 

The  Inevitability  of  Socialism:  Development  of  Indus- 
try —  Achievements  of  Modern  Capitalism  —  Development 
of  Crises  —  Concentration  of  Industry  —  Decrease  of  Cap- 
italist Class  —  Disappearance  of  Middle  Class  —  Increas- 
ing Misery  of  the  Workers  —  Increase  in  Class  Antagon- 
isms —  Industrial  Organization  of  Workers  —  Political 
Organization  of  Workers  —  Breakdown  of  Capitalism  — 
Triumph  of  Proletariat. 

The  Economic  Interpretation  of  History:  Introduc- 
tory—Criticism of  the  Doctrine  —  Ethical  Factors  — 
Economic  Forces  in  Antiquity  —  Economic  Forces  in 
Early  American  History  —  Economic  Forces  and  the 
Revolution  —  Other  Instances  in  American  History  — 
Economics  and  Ethics  —  Conclusion. 

The  Clatt  Struggle:  Marx's  Conception  of  Class  Strug- 
gle —  Explanation  of  Theory  —  Increasing  Expensiveness 
of  Machinery  —  Increased  Usefulness  of  Worker  —  Edu- 
cation of  Worker  —  Spirit  of  Solidarity  —  Political  Power 
of  Worker  —  Evolution  of  Capitalist  —  Outcome  of  Strug- 
gle —  Criticism  of  Theory  —  Value  of  Class  Conscious- 
ness —  Fundamental  Antagonisms  —  Conclusion. 


CHAPTER  IV 

SOCIALIST  THEORY:     II.  CAPITALIST  DEVELOPMENTS 

AND  THEORY  OF  VALUE  .      .      ,...-.      .      81 

Concentration  in  Industry:  Introductory  —  The 
Growth  of  the  Corporation  —  The  Increase  of  Large  Scale 
Production  —  Growth  of  Combination  —  The  Corporation 
and  Concentration  of  Control  —  Concentration  in  Manu- 
facture—  Concentration  in  Natural  Resources  —  Concen- 
tration in  Public  Utilities  —  Concentration  in  Finance  — 
In  Wholesale  Trade  — In  Retail  Trade  —  Persistence  of 
Small  Business  —  Concentration  in  Agriculture  —  Depen- 


CONTENTS  xi 

MM 

dence  of  Farmer  —  Increased  Capital  per  Farm  —  Mort- 
gaged Farms  —  Summary. 

The  Disappearance  of  the  Middle  Class:  Explanation 
of  Theory  —  Middle  Class  Incomes — Intellectual  Prole- 
tariat vs.  Middle  Class  — Middle  Class  Stockholders  —  The 
Corporation  and  the  Middle  Class  —  Psychology  of  Inac- 
tive Stockholders  —  The  Increase  of  Small  Business  —  In- 
come of  Farmers  —  The  Farmer  and  Progressivism  — 
The  Small  Storekeeper  —  Summary. 

The  Increasing  Misery  Theory:  Marxian  Prophecy  — 
Better  Physical  Conditions  —  Misery  a  Psychic  Condition 

—  Uncertainty  of  Livelihood  —  Summary. 

Industrial  Crises:  Causes  of  Crises  —  Effect  of  Trusts 
on  Crises  —  Mechanical  Impossibility  of  Capitalism  — 
Coming  of  Imperialism  —  Conclusion. 

Theory  of  Value:  Meaning  of  Labor  Theory  —  Crea- 
tion of  Surplus  Value  —  Misconception  of  Theory  — 
Facts  of  Surplus  Value  —  Is  Private  Capital  Socially  Ad- 
vantageous? —  Summary. 

CHAPTER  V 

THE  SOCIALIST  COMMONWEALTH  .      .      .     •;      i>  ?;l   122 

The  Aims  of  Socialism:  Fear  Utopianism  —  Social- 
ism and  Private  Property. 

Extent  of  Collectivism  Under  Socialism:  Socially  Nec- 
essary Industries  —  Handicraft  Industry  —  Exploitation 
as  a  Criterion  —  Voluntary  Cooperation. 

Collectivism  in  Land:  Opposed  to  Exploitation  and 
Speculation  —  Agricultural  Land. 

Intellectual  Production  Under  Socialism:  Research 
and  Education  —  Art  —  Voluntary  Unions  —  Publications 

—  Summary. 

Democratic  Management  Under  Socialism:  Insistence 
on  Democratic  Management  —  Differences  in  Details  — 
Selection  of  Officers  —  Conclusion. 

Assignment  of  Tasks  Under  Socialism:  Variety  of 
Suggestions  —  For  the  Disagreeable  Work  —  Revolution- 
ize Present  Method  —  Principle  of  Remuneration  Under 
Socialism :  Principle  of  Equality  —  Principle  of  Needs 

—  Compensation  According  to  Deeds  —  Full  Product  of 
Toil  —  Inequality  Assists  in  Assignment  —  Money  Under 
Socialism. 

The  Nature  of  the  State:  The  Class  State  —  Charac- 
teristics of  Socialist  State  —  Coercion  —  Decentralization 

—  The   Soviet   Idea  — The   National   Guildsmen   and   the 
State  —  Organization  by  Function  —  State  Sovereignty  — 
Conflict  Regarding  Transition  Stage  —  Summary. 


xii  CONTENTS 


Rt Union  Under  Socialism:  Attitude  of  Socialists  — 
The  Cnurch  and  Democracy  —  Neutrality  —  Theism  and 
Economic  Determinism  —  Conclusion. 

The  Family  Under  Socialism :  Criticism  —  Relation  to 
Private  Property  —  Finer  Type  of  Family. 

Transition  to  Socialism:  History  of  Controversy  — 
Tactics  of  the  Extremist  Left  —  Dictatorship  of  Prole- 
tariat —  Tactics  of  Moderate  Socialists  —  Transition  State 

—  Rapidity  of  Socialization  —  Conflict  of  Views. 

CHAPTER  VI 

GUILD  SOCIALISM  AND  SYNDICALISM  ,  170 

Guild  Socialism:  Origin  of  Theory  —  Composition  of 
Movement  —  The  Wage  System  —  State  Ownership  and 
Guild  Management  —  Organization  of  Consumers  —  De- 
tails of  Democratic  Management  —  Selection  of  Officers  — 
Safeguarding  the  Consumer  —  Contribution  of  Guildsmen 

—  Socialists  and  Guildsmen  —  Conclusion. 
Syndicalism:     Introductory  —  The  Class  Struggle  —  Di- 
rect Action  —  Sabotage  —  Struggle  Against  the  State  — 
Patriotism  —  The     Militant    Minority  — The    Syndicalist 
Ideal  —  Socialists  vs.  Syndicalists. 

CHAPTER  VII 

TENDENCIES  TOWARD  SOCIALISM     ...      .      .      .   187 

The  Corporation:    Lessons  from  Corporation. 

(Social  Reforms:  Extent  of  Labor  Legislation  —  Criti- 
cism of  Reforms  —  Advantage  of  Reforms. 

Voluntary  Cooperation:  Origin  of  Cooperation  —  From 
Retail  to  Wholesale  — On  the  Continent  —  Contribution 
of  Movement 

Public  Ownership:  Extent  of  Ownership  —  Education 
and  Health  —  Limitations  of  Government  Ownership  —  A 
Step  Toward  Industrial  Democracy  —  Centralization  not 
a  Necessary  Accompaniment. 

The  Labor  Union :  Extent  of  Trade  Unionism  —  Criti- 
cism of  Organized  Labor  —  Toward  Socialism. 

Democratic  Management:  Advance  Since  1914  —  Other 
Tendencies. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

OBJECTIONS  TO  SOCIALISM  .      .  •  •, .      .      *     •      *      •   207 

Introduction:     Narrowing  of  Objections. 

Incentive:    Basis  of  Criticism  —  Inefficiency  of  Present 


CONTENTS  xiii 

PAGE 

System  —  Greater  Incentive  for  Average  Worker  —  Mater- 
ial Incentives  —  Incentives  and  the  Administrator  —  The 
Professions  —  In  the  Cooperative  and  Publicly  Owned  In- 
dustries —  Administrators  in  Private  Concerns  —  Type  of 
Administrator  Under  Socialism  —  Creative  Work  —  Evils 
of  Profit  Incentive  —  Is  Government  Ownership  Inef- 
ficient?—  Government  Ownership  vs.  Socialism  —  Com- 
parison Between  Private  and  Government  Ownership  — 
Importance  of  Human  Element. 

Accumulation  of  Capital:  Profit  Motive  Under  Capi- 
talism—  Incentive  to  Improve  Under  Socialism  —  Accu- 
mulation in  Cooperative  and  Public  Industries  —  Conclu- 
sion. 

Fixing  of  Prices :  Criticism  of  Socialist  Plan  —  Prices 
and  Social  Welfare  —  Price-Fixing  Body  —  At  Present 
Arbitrary  Price  Fixing.  , 

Political  Corruption :  Criticism  —  Big  Business  and 
Political  Corruption  —  The  Giving  of  Contracts  —  Cor- 
ruption and  Political  Patronage  —  Disappearance  of  Po- 
litical Boss  —  Conclusion. 

Socialism  and  Overpopulation:  The  Malthusian  The- 
ory—  Malthusian  Doctrine  and  Present-day  Tendencies 
—  Fear  of  Race  Suicide  —  Increase  of  Population  Under 
Socialism  —  Question  of  Parental  Responsibility  —  State 
Control  —  The  New  Type  of  Woman  —  Summary. 


PART  II 

THE  SOCIALIST  MOVEMENT 
CHAPTER  IX 

SOCIALISM  AND  INTERNATIONALISM  (1848-1914)  .      .    247 

History  of  International  Action:  Beginnings  of  Inter- 
nationalism —  Concerning  the  Franco-Prussian  Social- 
ists of  Germany  —  The  Second  International  —  Dur- 
ing the  Russian- Japanese  War  —  The  Socialist  Achieve- 
ments —  Causes  of  War  —  The  General  Strike  —  Bebel  on 
the  General  Strike  —  Jaures'  Reply  —  The  Resolutions  at 
Stuttgart  —  The  Copenhagen  Congress  of  1910  —  The 
General  Strike  Again  —  The  Morocco  Crises  of  1911  — 
The  Balkan  Situation  —  The  German  Military  Budget  of 
1913  — The  Taxation  Bill  —  Presentation  of  Vote  — The 
French  Socialists  and  the  General  Strike  —  Opposition  tw 
Strike  —  Summary. 

Immediately  Before  the  Outbreak  of  War:    Meeting  of 


xiv  CONTENTS 

VAOE 

International  Bureau  —  The  Brussels  Meeting  —  Jaures' 
Last  Appeal  —  In  Austria  and  Hungary  —  The  German 
Socialists  —  Belgian  and  French  Socialists  —  Great  Brit- 
ain —  In  Russia  —  Italy  —  Other  Countries. 

Immediately  After  the  Outbreak  of  War:  The  Belgian 
Socialists— In  France  — The  English  Socialists  —  The 
British  Labor  Party  —  Germany  —  Russia  —  Other  Coun- 
tries —  Summary. 

CHAPTER  X 

TOWARDS  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL    .      .      .,..*..   283 

The  International  During  the  War:  Early  Confer- 
ences—  The  Zimmerwald  Conference  —  The  Stockholm 
Conference  —  Results  of  the  Questionniare  —  Refusal  of 
Passports  —  The  Spring  of  1918  Inter- Allied  Socialist  and 
Labor  Conference  —  For  Labor  Representation. 

The  Berne  Conference:  Representation  at  the  Confer- 
ence —  Responsibility  for  the  War  —  League  of  Peoples 

—  Warning    by    MacDonald  —  For    Complete    Disarma- 
ment—  Territorial     Adjustments  —  Defense     of     British 
Labor  —  The  Labor  Charter  —  The  Resolution  on  Russia 

—  Summary  —  The  Lucerne  Conference. 

The  Communiit  International:  Groups  Represented  — 
The  Manifesto  —  Who  Will  Control  the  Economic  Life? 
The  Rights  of  Small  Nationalities  —  Parliamentary  De- 
mocracy vs.  The  Soviet  —  Weakness  of  Second  Interna- 
tional —  Conclusion. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  » 308 

Through  the  March  Revolution:  Causes  of  Discontent 
—  Beginnings  of  the  March  Revolution  —  Cossacks  En- 
courage Revolutionists  —  Emergency  of  Workmen's  Coun- 
cils—The Abdication  of  the  Czar. 

Ruttia  Under  the  Provisional  Government :  The  First 
Provisional  Government  —  Political  Nature  of  March 
Revolution  —  Discontent  with  Provisional  Government  — 
Parties  in  Control  —  Congress  of  Soviets  —  The  Resigna- 
tion of  Miliukov  — The  Military  Situation  —  The  New 
Coalition  Government  —  The  Land  Problem  —  The  Dis- 
cussion of  Peace  and  All  Power  to  the  Soviet  —  The  July 
Days  —  July  Outbreaks  —  Kerensky  Becomes  Premier  — 


CONTENTS  xv 

PAOI 

The  Moscow  Conference  —  Message  from  President  Wil- 
son —  The  Kornilov  Revolt  —  The  Democratic  Confer- 
ence —  The  Preliminary  Parliament  —  The  Bolshevik  Rev- 
olution —  Indecision  of  Provisional  Government  —  Pro- 
gram of  Bolsheviks  —  Defense  of  Kerensky  Government 

—  Calling  of  All-Russian  Congress  —  Struggle  Over  the 
Petrograd  Garrison  —  Petrograd  Soviet  Day  —  The  Fall 
the  Kerensky  Regime. 

Under  the  Soviet  Government:  The  Formation  of  the 
Soviet  Government  —  Attacks  on  New  Government  — 
Suppression  of  Counter- Revolutionary  Forces  —  The 
Fight  Against  the  Constituent  Assembly  —  Bolshevik  De- 
mand on  Assembly  —  All  Power  to  the  Soviet  —  Dissolu- 
tion of  Assembly  —  Protests  Over  Dissolution,  Defense 
by  Bolsheviks  —  The  Move  for  Peace  —  At  Brest-Litovsk 

—  Signing  of  "Tilsit"  Peace  —  No  Reply  from  Allies  — 
The  Soviet  Constitution  —  The  Dictatorship  of  the  Prole- 
tariat—  Construction    of    Soviet    Power  —  The    People's 
Commissars  —  The  Right  to  Vote  —  Lenin's  Program  for 
Higher   Productivity  —  The   Press  —  Compulsion  —  Social 
ana  Economic  Results  —  Work  in  Education  and  Art  — 
Anti-Bolshevik  Russian  Forces  —  Kolchak  and  Seminov  — 
Kolchak    Coup   d'£tat  —  Foreign  Intervention  —  Socialist 
Critics   of  the    Bolsheviks  —  Berne   Conference   Condem- 
nation—  Bolsheviks  Non-Marxian?  —  Soviets  Called  Un- 
democratic —  Defense  of  Bolshevik  Methods  —  Represen- 
tation by  Occupation  —  Allied  Advances  —  Summary. 


CHAPTER  XII 

REVOLUTIONS  IN  THE  CENTRAL,  EMPIRES  (GERMANY 

—  AUSTRIA  —  HUNGARY)      .      .    "V  '•  .      .   359 

Germany :  Beginning  of  Opposition  to  War  —  Lieb- 
knecht's  Stand  — The  Party  Split  — Peace  Proposals 
(1915-1917)  —  Reichstag  Resolution  —  Opposition  to  Res- 
olution —  Discontent  Among  the  Masses  —  Effect  of  Aus- 
trian Strikes  —  Growing  Unrest  —  The  Revolution  — 
The  Formation  of  the  New  Government  —  Independent 
Socialists  Join  Government  —  The  Workers'  and  Soldiers' 
Councils  —  The  Program  of  the  Coalition  Government  — 
The  Reforms  of  the  New  Government  —  Power  in  the 
Councils  —  Demand  for  Dictatorship  of  Proletariat  — 
The  Congress  of  Councils  —  Spartacan  Activity  —  The 
Resignation  of  the  Independents  —  Spartacans  Separate 
from  Independents  —  The  January  Revolt  —  Murder  of 


xvi  CONTENTS 

FAOB 

Liebknecht  —  The  National  Assembly  —  Signing  of  Treaty 

—  The  July  Strike. 

.1  ii.it ri<i :  Majority  Socialists  Support  Government  — 
Trial  of  Friederich  Adler  — Party  Attitude  Needed 
Changing  —  Demand  for  Peace  and  Revolution  —  Fall  of 
Monarchy  —  Elections. 

Hungary:  Early  Days  of  War  —  The  October  Revolu- 
tion—  Revolt  Against  Karolyi  Government  —  Communists 
in  Control  —  Activities  of  Bela  Kun  Government  — 
Allied  Intervention  — The  Soviet  Appeal  to  the  Prole- 
tariat —  Bela  K un's  Overthrow  and  Rumanian  Aggression 

—  Dictatorship  of  Archduke  Joseph  —  The  White  Terror 

—  Chapter  Summary. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

OTHER    EUROPEAN    COUNTRIES:     SOCIALISM    SINCE 

1914 409 

Great  Britain:  Introductory  —  British  Labor  Party  — 
The  Party  and  the  Stockholm  Conference  —  Resignation 
of  Henderson  —  The  Conference  at  Blackpool  —  The  Not- 
tingham Conference  —  Concerning  Coalition  —  The  Lon- 
don Conference  of  June,  1918  —  The  Reconstruction  Pro- 
gram —  The  British  Elections  of  1918  —  Special  Elections 
of  1919  —  Strikes  —  The  Glasgow  Trade  Union  Congress 
—  Ireland  —  Other  Developments. 

France:  The  Majoritaires  and  Minoritaires  —  Minor- 
ity Becomes  Majority  —  After  the  Signing  of  the  Armis- 
tice —  The  French  Socialists  and  the  Second  Interna- 
tional —  The  General  Confederation  of  Labor  —  Labor 
and  the  league  of  Nations  —  Opposition  to  the  Russian 
Policy  —  Proposed  General  Strike— In  Latter  Half  of 
1919. 

Italy :  Continued  Opposition  to  War  —  Imprisonment 
of  Leaders  — After  the  Armistice  —  The  1919  Activities 
-The  Italian  Party  and  the  International  —  The  Party 
and  the  Peace  Conference. 

The  Scandinavian  Countriet:  Denmark:  Efforts  to- 
ward Peace  —  Joins  the  Coalition  —  Formation  of  Left 
Wing  Party  — Sweden:  The  Party  Strength  —  Separa- 
tion of  Young  Socialists  —  Democratizing  the  Constitu- 
tion—  Demands  of  the  Radicals  —  Norway:  Anti-Mili- 
tarism —  Control  by  Left  Wing  — Party  Strength. 

The  Smaller  European  Countries:  Belgium —  Holland: 
Peace  Activities  —  Program  of  Economic  Reform  — 
Switzerland:  Approves  Zimmerwald  Conference  —  Anti- 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

Militarist  Stand  —  Unrepresented  at  Berne  —  The  Gen- 
eral Strike  — Spain:  Attitude  Toward  War  — The 
Strike  of  1917  — The  Socialist  Victories  —  Further  Sup- 
pressions —  Portugal  —  The  Balkans:  Servia  —  Rou- 
mania  —  Bulgaria  —  Greece  —  First  Socialist  Premier  hi 
Finland  —  The  White  Terror  —  Mannerheim  Prime  Min- 
ister —  Socialist  Successes  —  Poland  —  Bohemia  —  Jugo- 
slav Parties  —  Summary. 

CHAPTER  XIV 

AMERICA  AND  OTHER  LANDS  :     SINCE  1914     .      .      .   454 

The  United  States :  Feature  of  Movement  —  For  Med- 
iation and  Embargo  —  Call  for  International  Conference 

—  The     Neutral     Conference     Proposal  —  The     Mexican 
Crisis  —  The    1916   Campaign  —  The   St.   Louis   Platform 

—  The  1917  Elections  —  Social  Democratic  League  —  The 
National  Party  — The  1918  Elections  —  The  Nonpartisan 
League  —  The  League   Idea  Spreads  —  The  Nonpartisan 
Program  —  The   Local    Labor    Parties  —  Rewarding  La- 
bor's Friends  —  Formation  of  Labor  Parties  —  The  Na- 
tional Labor  Party  —  The  Socialist  Party  and  the  Labor 
Party  —  The  Left  Wing  Movement  —  Impetus  to  Move- 
ment —  Dissensions  in  Movement  —  Birth  of  Communist 
Labor  Party  —  Formation  of  Communist  Party  —  Activi- 
ties of  Socialist  Party  —  The  Party  Manifesto  —  Trial  of 
Debs  —  Other  Socialist  Leaders  —  Summary. 

Canada:  The  "One  Big  Union"— The  Winnipeg 
Strike. 

South  America:  Introductory  —  General  Strike  in 
Buenos  Aires  —  Pan-American  Socialist  Conference  — 
Strikes  in  Other  Countries  —  Mexico. 

CHAPTER  XV 

THE  SOCIAMST  MOVEMENT  BEFORE  1914  .      .      .      .   482 

The  International:  The  "League  of  the  Just" — 
Formation  of  First  International —  The  Second  Interna- 
tional—  The  International  Conferences. 

Germany:  Organization  of  Party  —  The  Anti-Socialist 
Laws  —  Increase  in  Vote. 

France :  Organization  of  Movement  —  Controversies  of 
the  Nineties  —  Recent  Growth. 

Russia  and  Finland:    During  the  Nineteenth  Century 

—  Formation  of  Social  Democracy  —  After  the  1905  Rev- 
olution—  Before      the      War  —  Finland  —  Strength      of 
Movement. 


xviii  CONTENTS 

MM 

Auttria     and     Hungary:    Development     of     Austrian 
Movement  —  Composition  of  Movement — Hungary. 

England:  The  Social  Democratic  Federation  —  For- 
mation of  Independent  Labor  Party  —  The  British  Labor 
Party  —  Achievements  of  Labor  Before  the  War  —  The 
Fabian  Society  —  Other  Socialist  Groups. 

Italy:  Beginnings  of  Party  — The  Party  Split  — Ex- 
tension of  Franchise. 

Belgium  and  Holland:  Triple  Character  of  Belgian 
Movement  —  Fight  for  Suffrage  —  Pre-War  Strength  — 
Holland. 

Scandinavian      Coun  triet :     Denmark  —  Norway  —  Swe- 
den. 

Other  European  Countrie»:  Switzerland  —  Spain  — 
Portugal  —  Servia  —  Rumania  —  Greece. 

The  United  State*  and  Canada:  Formation  of  Social- 
ist Labor  Party  —  Split  in  S.  L.  P.—  Western  Movement  — 
Birth  of  Socialist  Party  —  Increase  of  Strength  —  Edu- 
cational Work  —  Canada. 

Latin  America:  Argentina  —  Brazil,  Chili,  Uruguay  — 
Porto  Rico  —  Cuba  —  Mexico  and  Yucatan. 

Auitrala»ia,  Africa,  Ana:  Development  of  Australian 
Labor  Party  —  For  "  White  Australia  "—  Labor  in  Parlia- 
ment—New Zealand  —  South  Africa  —  Asia. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY .511 


SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT 
AND  ACTION 


INTRODUCTION 

ON  July  29,  1914,  the  day  after  Austria  declared  war 
against  Servia,  I  attended  the  great  "  guerre  a  la  guerre," 
("  war  against  war  ")  meeting  of  the  International  So- 
cialists in  Brussels.  That  afternoon  socialist  leaders 
from  all  over  Europe  had  gathered  in  la  Maison  du  Peuple, 
the  headquarters  of  the  triple  alliance  of  labor,  so- 
cialism and  cooperation,  to  determine  the  fate  of  the  In- 
ternational Socialist  Congress  scheduled  for  Vienna  on 
August  23.  Socialists  of  all  lands  had  been  looking  for- 
ward to  this  congress  with  great  eagerness,  for  here  they 
had  planned  to  celebrate  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the 
first  International  and  here  they  expected  to  see  staged 
the  greatest  of  all  debates  on  the  procedure  of  the  socialist 
movement  in  case  of  threatened  war.  The  delegates  in 
Brussels  had  decided  to  transfer  the  meeting  place  of  the 
congress  from  Vienna  to  Paris,  to  change  the  date  from 
August  23  to  August  9,  and  to  make  the  problem  of  war 
the  chief  subject  on  the  agenda. 

That  night,  before  many  thousands  of  workers  who 
crowded  the  Royal  Theater,  the  leaders  of  international 
socialism  urged  the  workers  of  Europe  to  stand  firm 
against  the  onrushing  avalanche  of  war.  And  after  the 
meeting,  with  cries  of  guerre  a  la  guerre,  a  bas  la  guerre, 
with  the  ringing  words  of  the  Marseillaise  and  the  Inter- 
nationale — "  the  International  Party  shall  be  the  human 
race," —  the  great  gathering  marched  down  the  Boule- 
vard du  Jardin  Botanique,  down  past  the  Gare  du  "Nord 
and  finally  dispersed  in  the  stillness  of  the  night. 


2  INTRODUCTION 

The  next  day  I  lunched  with  the  French  Deputy,  Jean 
Longuet,  the  grandson  of  Marx.  He  had  been  trying  to 
get  into  communication  with  Paris.  He  was  told  that  it 
would  take  hours  before  he  could  obtain  telephone  con- 
nections with  that  city,  while  telegrams  and  letters  were 
being  held  up  by  the  thousands.  The  last  group  of 
delegates  to  the  Brussels  conference  left  that  day  for  their 
respective  countries  to  assist  in  stemming  the  tide  of  war. 
All  were  looking  forward  to  intimate  exchanges  of  plans 
before  the  Paris  Congress  and  to  a  concerted  program  at 
that  gathering  that  would  force  their  governments  to  pre- 
serve the  peace.  The  French  socialists,  a  few  days  before, 
had  already  gone  on  record  in  favor  of  a  general  strike  in 
case  of  threatened  war,  provided  the  socialists  of  the  Cen- 
tral Powers  pledged  themselves  to  the  same  line  of  action, 
but  only  in  such  case.  They  hoped  to  secure  an  agree- 
ment at  Paris.  This  might  save  the  situation. 

But  their  hopes  were  in  vain.  As  lightning  from  the 
sky,  the  war  descended.  After  the  Brussels  gathering, 
it  was  practically  impossible  for  the  socialists  of  more 
than  two  or  three  countries  to  get  into  communication 
with  each  other.  And  within  a  few  days  the  "  comrades  " 
of  the  various  countries  of  Europe  were  pitted  in  battle 
against  one  another. 

"  The  International  is  dead,"  "  socialism  is  destroyed,'* 
were  heard  on  all  sides.  But  hardly  had  the  word  been 
spoken  than  other  forces  were  let  loose  out  of  the  flame 
of  war  destined  to  render  socialism  a  far  greater  power 
than  ever  before. 

Socialists  for  years  had  centered  their  attacks  against 
the  wastes  of  competition.  Their  arguments  received 
scant  attention.  Then  came  the  war.  Millions  of  men 
were  taken  from  normal  industrial  life  and  sent  to  the 


INTRODUCTION  3 

front,  to  war  industries.  Vast  amounts  of  property  were 
destroyed.  More  economical  methods  of  production  and 
distribution  must  be  devised  in  order  that  those  remain- 
ing in  industry  might  be  enabled  to  supply  sufficient  neces- 
sities to  the  community.  Forced  by  the  exigencies  of  the 
case,  many  in  all  belligerent  lands  who  had  formerly 
scoffed  at  the  inefficiency  of  collectivism,  instinctively 
turned  to  collective  control  as  the  best  method  of  reduc- 
ing waste  and  exploitation.  As  a  result,  the  railroads, 
shipping,  telegraph,  telephone,  mining,  food,  ammunition, 
housing  and  innumerable  other  industries  were  placed  un- 
der government  control  in  various  countries.  In  Eng- 
land, according  to  the  economist  John  A.  Hobson,  the 
war  advanced  state  socialism  by  half  a  century. 

State  socialism  is  not  the  democratic  socialism  toward 
which  the  socialists  are  striving.  Socialists  desire 
democratic  control  of  socially  necessary  industries  as 
well  as  public  ownership.  They  insist  that  the  indus- 
trial system  that  regards  labor  as  a  commodity  and  that 
lavishes  unearned  wealth  upon  the  few,  be  abolished. 
However,  they  do  not  ignore  the  importance  of  this  war- 
collectivism,  which  in  many  countries  has  smashed  forever 
the  old  individualism  and  which  is  definitely  shifting  the 
ground  of  debate  from  that  of  individualism  versus  social- 
ism to  that  of  bureaucratic  state  socialism  versus  demo- 
cratic socialism. 

The  war  concentrated  attention  also  on  the  evils  of 
bureaucratic  control.  As  a  reaction  against  that  control 
are  found  the  recent  development  of  the  industrial  coun- 
cils and  the  shop  stewards'  movement  of  England,  the 
growing  popularity  of  guild  socialism  and  the  increased 
representation  of  labor  on  the  boards  of  many  public  in- 


4  INTRODUCTION 

dust ries.  Thus,  democratic  management  in  industry  — 
a  tenet  of  the  socialist  philosophy  —  is  gradually  evolv- 
ing under  our  very  eyes. 

Furthermore,  the  war  witnessed  the  development  of  the 
power  and  social  purposefulness  of  the  labor  and  social- 
ist movements.  During  the  stress  and  strain  of  war, 
Russia  passed  from  black  autocracy  to  a  soviet  republic; 
Hungary  followed  suit,  only  to  be  forced  back  into  a 
temporary  Hapsburg  control  by  grace  of  Allied  arms ; 
Germany  and  Austria  bade  farewell  to  their  strong 
monarchical  governments  and  ushered  in  republics  pre- 
sided over  by  Majority  socialists,  and  pressed  increas- 
ingly by  the  demands  of  the  masses  for  complete  social- 
ization of  industry.  In  Great  Britain,  the  British  Labor 
Party  ended  the  war  the  chief  opposition  party  in 
Parliament,  bent  on  a  complete  reconstruction  of  the 
present  industrial  order,  with  the  labor  movement  on 
its  industrial  side  ever  more  unified,  ever  more  militant. 
In  fact,  in  every  nation  where  capitalism  had  obtained 
a  foothold,  the  struggle  of  the  masses  for  industrial  dem- 
ocracy, for  socialism,  during  this  period  gained  increased 
momentum,  while  within  the  socialist  movement  a  signifi- 
cant shift  was  evidenced  in  almost  every  country  toward 
a  more  radical  position  than  that  held  prior  to  the  war. 

The  development  of  the  trade  union,  cooperative  and 
feminist  movements  during  the  war,  the  bringing  of  many 
of  the  reactionary  peasants  of  Europe  face  to  face  with 
modern  industry,  the  impetus  given  to  the  study  of  the 
causes  of  war  and  the  necessity,  following  the  coming  of 
peace,  of  a  fundamental  program  of  readjustment  if  the 
problems  of  unemployment,  of  housing,  of  the  high  cost 
of  living,  are  to  be  met  with  any  adequacy,  are  among  the 


INTRODUCTION  5 

other  factors  which  will  inevitably  turn  increasing  atten- 
tion in  the  near  future  to  the  socialist  program. 

The  war  has  likewise  given  encouragement  to  certain 
forces  of  reaction  throughout  the  world.  It  has  whetted 
the  appetite  of  "  big  business  "  for  the  exploitation  of 
undeveloped  countries  and  for  the  adoption  by  their  gov- 
ernments of  a  program  of  imperialism.  It  has  tempor- 
arily strengthened  the  military  machine,  led  to  the  sweep- 
ing aside  of  civil  rights,  accelerated  the  concentration  of 
industries,  amassed  huge  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  a  few 
and  given  unheard  of  powers  to  political  bureaucrats.  A 
reaction  after  the  war  against  all  of  these  conservative 
forces  and  a  belief  that  only  through  a  proletarian  move- 
ment with  a  socialist  vision  can  the  evil  effects  of  these 
tendencies  be  checked  might  well  serve  also  to  rally  the 
forces  of  democracy  in  the  future  to  the  support  of  so- 
cialism. 


PART  I 
SOCIALIST  THOUGHT 


SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT 
AND  ACTION 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  SOCIALIST  INDICTMENT:  I.  ECONOMIC 
AND  HUMAN  WASTES 

The  Motive  of  Socialist  Activity. —  The  belief  that  so- 
cialism is  destined  to  constitute  the  next  step  in  industrial 
evolution  has  sustained  the  modern  socialist  in  his  strug- 
gle against  present  conditions.  The  passionate  devotion 
of  millions  of  men  and  women  to  the  socialist  cause,  how- 
ever, can  be  accounted  for  primarily  by  the  profound  con- 
viction that  socialism  would  eradicate  the  burning  evils  of 
modern  civilization  and  usher  in  an  era  of  equality  of  op- 
portunity and  of  genuine  brotherhood.  No  group  of 
social  thinkers  has  done  more  telling  work  than  have  the 
socialists  in  analyzing  and  exposing  present-day  evils. 

Character  of  Socialist  Indictment. —  The  indictment 
of  the  socialists  has  differed  widely  from  that  of  numerous 
other  critics.  Socialists  have  never  sought  to  call  again 
into  being  "  the  good  old  days  of  the  past."  To  the  ex- 
tent that  they  have  consistently  followed  their  philosophy, 
they  have  refused  to  attribute  fundamental  social  ills  to 
the  activities  of  "  malefactors  of  great  wealth  "  or  to  "  the 
innate  wickedness  of  human  nature." 

9 


10      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

They  have  endeavored  to  evaluate  capitalism  rather 
than  to  indulge  in  wholesale  condemnation,  and  have  freely 
contended  that  the  present  economic  order  is  a  distinct 
advance  over  former  industrial  systems.  Few  more  im- 
pressive testimonials  to  the  achievements  of  capitalism 
have,  in  fact,  been  written  than  that  of  Marx  and  Engels 
in  The  Communist  Manifesto,  published  in  1848.  The 
capitalist  class,  they  held  in  part, 

"  during  its  rule  of  scarce  one  hundred  years  has  created 
more  massive  and  more  colossal  productive  forces  than  have 
all  preceding  generations  together.  Subjection  of  nature's 
forces  to  man,  machinery,  application  of  chemistry  to  in- 
dustry and  agriculture,  steam-navigation,  railways,  electric 
telegraphs,  clearing  of  whole  continents  for  cultivation,  canali- 
zation of  rivers,  whole  populations  conjured  out  of  the  ground 
—  what  earlier  century  has  even  a  presentiment  that  such 
productive  forces  slumbered  in  the  lap  of  social  labor  ?  "  ' 

Socialists  do  not  necessarily  base  their  advocacy  of  a 
new  social  order  on  the  ground  that  the  lot  of  the  workers 
is  becoming  absolutely  worse.2  They  do  believe,  however, 
that  capitalism  is  failing  properly  to  utilize  the  marvelous 
productive  forces  at  its  command;  that  the  hand  and 
brain  workers  are  sharing  but  inadequately  in  the  in- 
creased productivity  of  modern  industry ;  that  capitalism 
retards  the  development  of  individuality  among  the  masses 
of  mankind  and  that,  having  largely  performed  its  social 
function  and  outgrown  its  usefulness,  it  should  yield  to  a 
more  scientific  and  equitable  industrial  order  than  at 
present  exists. 

K'ommunitt    Mamftito,    published    by    Socialist    Literature    Co., 
N.  Y.,  1919,  p.  19. 
•  See  discussion  in  C'h.  IV  under  "Increasing  Misery." 


WASTES  IN  PRODUCTION  11 

WASTES    OF    CAPITALISM 

Failure  to  Utilize  Productive  Forces. — There  are 
many  counts  in  the  socialist  indictment.  One  of  the  chief 
of  these  is  that  capitalism  involves  enormous  wastes  in 
material  and  in  men,  both  in  the  realm  of  production  and 
in  that  of  distribution.  Under  capitalism,  a  lamentably 
small  percentage  of  workers  engaged  in  gainful  occupa- 
tions are  actually  employed  as  direct  producers  of  essen- 
tial commodities.3  This  was  illustrated  during  the  war, 
when  tens  of  thousands  engaged  in  non-essential  industries 
were  transferred  by  government  order  into  other  occupa- 
tions with  little  stoppage  of  wealth  production. 

Many  of  the  goods  produced  for  profit,  furthermore, 
have  but  little  merit.  "  Twenty  per  cent,  of  the  material 
used  by  the  British,  woolen  and  worsted  industries  .  .  . 
consists  of  shoddy."  4  "  Sham,  shoddy  and  make-believe 
— these  are  erected  in  the  form  of  houses,  sewn  up  in  the 
form  of  suits,  packed  in  tins  to  mock  children  as  food, 
made  the  sole  occupation  of  millions  of  quite  honest 
people."  5 

In  the  realm  of  food  production,  Dr.  Lewis  B.  Allyn 
recently  declared  that  between  eight  and  fifteen  per  cent, 
of  the  foods  sold  were  debased.6 

s  See  Chiozzo  Money,  in  Socialism  and  the  Great  State,  edited 
by  Wells  and  others,  p.  79. 

*  Wells  and  others,  op.  cit.,  p.  85. 

'•>  Money,  Riches  and  Poverty,  p.  247. 

«  Harris,  Cooperation  The  Hope  of  the  Consumer,  p.  24.  Among 
the  useless  or  harmful  occupations  cited  a  few  years  ago,  prior  to 
the  Pure  Food  Law,  by  social  investigators  —  many  of  these  oc- 
cupations still  continuing  until  today  —  are  the  dressing  up  of 
calicoes  with  paste,  tallow,  china  clay  and  size,  the  freshening  of  peas 
with  copper  salts,  the  filling  of  cherries  with  glucose  and  crimsoning 
them  with  aniline,  the  concocting  of  lemon  essence  out  of  coal-tar 
dyes,  the  supplying  of  alum  baking  powder  with  pulverized  rock, 
the  adulteration  of  milk  with  formaldehyde,  the  touching  up  of  tea 


12      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Diversion  of  Industry  to  Luxuries. — A  large  amount 
of  labor  also  goes  into  the  production  of  expensive  luxu- 
ries and  personal  services  which  afford  comparatively 
little  additional  happiness  to  their  recipients,  while  di- 
verting the  energies  of  thousands  from  the  production  of 
the  necessities  of  life  for  the  many.  Witness,  for  in- 
stance, the  vast  army  of  menial  servants,  lackeys,  chauf- 
feurs, caterers,  governesses,  private  tutors,  grooms,  mak- 
ers of  expensive  dresses,  furniture  and  houses,  and  shop- 
keepers who  cater  solely  to  the  peculiar  tastes  of  the 
rich.  The  outlay  of  energy  and  money  for  lavish  fetes 
with  their  expensive  menus,  singers  and  vaudeville  per- 
formers, their  dazzling  electrical  decorations  and  expen- 
sive cotillion  favors ;  the  outlay  for  luxurious  winter 
homes  on  Fifth  Avenue  and  at  Palm  Beach,  and  for  sum- 
mer homes  in  Newport  and  the  Adirondacks,  for  yachts 
and  autos  and  studs  of  horses,  and  for  an  endless  variety 
of  other  luxuries, —  constitutes  an  enormous  social  waste 
in  productive  effort.7 

with  graphite,  the  selling  of  Brazilian  peaberry  for  Mocha  coffee. 
(See  Ghent,  Mast  and  Class,  pp.  180-192,  Rauschenbusch,  Christian- 
ity  and  the  Social  Crisis,  p.  269.) 

In  more  recent  years,  after  the  passage  of  Pure  Food  laws,  Alfred 
M.  McCann  of  the  New  York  Globe  estimated  that  probably  3,000,- 
000  people  were  made  ill  in  this  country  every  year  with  adulterated 
foods.  Gaston  G.  Netter,  President  of  the  International  Pure  Food 
Association,  stated  that  40  per  cent,  of  the  food  entering  New 
York  should  be  thrown  away.  "  The  people  here  in  New  York  City 
are  being  hourly  poisoned  by  food  labeled  as  absolutely  pure." 
(See  Harris,  Cooperation  The  Hope  of  the  Consumer,  p.  24  et  seq.) 

i  Cleveland  Moffitt's  estimate  in  1905  (Success  Magazine,  Feb. 
1905),  of  the  yearly  expenditure  of  one  of  New  York's  multi- 
millionaires, is  of  interest: 

Yearly 
estimate 
Running  expenses  of  house  in  Newport  and  New  York  with 

wages  and  salaries  to,  say  25  people,  with  food,  wines,  etc., 

but    no    entertaining    , $30,000 


WASTES  IN  PRODUCTION  13 

Wastes  in  Manufacturing. —  Even  when  labor  is  ex- 
pended in  producing  actual  necessities  of  life,  many  wastes 
are  in  evidence  that  could  be  eliminated  under  a  co- 
operative system.  This  is  indicated  in  the  manufacturing 
industries.  In  1914,  according  to  the  Bureau  of  Census, 
there  were  in  the  United  States  275,791  manufacturing 
concerns  —  including  59,317  establishments  connected 
with  food  and  kindred  products ;  42,036  dealing  in  lumber 
and  its  remanuf acture ;  22,995  in  the  textile  industry  and 
17,  719  in  the  iron  and  steel  industry.  Each  one  of  these 
plants  demands  separate  buildings,  space,  machinery  and 
other  equipment  and  a  separate  labor  force.  Each  re- 
quires the  keeping  of  separate  accounts  and  the  dispatch- 
Yearly 
estimate 
Expenses  of  entertaining,  brilliant  balls,  dinners,  fetes, 

flowers,  etc $  50,000 

Steam  Yacht  50,000 

Expenses  of  stable  and  stud  farm  with  wages  of,  say,  30 

men 40,000 

Grounds,  greenhouses,  gardens  with  wages  of,  say,  20  men . . .  20,000 
Expenses  of  two  other  places,  say  at  Palm  Beach  and  in 

the  Adirondacks 20,000 

Clothes  for  husband  and  wife,  daughters  and  youngest 

children  20,000 

Pocket  money  for  husband  and  wife,  daughters  and  younger 

children  50,000 

Automobiles  10,000 

Traveling  expenses  with  private  cars,  special  suites  on 

steamers,  at  hotels,  etc 10,000 


Total    $300,000 

"  Three  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year,  without  counting  gifts 
and  charities,  doctors  and  trained  nurses,  new  horses  and  auto- 
mobiles, new  furniture  and  jewelry,  pet  dogs  with  fiir-trimmed 
coats,  talking  dolls  with  lace  dresses  at  one  hundred  dollars  each, 
and  numberless  other  things,  not  to  omit  various  follies,  possibly 
gambling  with  thousands  of  dollars  risked  by  the  ladies  at  '  bridge ' 
and  tens  of  thousands  by  the  men  at  faro,  roulette  and  baccarat." 


14      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ing  of  separate  corps  of  purchasing  and  selling  agents  to 
sellers  and  buyers.  Each  employs  highly  paid  workers 
to  obtain  financial  credit,  to  fix  prices,  to  examine  inven- 
tions, to  gauge  the  future  demands  of  the  market,  to  sell 
stocks.  Even  though  every  one  of  these  plants  were 
thoroughly  utilized  and  employed  the  best  modern  ma- 
chinery, mere  duplication  of  effort  would  involve  enor- 
mous wastes. 

However,  a  survey  of  these  concerns  indicates  many 
auxiliary  wastes.  Over  one-third  (97,061)  did  a  business 
each  year  of  less  than  $5,000 ;  a  slightly  less  number  (87»- 
981),  a  business  of  from  $5,000  to  $20,000  and  but  3,819 
sold  $1,000,000  worth  of  goods  or  over  —  although  this 
last  named  group  produced  nearly  one-half  (48.6  per 
cent.)  of  the  manufactured  output  of  the  year.  These 
smaller  industries  in  large  numbers  of  instances  fail  to  use 
the  most  improved  of  modern  appliances.  In  some  in- 
stances such  inefficiency  is  due  to  lack  of  enterprise;  in 
others,  to  lack  of  capital  and  to  the  small  capacity  of  the 
plants ;  in  still  others,  to  patent  monopolies  of  competitors. 
The  smaller  concerns  must  likewise  buy  and  sell  in  moder- 
ate quantities.  They  are  generally  unable  to  utilize  valu- 
able by-products,  to  carry  on  subsidiary  processes,  to 
conduct  investigating  departments,  to  employ  the  best 
talent,  to  adopt  the  latest  administrative  devices,  or  to 
take  advantage  of  many  other  economical  methods.8 

That  society  could  easily  dispense  with  many  of  them 
without  a  decrease  in  the  social  product  is  vividly  illus- 
trated whenever  a  trust  is  formed.  Prior  to  the  organ- 
ization of  the  sugar  "  trust,"  of  the  forty  refiners  in  the 
United  States,  eighteen  had  become  bankrupt.  Of  the 
twenty-two  remaining,  eighteen  combined.  "  Of  the  re- 

•  Von  Hise,  Concentration  and  Control,  pp.  8-17 ;  Hohson,  p.  88. 
TJi«  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism,  pp.  128-9. 


WASTES  IN  PRODUCTION  15 

fineries  belonging  to  these  eighteen,  eleven  were  closed, 
leaving  seven  to  do  profitably  the  work  which  had  previ- 
ously been  done  unprofitably  by  forty."  9 

Large,  centralized  concerns  are  also,  under  competitive 
conditions,  inadequately  utilized.  Many  are  completely, 
others  partially  closed  a  considerable  portion  of  the  year. 
This  is  true  during  normal  times.10  In  periods  of  de- 
pression the  situation  becomes  tragic.  When  the  panic  of 
1907  swept  over  the  country,  even  the  steel  trust  reduced 
its  output  to  a  little  over  4»0  per  cent,  of  its  capacity. 

Wastes  in  Agriculture — The  wastes  arising  from 
duplication  in  competitive  manufacture  are  repeated  on 
an  even  larger  scale  in  agriculture.  In  this  country 
there  are  more  than  6,000,000  separate  farms,  each  re- 
quiring the  upkeep  of  separate  live  stock,  houses,  barns, 
fences,  machinery  and  other  equipment;  each  demanding 
separate  journeys  to  markets  for  purchases  or  sales;  each 
necessitating  separate  haggling  over  crops.  A  very  con- 
siderable proportion  of  these  farms  still  use  antiquated 
machinery,  through  lack  of  capital  or  enterprise,  while  the 
improved  machinery  is  seldom  used  to  full  capacity. 

The  present  system  "  requires  that  each  farm  should  be 
a  complete  industrial  unit.  This  means  that  several  kinds 
of  crops  must  be  raised  to  maintain  a  proper  '  rotation  ' 
and  several  varieties  of  live  stock  must  be  kept.  When 
the  calamities  of  nature  are  not  averted  by  cooperative 
effort,  but  must  be  borne  by  the  individual,  the  small 
farmer  dare  not  *  put  all  his  eggs  in  one  basket.'  "  ll  Soil 
is  thus  used  that  is  frequently  ill-adapted  to  particular 
crops. 

9  Kelly,  Twentieth  Century  Socialism,  p.  61. 

10  Conditions  of  Employment,  Iron  and  Steel  Industry,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  212-3 -,  see  also  Wells  and  others,  op.  cit.,  p.  93. 

11  Simons,  Wasting  Human  Life,  p.  21. 


16      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

There  is,  moreover,  little  specialization  on  the  average 
farm.  To  perform  his  tasks  efficiently,  the  farmer  should 
be  an  expert  cultivator,  chemist,  veterinary,  machinist, 
carpenter,  painter,  buyer,  seller,  investor,  employer,  etc. 
This  is  practically  an  impossible  task.  Most  farmers  are 
expert  in  none  of  these  activities.  They  are  content  with 
being  "  practical  "  men  and  muddle  along.  Such  lack  of 
specialization  spells  enormous  wastes.  The  yield  per  acre 
is  generally  far  from  the  maximum.12  Nor  is  there  any 
guarantee,  even  granting  favorable  weather,  that  the  crop 
finally  produced  will  be  adjusted  to  the  demands  of  the 
community. 

Furthermore,  after  a  crop  has  been  gathered,  the  lack 
of  transportation  facilities,  the  high  freight  charges  under 
private  ownership,  and  the  profits  of  speculators  and  mid- 
dlemen frequently  render  selling  so  unprofitable  that  the 
product  is  destroyed  or  left  to  rot,  while  the  poor  of  the 
city  remain  hungry.  "  In  recent  years,"  declared  a  Bul- 
letin of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  "  100,000  car- 
loads of  agricultural  products  went  to  waste  in  the  United 
States."18 

Nor  are  the  food  properties  of  the  crop  properly  taken 
advantage  of.  H.  M.  Cottrell,  Agricultural  Commis- 
sioner, Rock  Island  Railroad,  for  instance,  in  dealing  with 
the  corn  crop,  declares  that  "  at  least  90  per  cent,  of  the 
feed  value  of  the  stalk  is  lost  under  the  present  system  of 
farm  management  —  a  waste  with  this  crop  alone  of  nine 
hundred  million  dollars  yearly."  14 

12  See  Kropotkin,  Field*,  Factoriet  and  Workihopt,  p.  74  <t  teq.; 
Bertram!  Russell,  Propoied  Roods  to  Freedom,  p.  89  et  teq. 

*a  C.  E.  Bassett  and  Others,  Cooperating  Marketing  and  Financing 
of  Marketing  Attociationi,  Year-book  of  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture, 1914,  p.  198. 

14  Quoted  in  Simons,  Watting  Human  Life,  p.  98. 


WASTES  IN  PRODUCTION  17 

Municipal,  state  and  federal  governments,  through  agri- 
cultural departments,  colleges  and  protective  legislation, 
as  well  as  cooperative  leagues  are  reducing  some  of  these 
wastes.  They  have  not,  however,  affected  the  wastes  in- 
herent in  the  running  of  millions  of  separate,  uncoordi- 
nate  farm  properties. 

Social  Losses  in  Natural  Resources. —  Nor  are  social 
losses  evidenced  only  in  private  manufacture  and  farming. 
They  are  seen  as  well  in  the  exploitation  of  natural  re- 
sources for  private  gain.  Billions  of  cubic  feet  of  gas 
are  wasted  yearly  in  order  to  gain  greater  profits  on  oil. 
Oil  is  "  recklessly  squandered,"  while  thousands  of  tons 
of  coal,  copper,  lumber  and  other  natural  resources  are 
annually  lost  beyond  recovery  in  the  mines  and  forest, 
because  their  conservation  would  tend  to  interfere  with 
the  declaring  of  big  dividends. 

The  yearly  loss  in  natural  gas  is  noteworthy.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Geological  Survey,  the  statistics  for 
1910  showed  that  some  480,000,000,000  cubic  feet 
of  gas  were  turned  into  the  atmosphere  and  forever 
lost.15 

Professor  I.  C.  White,  the  state  geologist  of  West  Vir- 
ginia, declared  a  few  years  ago  that  the  waste  of  gas  in 
that  state  was  equivalent  to  what  the  waste  of  coal  would 
be  if,  at  the  rate  of  a  car  a  minute,  "  not  for  one  week 
only,  or  for  one  month,  but  for  twenty  years,  a  forty-five 
ton  car  of  coal  had  been  dumped  into  an  abyss  from 
which  it  could  never  be  recovered  " ;  and  that  "  some  un- 
seen power  .  .  .  has  so  far  thwarted  and  palsied  every 
effort  of  the  legislature  to  save  .  .  .  this  priceless  heri- 
tage." As  a  result  of  this  profligacy,  it  has  been  esti- 

i5  Van  Hise,  Concentration  and  Control,  p.  94. 
i«  Ibid.,    The    Conservation   of   Natural   Resources   in   the    U.   8., 
p.  59. 


18     SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

mated  that  most  of  the  fields  worth  while  will  have  been 
exhausted  in  the  next  score  of  years.17 

Wastes  of  Advertising. —  The  chief  wastes  dealt  with 
by  socialists,  however,  are  generally  those  connected  with 
the  distribution  of  commodities.  Competition  demands 
the  expenditure  of  enormous  sums  in  securing  a  market,  in 
"  drumming  up  trade."  First  come  the  voluminous  cor- 
respondence with  prospective  customers,  and  the  compila- 
tion and  mailing  of  countless  circulars,  calendars,  sam- 
ples and  prizes  to  induce  the  customer  to  buy.  The  one 
item  of  newspaper  advertising  is  enormous  and  is  growing 
by  leaps  and  bounds.  The  Census  of  Manufactures,  Bul- 
letin of  1910,  says: 

"  The  income  of  newspapers  and  periodicals  from  subscrip- 
tions, sales  and  advertising  was  $337,596,285  in  1909,  as  com- 
pared with  $175,789,610  in  1899,  the  rate  of  increase  for  the 
decade  being  92  per  cent,  of  the  total  income  from  these 
sources,  that  from  advertising  formed  60  per  cent,  in  1909 
and  54.4  per  cent,  in  1899,  having  increased  much  faster  than 
that  from  subscriptions  and  sales." 

The  cost  of  brilliantly  displayed  "  ads  "  in  magazines  is 
also  becoming  increasingly  great.18  And  besides  all  this, 
there  are  the  ever  present  miscellaneous  "  ads  "  that  be- 
smirch the  city  and  countryside.  "  The  greater  portion 
of  down-town  illumination,  the  multiplicity  of  electric 
signs,  on  side-walk  and  housetop  .  .  .  the  desecration  of 

"  Van  Hise,  op.  cti.,  p.  60. 

In  dealing  with  the  coal  situation,  Dr.  Holmes  has  the  following  to 
gay  (see  Van  Hise,  Concentration  and  Control,  p.  90):  "With  all 
modern  improvements  not  more  than  50  per  cent,  of  the  anthracite 
coal  in  the  areas  mined  is  being  brought  to  the  surface.  The  re- 
mainder of  it,  now  aggregating  80,000,000  tons  a  year,  is  being  left 
under  ground  in  such  a  condition  as  to  make  its  future  recovery 
difficult,  if  not  impossible.  .  .  ." 

*•  See  Reeve,  The  Cott  of  Competition,  p.  £49. 


WASTES  IN  DISTRIBUTION  19 

cliff  and  field  with  thousands  of  hideous  emblazonments; 
the  sandwich  man  and  the  fake  orientals  who  perambulate 
the  streets;  the  inharmonious  confusion  of  street  signs," 
all  figure  in  the  merry  game  of  advertising  as  well  as  in 
the  price  of  the  article  to  the  consumer.19 

Latterly  the  business  of  advertising  is  being  regarded 
to  an  increasing  extent  as  a  highly  paid  profession.  Spe- 
cial schools  are  established  to  teach  this  new  art;  colleges 
are  giving  extensive  courses  therein.  Periodicals  are  vie- 
ing  with  each  other  in  the  elucidation  of  its  intricacies, 
and  long  volumes  are  describing  the  psychological  methods 
whereby  an  unsophisticated  public  may  be  induced  to  pur- 
chase goods  of  plus  and  minus  merit  with  joyful  exaltation. 

Diversion  of  Productive  Workers. —  These  advertising 
campaigns  involve  the  labor  not  only  of  those  profession- 
ally engaged  in  the  advertising  business,  but  of  a  host  of 
workers  in  a  large  variety  of  trades. 

In  the  printing  trades  a  considerable  portion  of  workers 
ranking  in  the  census  as  engaged  in  production  are  busy 
at  printing  "  not  books  or  newspapers,  or  magazines,  but 
advertising  matter,  competitive  price  lists,  wrappers,  trade 
labels,  bill-heads,  account  books,  posters,  etc.,  which  are 
merely  called  into  existence  by  the  struggle  of  various  com- 
petitive sellers  to  reach  the  consumer,"  20  and  which  could 
largely  be  eliminated  under  a  cooperative  system  of  in- 
dustry. Much  of  this  matter  is  misleading;  some  of  it, 
issued  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving.  The  reader  must  pay 

19  See   Van   Hise,  Concentration  and  Control   (Revised   Edition), 
p.  89. 

20  Wells  and  others,  op.  cit.,  p.  82.     Mr.  A.  M.  Simons  calls  atten- 
tion to  a  well  known  mail-order  house  in  Chicago  which,  in  a  recent 
year,  published  two  editions  of  a  catalogue,  of  seven  million  copies 
each,    and    declares    that    "  the    labor    expended    in    the    printing    of 
catalogues  is  greater  than  that  expended  on  all  books  put  together." 
(Simons,  Watting  Human  Life,  p.  34.) 


20      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  price.  "  Many  other  trades  give  a  considerable 
amount  of  their  output  to  the  use  of  advertisements. 
Iron,  copper,  zinc,  enamel,  color,  ink,  paper,  string,  gum, 
wood  —  the  list  of  articles  which  are  built  up  into  adver- 
tisements to  deface  towns,  despoil  scenery,  and  confuse 
the  traveler."  21 

In  recent  years  advertisements  in  foods  have  presented 
many  absurdities. 

"  Enormous  sums  are  spent  by  competitive  firms  to  per- 
suade the  public  that  there  are  a  number  of  different  individual 
teas,  butters,  or  bacons.  Tea  bought  in  the  ordinary  process 
in  the  London  market  is  put  up  into  special  packets  and  la- 
beled with  fancy  names  and  advertised  in  terms  which  sug- 
gest that  it  possesses  individual  quality  like  a  Beethoven  sym- 
phony." " 

Evaluation  of  Advertising. —  It  is  of  course  true  that 
advertising  possesses  a  certain  economic  and  educational 
value.  But,  as  Professor  Jenks  points  out,  its  purpose 
"  is  not  chiefly  to  persuade  customers  to  buy  more  soaps 
or  spices,  but  to  use  Pear's  instead  of  Colgate's  ...  or 
one  favorite  brand  of  spices  instead  of  another."  23  "  We 
do  not  need  to  be  begged  to  buy  shoes  when  barefoot,  nor 
to  seek  food  when  hungry,"  .  .  .  declares  Mr.  Reeve. 
"  If  there  were  not  an  advertisement  issued,  not  a  solicit- 
ing salesman  in  the  land,  all  of  the  current  purchase  and 
consumption  of  standard  articles  would  continue.  Only 
novelties  would  need  to  be  announced."  24  He  adds  that 
at  present  "  there  are  no  fields  in  which  advertising  is  more 
frantic  .  .  .  than  in  the  staple  commodities."  Its  chief 

"  Ibid,  p.  83. 

22  I  hid.,  pp.  83,  84. 

2«  Jenks,  The  Trutt  Problem,  p.  29. 

2*  Reeve,  op.  cit.,  pp.  171-2. 


WASTES  IN  DISTRIBUTION  £1 

function,  as  Professor  Veblen  brings  out,  is  to  give  "  vendi- 
bility,"  not  serviceability  to  the  particular  goods.25 

Referring  to  the  effect  of  advertising  on  the  price  of 
the  commodity,  Professor  Jenks  declares  that  "  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  in  many  lines  it  would  be  possible,  if 
competitive  advertising  were  rendered  unnecessary,  to  fur- 
nish as  good  quality  of  goods  to  the  consumers,  permit 
them  to  pick  their  brands,  and  charge  them  only  one-half 
of  the  prices  paid  at  present,  while  still  leaving  the  manu- 
facturer a  profit  no  less  great  than  that  now  received."  26 

Traveling  Salesmen. —  Another  source  of  economic 
waste  under  competitive  conditions  is  the  system  of  com- 
mercial travelers.  In  1910,  163,620  such  salesmen  were 
reported  in  the  United  States.27  In  every  part  of  the 
country,  highly  skilled  and  highly  paid  salesmen  from 
competing  firms  weekly  make  expensive  trips  over  the  same 
routes,  stop  at  the  same  hotels  and  exhibit  samples  to  the 
same  store-keepers.  Carfare,  hotel  bills  and  incidentals 
mount  into  the  millions.  Millions  of  hours  are  wasted  in 
the  endeavor  to  persuade  weary  merchants  of  the  eternal 
virtues  of  particular  lines  of  goods,  and  of  the  huge  de- 
mand awaiting  their  purchase.  Under  a  cooperative  sys- 
tem, one  salesman  in  the  industry  could  exhibit  the  com- 
plete line  of  samples,  while  most  of  the  staple  articles 
could  be  ordered  by  mail.  That  the  work  of  many  of  these 
travelers  is  superfluous  from  the  standpoint  of  social  pro- 
duction is  indicated  by  the  ability  of  combinations  largely 
to  dispense  with  their  services.28 

26  Veblen,  The  Theory  of  Business  Enterprise,  p.  59. 
2«  Jenks,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 

27  Abstract  of  13th  Census,  p.  250. 

28  According   to   Mr.    P.   E.    Dowe,  president   of   the   Commercial 
Travelers'  National  League,  35,000  salesmen  were  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment by  the   formation  of  trusts,  while   the  earnings  of  25,000 
were   reduced  two-thirds.     (See  Report   of    U.   S.   Industrial   Com- 


2*      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Wastes  from  Producer  to  Consumer. —  Nor  does  the 
waste  of  distribution  end  here.  After  the  order  for  goods 
has  been  secured,  and  the  commodity  prepared  in  the  fac- 
tory, considerable  loss  is  incurred  in  transferring  the  com- 
modity to  the  consumer.  Eastern  factories,  in  supplying 
orders,  ship  bulky  commodities  to  the  west,  while  com- 
peting firms  send  freights  from  that  section  thousands  of 
miles  to  eastern  customers.  The  Tin  Plate  and  Steel 
Companies  saved  no  less  than  $500,000  a  year  29  by  elimi- 
nating such  cross  freights  through  combination. 

When  finally  the  commodity  arrives  at  the  city  of  its 
destination,  it  is  frequently  handled  by  hosts  of  middle- 
men—  jobbers,  wholesalers,  speculators,  retailers, —  be- 
fore reaching  the  consumer.30 

mission,  pp.  829-31,  Kelly,  Twentieth  Century  SocieUitm.  p.  95.  See 
also  Jenks,  op.  cit.,  p.  27,  and  Wells,  Tono  Bungay.) 

20  Jenks,  op.  cit.,  p.  S3.  During  the  European  war,  the  U.  S.  Fuel 
Administration  instituted  a  zoning  system,  under  which  cross  freights 
as  far  as  bituminous  coal  was  concerned  were  largely  eliminated. 
The  administration  reported  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  a  saving  of 
over  160,000,000  car  miles.  (Fuel  Facts,  U.  S.  Fuel  Administration, 
p.  19.) 

«°  In  dealing  with  the  method  of  distributing  food  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  the  Committee  on  Markets,  Prices  and  Costs  of  the  New 
York  State  Investigating  Committee  declared  that  one  store  existed 
in  New  York  City  to  every  250  inhabitants  —  about  20,000  stores  in 
all.  These  included  over  11,000  corner  grocery  stores,  over  6,000 
butcher  shops,  2,682  bakeries  and  from  4,000  to  5,000  pushcarts  in 
the  food  supply  business.  If  200  retail  markets,  situated  in  strategic 
places  in  the  city,  were  substituted  for  the  "  chaotic,  uneconomic, 
extravagant  and  wasteful  conditions  "  of  distributing  food  products 
then  in  vogue,  the  Committee  declared  that  a  saving  of  from 
$50,000,000  to  $100,000,000  a  year  would  be  effected.  (Report  of 
New  York  State  Food  Inveitigating  Committee,  1912,  p.  35. 
John  J.  Dillon  In  1916  estimated  a  possible  saving  several  times  as 
great. 

Dr.  Frederic  C.  Howe  deals  with  the  difficulty  entailed  by  the 
farmers  in  getting  goods  to  market.  "  The  city  is  blockaded  against 
them.  Often  their  produce  is  taken  by  the  commission  men  and 


WASTES  IN  DISTRIBUTION  23 

The  losses  involved  in  keeping  up  thousands  of  insignifi- 
cant retail  establishments,  each  with  its  separate  clerical 
force,  its  inadequate  stock  and  its  individual  accounts  and 
delivery  service  constitute  a  big  social  waste.  The  anar- 
chy of  competitive  delivery  also  involves  much  social  loss.31 
That  which  holds  true  of  the  distribution  of  food  pertains 
to  practically  every  other  necessity  of  life.32 

sold  and  the  farmers  are  advised  that  there  was  no  market  for  it  or 
that  it  had  to  be  destroyed  by  order  of  the  health  department.  At 
other  times  produce  fails  to  realize  enough  to  pay  freight  rates. 
Frequently  food  from  a  distance  is  permitted  to  spoil  or  is  thrown 
into  the  river,  to  keep  up  prices.  At  other  times,  it  is  held  up  by 
railroad  car  shortage  and  lack  of  terminal  facilities.  .  .  .  To  such  an 
extent  have  they  discouraged  the  farmers  of  New  York  that  of  the 
total  food  bill  of  the  city,  amounting  to  $800,000,000  a  year,  only 
5  per  cent,  or  $40,000,000  goes  to  the  farmers  of  the  State."  (Howe, 
The  High  Cost  of  Living  (1917),  pp.  65-68.) 

Emerson  P.  Harris  estimates  that  one-half  the  retail  price  goes 
for  distribution.  He  quotes  F.  E.  Ladd,  Food  Commissioner  of 
North  Dakota,  who  also  complains  vigorously  of  the  high  cost  of 
distribution.  "  It  costs  more  to  distribute  our  food  products  than  it 
does  to  produce  the  same,"  he  declares.  "Why  should  this  be? 
Why,  for  example,  should  the  producer  receive  31  per  cent,  and  the 
distributor  69  per  cent,  of  the  cost  paid  by  the  consumer  for  eggs? 
Why  should  the  farmer  receive  but  36.6  cents  on  every  dollar,  and 
the  distributor  63.4  cents  on  every  dollar  for  turkeys?"  (Harris, 
Cooperation  the  Hope  of  the  Consumer  (1917),  pp.  40-1.) 

si "  In  Rochester,7'  declared  Professor  Walter  Rauschenbusch, 
"28  milk  peddlers  travel  up  and  down  one  street  to  serve  79  liomes. 
On  another  route  57  milkmen  travel  30  miles  to  serve  363  homes; 
one  man  would  travel  two  miles  to  serve  them  all.  As  a  consequence 
of  this  waste  of  labor,  milk  is  dear  and  its  quality  uncertain." 
(Rauschenbusch,  Christianizing  the  Social  Order,  p.  170.)  There 
are  also  other  wastes  too  numerous  to  mention.  See  Grant,  Fair 
Play  for  the  Workers,  Ch.  IX,  for  further  examples. 

a2  The  U.  S.  Railroad  Administrators  claimed  that,  in  the  first 
year  of  its  work,  it  saved,  through  the  elimination  of  competition, 
$23,566,633  on  railroad  ticket  offices,  and  $7,000,000  on  advertising. 
There  were  also  considerable  reductions  in  the  routing  of  freight,  in 
legal  expenses,  salaries,  etc.  (See  Report  to  the  President,  by  Wm. 
G.  McAdoo,  Sept.  3,  1918.) 


24      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


WASTE    OF    HUMAN    LIFE 

Translated  into  human  terms,  the  foregoing  economic 
loss  means  tragic  waste  of  energy  and  life. 

The  evils  of  unemployment,  of  industrial  accidents  and 
preventable  diseases,  resulting  from  untoward  industrial 
conditions,  are  but  further  indications  of  the  manner  in 
which  modern  industry  fails  properly  to  utilize  its  wealth 
of  human  resources. 

Unemployment. —  Unemployment  of  greater  or  less  de- 
gree, due  to  the  anarchy  of  present-day  industry,  to  under- 
consumption, to  failure  of  business  concerns,  to  fluctua- 
tions of  seasonal  industry,  to  the  installation  of  new  in- 
ventions and  administrative  methods,  to  artificial  stimu- 
lation of  immigration,  to  industrial  disputes,  to  the  lack 
of  adequate  labor  exchanges  and  to  other  causes,  has  been 
a  persistent  concomitant  of  the  capitalist  system.33 

>8  Prior  to  the  war,  numerous  attempts  were  made  to  estimate  the 
amount  of  unemployment  in  the  United  States.  Dr.  I.  M.  Rubinow, 
in  summarizing  the  unemployment  survey  connected  with  the  1900 
census,  declared  that,  of  the  total  number  gainfully  employed  at 
that  time  (29,000,000),  "on  an  average  of  2,000,000  had  been  idle 
throughout  the  year."  (Rubinow,  Social  Insurance,  p.  445.)  The 
Federal  Immigration  Commission  in  1909  estimated  that  nearly  one- 
half  of  the  workers  (46.8  per  cent.)  were  out  of  a  job  two  months 
during  the  year,  and  that,  on  the  average,  the  male  worker  lost  ap- 
proximately three  months'  time  each  year.  (See  Lauck  and  Syden- 
stricker,  Condition*  of  Labor  in  American  Industries,  pp.  76-78.) 

After  a  survey  of  practically  all  the  data  available,  Lauck  and 
Sydenstricker  maintained,  in  1916,  that  the  average  wage-earner,  em- 
ployed in  the  principal  manufacturing  and  mining  industries  which 
operate  throughout  the  normal  year,  loses  from  10  per  cent,  to  20 
per  cent,  of  his  possible  working  time. 

During  periods  of  depression,  conditions  are  far  more  serious.  In 
February,  1915,  for  instance,  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics 
estimated  that  the  total  number  of  unemployed  in  New  York  City 
alone  approximated  338,000.  Two  months  later  the  Metropolitan 
Life  Insurance  Company  placed  the  number  of  jobless  men  in  this 
city  at  420,000.  (Lauck,  etc.,  op.  cit.,  p.  102.)  During  the  war, 


WASTE  OF  HUMAN  LIFE  25 

While  labor  exchanges  and  other  social  agencies  are 
seeking  to  ameliorate  this  problem,  certain  modern  de- 
velopments are  tending  to  make  it  more  acute.  One  is  the 
driving  of  workers  from  staple  industries  to  those  in  which 
the  demand  is  more  irregular,  and  employment,  therefore, 
mare  precarious.34  Another  development  is  the  establish- 
ment of  industries  depending  on  casual  workers  and  women 
and  children  who  are  willing  to  work  for  less  than  a  sub- 
sistence wage.35 

Causes  of  Unemployment. —  It  is  frequently  urged 
that  unemployment  is  due  largely  to  laziness,  not  to  in- 
ability to  obtain  work.  The  fallacy  of  such  a  statement, 
however,  has  been  demonstrated  in  many  investigations. 
According  to  trade  union  data  secured  during  the  five- 
year  period,  1907  to  1911  inclusive,  lack  of  work  was  the 
cause  at  the  end  of  March  each  year,  in  from  66.8  per 
cent,  to  89.6  per  cent,  of  the  cases.36 

Unemployment  prevents  efficient  production.  It  gen- 
erally means  for  the  unemployed  and  his  family  a  sub- 
normal standard  of  living,  untold  anxiety,  bitter  dis- 
couragement, depleted  efficiency  and  consequent  inability 
to  work  regularly.  It  frequently  leads  to  pauperism  and 
to  the  tragic  undermining  of  the  best  in  the  worker's 
character. 

While    unemployment    can    undoubtedly    be    alleviated 

there  was  little  unemployment.  With  the  coming  of  peace,  however, 
the  problem  is  again  returning.  The  U.  S.  Employment  Service  on 
June  19,  1919,  reported  241,046  unemployed  in  100  cities,  according 
to  advices  received  by  them.  A  further  social  waste,  indirectly  con- 
nected with  unemployment,  is  the  enormous  labor  turnover  in  modern 
industry.  (See  Problem  of  Labor  Turnover,  by  Paul  H.  Douglas, 
American  Economic  Review,  June,  1918,  pp.  306-16.) 

3*  Hobson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism,  p.  334. 

so  Lauck,  op.  tit.,  p.  76. 

36  Parmalee,  Poverty  and  Social  Progress,  p.  117.  See  also  Bul- 
letin of  the  Dept.  of  Labor,  No.  109  (1912),  pp.  31-2. 


36      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

under  the  system  of  private  ownership,  the  lack  of  any 
scientific  control  over  production  and  distribution,  the 
small  purchasing  power  of  the  mass  of  workers,  and  the 
fact  that  individual  capitalists  find  it  to  their  economic 
interests  to  maintain  a  reserve  army  of  the  unemployed, 
make  a  complete  solution  of  this  problem  under  capitalism 
extremely  difficult  if  not  impossible. 

Industrial  Accidents —  A  further  waste,  closely  re- 
lated to  the  profit  system,  is  found  in  the  thousands  of 
unnecessary  accidents  occurring  each  year  in  the  danger- 
ous battle  of  industry.  Dr.  Frederick  L.  Hoffman,  the 
statistician  of  the  Prudential  Life  Insurance  Company, 
conservatively  estimated  that  25,000  American  wage- 
earners  were  killed  in  our  industries  in  1913,  and  that 
nearly  three  quarters  of  a  million  (700,000)  were  dis- 
abled for  a  period  of  more  than  four  weeks.37  On  the 
railroads,  the  year  1916  yielded  no  less  than  9,364  deaths 
and  180,375  injuries.  Of  the  deaths,  a  minority  (2,687)  ; 
of  the  accidents,  a  large  majority  (160,663).  occurred 
among  the  railroad  workers.38 

While  the  carelessness  of  employees  and  the  unpre- 
ventable  hazards  of  industry  are  undoubtedly  responsible 
for  many  accidents,  the  failure  of  the  employer,  in  his 
race  for  profits,  to  place  proper  safeguards  around  the 
worker,39  the  greatly  increased  speed  of  modern  machinery 
and  the  fatigue  of  the  worker  at  the  fag  end  of  a  long  day 
are  responsible  for  large  numbers.40 

Stricter  factory   regulations,  workmen's  compensation 

•T  Hoffman,  Industrial  Accident  Statistic*,  p.  44. 

**  Statistical  Abstract,  1916,  p.  306. 

*•  In  1906,  it  was  stated  that,  in  Illinois,  100  men  were  killed  or 
crippled  in  the  factories  of  the  state  by  the  setscrew,  while  for 
thirty -five  cents  this  danger  device  could  have  been  recast  into  a 
safety-device.  (Brandeis,  liusinest,  a  Profeirion,  p.  59.) 

«o  Rubinow,  Social  Insurance,  Ch.  V. 


WASTE  OF  HUMAN  LIFE  27 

laws  and  other  collectivist  measures  are  forcing  more  ade- 
quate safeguards,  but,  hitherto,  the  profit  system  has 
placed  immense  obstacles  in  the  way  of  adequate  safe- 
guards. 

The  money  loss  of  such  accidents  to  industry  is  appar- 
ent. The  attending  tragedy  of  pain,  of  broken  hopes,  and 
actual  physical  want  which  these  industrial  mishaps  bring 
into  the  lives  of  tens  of  thousands  is  not  so  apparent  to 
the  cataloguer  of  cold  statistics,  but  is  no  less  real. 

Disease. —  A  further  social  and  economic  waste  is  ap- 
pearing in  the  startling  amount  of  sickness  and  death  due 
to  present  conditions.  Professor  Irving  Fisher  recently 
estimated  that  630,000  preventable  or  postponable  deaths 
and  1,500,000  preventable  cases  of  serious  illness  occurred 
in  the  United  States  every  year.41 

While  it  would  be  absurd  to  attribute  all  these  prevent- 
able cases  of  sickness  and  death  to  economic  conditions, 
it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  such  sickness  is  primarily  the 
direct  result  of  unsanitary  working  conditions  and  the 
poverty  of  the  masses,  with  its  attendant  "  bad  housing, 
inadequate  diet,  child  labor,  the  employment  of  mothers  in 
mills,  factories  and  stores,  the  uncertainty  of  family  in- 
come, inability  to  pay  for  proper  medical  attendance  and 
care,  alcoholism,  the  restriction  of  the  natural  desires  for 
normal  self-expression,  discouragement  and  mental  de- 
pression, physical  deterioration,  frequent  and  constant  ill- 
health.  .  .  .  Even  ignorance  ...  is  a  more  intimate 
companion  of  poverty  than  of  financial  competence  or  of 
wealth.42 

«i  Fisher,  Report  on  National  Vitality,  pp.  1,  119.  Dr.  B.  S. 
Warren  of  the  U.  S.  Public  Health  Services  estimates  (Report  of 
Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  p.  124),  that  each  of  the  thirty 
odd  million  wage  earners  loses  through  sickness  an  average  of  9 
days  a  year. 

42  Lauck  and  Sydenstricker,  op.  cit.,  pp.  345-6. 


28      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Poverty  and  Disease. —  Overcrowding,  low  wages  and 
sickness  have  always  been  boon  companions.  The  Federal 
Children's  Bureau  recently  discovered,  in  a  survey  of 
Johnstown,  Pa.,  that  infant  mortality  in  families  where 
the  father  earned  less  than  $10  a  week  was  three  times  as 
great  as  in  those  where  the  weekly  income  was  $23  or 
more.48 

In  1913  the  tuberculosis  rate  in  the  Washington  Street 
district,  New  York  City,  where  over  half  the  families  live 
in  two  rooms,  was  four  times  as  great  as  the  rate  generally 
prevalent.44 

Bad  shop  conditions  are  a  prolific  cause  of  disease. 
Sickness  due  to  phosphorus,  lead,  mercury  and  arsenic 
poisonings,  to  metals,  dust,  heat,  cold,  confined  air,  over- 
crowding, compressed  air,  excessive  light,  undue  strain  on 
particular  sets  of  muscles,  nerves  and  senses,  play  havoc 
with  thousands. 

The  International  Association  of  Labor  Legislation 
recently  enumerated  53  classes  of  poisons  and  hundreds 
of  branches  of  industry  in  which  these  poisons  were  ever 
present.45  "  There  is  hardly  any  line  of  modern  manu- 
facture free  from  the  dangers  of  industrial  poisoning." 
While  model  factories  exist,  they  are  in  the  minority.47 
Conditions  in  such  metal  trades  as  the  zinc  industry  are 
particularly  bad.48 

So  grave  has  been  this  problem  that  Dr.  Hoffman  con- 
cluded in  1908  that,  by  proper  attention  to  factory  con- 
ditions, an  annual  saving  would  have  been  effected  of  ap- 

43  ibid.,  348. 

44  Lauck,  op.  cit.,  p.  336. 

46  Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  Nos.  86  and  100. 
4«  Rubinow,  Social  Intwrance,  p.  212. 

4T  Second  Report,  JV.  Y.  Factory  Iwoettigating  Committee,  1913, 
Vol.  II,  p.  416. 

4»U.  S.  Bureau  of  Mines,  Technical  Paper,  106  (1915),  p.  832. 


WASTE  OF  HUMAN  LIFE  29 

proximately  22,238  human  lives.  Such  a  gain  would 
represent  a  total  of  342,465  years  of  additional  lifetime  to 
the  total  population,  and  by  just  so  much  the  industrial 
efficiency  of  the  American  nation  would  be  increased.49 

While  many  forms  of  contagious  diseases,  through  the 
health  activities  of  the  community  and  the  discoveries  of 
scientists,  have  been  largely  eliminated,  many  other  dis- 
eases resulting  from  the  strain  of  industry  have  alarm- 
ingly increased. 

Increase  in  Sickness —  President  E.  E.  Rittenhouse  of 
the  Life  Extension  Institute  declared  in  a  recent  address 
that  the  mortality  records  indicated  a  marked  decline  in 
the  power  of  the  American  workers  to  withstand  the  con- 
ditions of  modern  life,  as  witnessed  in  the  extraordinary 
increase  in  the  death  rate  from  the  breaking  down  of  the 
heart,  arteries,  kidneys,  and  the  nervous  and  digestive  sys- 
tems, which  diseases,  he  stated,  are  reaching  down  into 
middle  life  and  apparently  increasing  there  and  at  all  ages. 
Of  the  410,000  lives  annually  destroyed  by  these  "  old 
age  "  diseases,  60,000  occur  under  the  age  of  40  and  105,- 
000  between  the  ages  of  40  and  60.  In  the  last  thirty 
years  the  mortality  from  these  diseases  has  nearly 
doubled.60 

Occupational  diseases,  socialists  contend,  would  soon  be 
reduced  to  a  minimum  in  a  system  where  industry  was  con- 
ducted primarily  for  human  welfare,  not  for  private  profit. 

Much  of  the  sickness  and  death  can  be  traced  to  present- 
day  industry  with  its  greed  for  gain,  'and  its  inevitable 
poverty.  Disease  leads  to  great  economic  losses.  The 
human  agony  and  misery  following  in  its  wake  are  beyond 
all  power  of  calculation. 

*»  F.  L.  Hoffman,  Mortality  from  Consumption  in  Dusty  Trades, 
in  Bulletin  of  the  U.  8.  Bureau  of  Labor,  No.  79,  Nov.,  1908,  p.  832. 
so  Lauck,  etc.,  op.  cit.,  p.  319. 


30      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Summary. —  The  socialist  then  criticizes  the  present 
system  on  the  ground  of  its  wastefulness  and  inefficiency. 
Competition  involves  enormous  wastes  both  in  the  realm 
of  production  and  in  that  of  distribution,  while  the  waste 
in  human  life  and  energy  resulting  from  unnecessary  un- 
employment, industrial  accident  and  illness  —  accom- 
paniments of  the  present  profit  system  —  is  of  startling 
dimensions. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  SOCIALIST  INDICTMENT:  II.  INEQUALITY 
OF  WEALTH 

Inequality  of  Wealth —  We  have  thus  seen  that  social- 
ists criticize  the  capitalist  system  on  the  ground  of  its 
inefficiency.  A  further  count  in  the  socialist  indictment 
is  that  the  present  system  of  private  ownership  leads  to 
an  inequitable  distribution  of  wealth ;  that  it  means  untold 
wealth  for  the  few  and  poverty  for  the  many ;  and  that  this 
inequality  runs  directly  counter  to  the  welfare  and  happi- 
ness of  mankind. 

That  these  inequalities  exist  few  can  deny.  In  this 
country,  according  to  Dr.  W.  I.  King,  of  Wisconsin  Uni- 
versity, two  per  cent,  of  the  population  own  sixty  per 
cent,  of  the  wealth.  On  the  other  hand,  the  poorest  two- 
thirds  of  the  people  possess  but  one-twentieth  of  the  wealth 
of  the.  nation,  and  the  poorest  four-fifths  but  one-tenth.1 

The  Wealthy. —  The  country  now  boasts  of  several 
thousand  millionaires.  A  few  years  ago  one  fortune  was 
estimated  at  one  billion  dollars,  "  equivalent  to  the  aggre- 
gate wealth  of  2,500,000  of  those  who  are  classed  as 
4  poor,'  and  who  are  shown  ...  to  own  on  the  average 
$400  each."  2  In  1916,  according  to  the  Income  Tax  sta- 
tistics, 292  people  in  the  country  received  a  return  on 
their  investments  of  $1,000,000  or  over;  524  of  between 

1King,  Distribution  of  Wealth  and  Income  Among  the  People  of 
the  U.  8.,  pp.  80-2. 

2  Report  of  U.  S.  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  p.  32. 

31 


32      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

$500,000  and  $1,000,000;  6,127  from  $100,000  to  $500,- 
000;  10,452  from  $50,000  to  $100,000;  23,734  from  $25,- 
000  to  $50,000;  78,880  from  $10,000  to  $25,000.3 

Socialists  readily  grant  that  very  considerable  differ- 
ences in  ability  and  industry  exist  among  producers. 
They  claim,  however,  that  most  of  the  large  fortunes  are 
based  primarily  on  the  ownership  of  machinery  and  natu- 
ral resources  and  the  receipt  of  rent,  interest  and  profit 
flowing  from  such  ownership.  The  owner  of  land  or  of 
stocks  in  a  corporation  may  have  acquired  this  property 
through  dint  of  hard  labor.  He  may,  on  the  other  hand, 
have  inherited  it  or  received  it  as  a  gift.  He  may  know 
little  or  nothing  about  the  conduct  or  of  the  location  of 
the  business.  However,  because  of  his  ownership,  and  not 
because  of  his  ability  or  industry,  his  income  is.  assured. 

Indeed,  a  recent  analysis  of  50  of  the  largest  American 
fortunes  shows  that  nearly  one-half  of  these  fortunes  have 
already  passed  to  the  control  of  heirs  or  to  trustees,4  and 
the  business  from  which  most  of  these  yearly  incomes  are 
drawn  is  probably  managed  by  executive  officials  on  salary. 

Wages. — Beyond  a  certain  amount,  increased  income 
means  little  if  any  additional  happiness.  It  often  means 
increased  burden.  It  frequently  exerts  a  vicious  influence 
on  its  recipient.  At  the  same  time,  where  the  few  gain, 
the  many  lose.  Hand  in  hand  with  affluence  is  found  the 
gaunt  specter  of  poverty.  Most  of  the  estimates  of  wages 
and  the  relation  of  these  wages  to  a  minimum  standard  of 

"Statistical  Abstract  of  the  United  States,  1918,  p.  790.  In 
1910  the  comparatively  few  who  lived  in  whole  or  in  part  from 
property  income  received  more  than  one-half  of  the  total  an- 
nual income  (53.1  per  cent,  approximately  $16,225,900,000),  while 
the  many  who  lived  primarily  from  service  Income  obtained  but  46.9 
per  cent.,  or  $14,303,600,000,  according  to  Professor  King.  (King, 
op.  cit.,  p.  158.) 

*  Report  of  Commission  on,  Industrial  Relations,  p.  32. 


INEQUALITY  OF  WEALTH  33 

living  were  made  prior  to  the  war,  and  do  not  hold  good  at 
the  present  time.  These  pre-war  figures,  however,  are  in- 
structive. One  of  the  latest  estimates  was  made  by 
Lauck  and  Sydenstricker  in  1916.  After  examining  prac- 
tically all  the  authoritative  data  available  prior  to  the 
war,  these  authors  concluded  that  fully  one-fourth  of  the 
adult  male  workers  in  the  principal  industries  and  trades 
who  were  heads  of  families  earned  less  than  $400  a  year, 
or  less  than  $7.70  a  week;  one-half  less  than  $600  a  year 
($11.35  a  week);  four-fifths  less  than  $800  ($15.40  a 
week),  while  leas  than  one-tenth  obtained  the  equivalent  of 
$1,000,  or  approximately  $20  for  the  weekly  period. 
Eight  hundred  dollars  was  generally  regarded  at  that 
time  as  the  minimum  required  by  the  ordinary  family  for 
obtaining  life's  necessities.  Many  other  estimates  were  of 
a  similar  nature.5  Women  were,  according  to  the  various 
estimates,  even  more  poorly  paid  than  men.6 

s  See  Streightoff,  The  Distribution  of  Incomes  in  the  United 
States,  Ch.  VI;  Nearing,  Income,  Ch.  IV,  Report  of  the  Commission 
on  Industrial  Relations,  p.  31  seq.  According  to  the  1910  census, 
the  average  yearly  wage  of  wage-earners  engaged  in  manufacturing 
industries  was  $517.91.  In  the  textile  industries  the  wages  were 
particularly  inadequate.  In  this  industry,  a  few  years  ago,  nearly 
one-third  of  the  men  and  nearly  two*-fifths  of  the  women  in  the  New 
England  mills,  and  nearly  one-half  of  the  men  and  two-thirds  of  the 
women  in  the  Southern  mills,  earned  less  than  $6  a  week,  less  than 
$312  a  year;  while  over  one-half  of  the  men  and  two-thirds  of  the 
women  in  New  England  —  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  men  and  over 
nine-tenths  of  the  women  in  the  South  —  earned  less  than  $8  a  week, 
less  than  $416  a  year,  in  this  industry.  (See  Laidler,  Boycotts  and 
the  Labor  Struggle,  p.  276;  Report  on  Condition  of  Women  and 
Child  Wage-Earners  in  the  U.  S.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  310-11.) 

•  In  fact  an  examination  of  the  earnings  of  women  workers  18 
years  of  age  and  over  employed  in  the  principal  industries  indicated 
that  one-fourth  received  less  than  $200  yearly  —  less  than  $4  a  week, 
while  two-thirds  obtain  less  than  $400,  less  than  $8  weekly.  (Lauck, 
etc.,  op.  cit.,  p.  61.)  In  the  sweating  industries  of  the  great  cities 
the  situation  among  the  women  and  child  workers  was  even  more 
tragic. 


34      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Standard  of  Living. —  These  pre-war  wages  were  woe- 
fully inadequate  as  compared  with  a  decent  standard  of 
living.  Accepting  the  minimum  family  standard  of  $800 
set  by  numerous  economists  prior  to  the  war,  "  it  appears 
to  be  an  inescapable  fact  that  a  very  large  proportion, 
possibly  half,  of  the  wage-earners'  families  in  the  principal 
industries  of  this  country,"  according  to  Messrs.  Lauck 
and  Sydenstricker  in  1916,  "  have  been  below  that  level 
during  the  past  few  years."  7 

Recent  Changes. —  Wages  have  risen  considerably 
since  the  beginning  of  the  European  war.  However,  the 
cost  of  living  has  also  steadily  increased.  The  Labor  Re- 
search Department  of  the  Fabian  Society  in  Great  Britain 
recently  estimated  that  in  that  country  wages  increased 
from  1900  to  1917  approximately  40  per  cent.,  while  retail 
prices  in  London  for  food,  drink,  etc.,  rose  during  the  same 
period  120  per  cent.8  In  June,  1919,  the  New  York  State 

If  we  were  to  extend  our  inquiry  of  incomes  to  include  farmers 
and  such  professional  men  and  women  as  teachers  and  ministers, 
we  would  still  find  most  unsatisfactory  conditions. 

Of  the  income  of  fanners,  Professor  Streightoff,  commenting  on 
the  fact  that  "when  all  crops  except  cotton  were  normal,  the  [1900] 
Census  should  show  the  total  value  of  products  of  30.9  per  cent,  of 
the  farms  to  be  under  $250,  and  of  58.8  per  cent,  to  be  less  than 
$500,  declared  that  it  was  a  safe  indication  that,  so  far  as  money  is 
the  criterion,,  farming  was  not  much,  if  any,  more  profitable  than 
ordinary  human  labor."  He  pointed  out  that  in  various  Methodist 
conferences,  30.9  per  cent,  of  the  ministers  obtained  less  than  $600 
a  year,  78.7  per  cent  less  than  $1,200,  and  but  4.6  per  cent,  received 
as  much  as  $2,000.  Streightoff,  op.  cit.,  pp.  128-32. 

*  Lauck,    etc..    op.    cit.,    p.    376.     In    1915,    Professor    Frank    H. 
Streightoff  set  the  minimum  standard  of  living  in  New  York  City  at 
$876  for  the  family,  and  even  then  he  was  able  to  allot  but  $7  for 
furnishings,  $5.63  for  education,  newspapers,  $20  for  health,  and  $40 
for  all  such  miscellaneous  expenses  as  "  tobacco,  carfare,  shopping, 
purchase  of  toys   for  the  children,  toilet  articles,  hair  cuts  for  the 
men,  washing  and  laundry,  tools,  moving,  and  the  spending  of  money 
of  various  members  of  the  family." 

*  Labor  Year  Book,  1919,  p.  238. 


INEQUALITY  OF  WEALTH  35 

Industrial  Commission  estimated  that  wages  in  that  state 
had  increased  since  1914  78  per  cent.,  while  the  cost  of 
living  had  advanced  from  90  per  cent,  to  100  per  cent. 
The  War  Trade  Board  in  the  same  months  estimated  a 
rise  of  102  per  cent,  in  the  cost  of  living. 

Effect  on  Family  Life. —  The  industrial  system,  with 
its  inequality  of  income,  its  anarchism  in  production  and 
its  greed  for  profits,  means  to  large  numbers  of  workers, 
as  we  have  seen,  uncertainty  of  livelihood,  disease,  acci- 
dent and  death  through  unfavorable  living  and  working 
conditions.  Modern  industry  also  disintegrates  home  life. 
Low  wages  make  it  impossible  fof  heads  of  families  in 
many  instances  to  provide  adequate  shelter,  food  and 
clothing  to  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  absence  of 
these  mere  physical  necessities  of  life  makes  for  unhappi- 
ness  and  instability  in  family  relationships. 

Among  the  most  deleterious  influences  on  home  life  are 
the  overcrowded  and  unsanitary  dwellings  in  which  masses 
of  workers  are  forced  to  live.  Three-fourths  of  the 
American-born  wage  earners'  families  live  in  rented 
houses.9  In  more  than  three-fourths  (77  per  cent.)  of 
the  households  investigated,  in  purely  industrial  cities,  the 
Federal  Immigration  Committee  discovered  that  there  were 
two  or  more  persons  to  a  sleeping  room ;  in  over  one-third 
(37  per  cent.),  three  or  more  persons,  and  in  nearly  15 
per  cent.,  four  or  more. 

Absence  of  light,  of  air,  of  sanitary  provisions,10  of 
proper  space  and  of  yards  in  which  the  children  can  play 

»  Lauck  and  Sydenstricker,  op.  cit.,  pp.  293,  302,  305. 

*o  Fifth  Report  of  the  Tenement  House  Department  of  the  City  of 
N.  Y.,  p.  73;  Committee  of  Fifty,  Substitutes  for  the  Saloon,  p.  211. 
A  few  years  ago,  364,367  dark  rooms  were  reported  in  the  slums  of 
New  York  City.  Many  of  these  rooms  depend  for  air  and  ventila- 
tion upon  outer  rooms  and  air  shafts.  "  The  latter  are  really  a 
well  of  stagnant  foul  air." 


36      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

is  the  lot  of  tens  of  thousands  of  our  industrial  armv,  and 

•       J  ' 

is  assisting  effectively  in  the  disintegration  of  real  home 
life. 

In  Small  Cities. —  Nor  does  this  condition  prevail  only 
in  the  largest  cities.  It  is  witnessed  as  well  in  many  work- 
ing-class sections  of  the  smaller  industrial  towns.  One 
cannot  pass  through  such  mining  and  factory  villages  and 
witness  long,  monotonous  rows  of  small,  dingy,  shacks  in- 
habited by  wage-earners,  without  a  feeling  of  profound 
pessimism. 

In  East  Youngstown,  Pennsylvania,  for  instance,  the 
United  States  Public  Health  Service  cited  a  case  where 
28  lodgers  crowded  into  a  four-room  house,  and  declared 
that  "  it  was  by  no  means  uncommon  to  find  a  single  room 
occupied  by  from  three  to  twelve  workers.  The  lodgers, 
for  the  most  part,  slept  two  in  a  bed.  In  some  of  the 
lodging  houses,  where  the  men  work  on  both  *  day  and 
night  turns  '  the  occupation  of  the  beds  is  almost  con- 
tinuous, the  night  men  taking  during  the  day  the  places 
of  those  sleeping  at  night.  The  beds  themselves  are  usu- 
ally old  and  in  filthy  condition."  n 

Home  life  is  also  being  seriously  affected  by  the  forced 
absences  from  home  of  members  of  the  family  in  search  of 
work;  by  the  labor  of  mother  and  children  in  factory  or 
sweated  home  industry ;  by  night  work,  and  long  hours  of 
toil  which  make  the  home  merely  a  place  in  which  to  sleep ; 
and  by  many  unfavorable  economic  conditions  under  which 
the  worker  is  struggling.12 

Effect  on  Marriage. —  Modern  industrial  conditions 
impose  compulsory  celibacy  on  thousands  of  persons  em- 
ployed as  lumber  "  jacks,"  as  sailors,  as  domestic  servants, 
as  workers  assisting  in  the  building  of  railways,  in  re- 

«  Ibid.,  pp.  337-8. 

1>  K cll.-y,  Modern  Induttry,  Ch.  I. 


INEQUALITY  OF  WEALTH  37 

claiming  waste  lands,  in  water  and  power  construction, 
etc. 

"  Worn-out  freight  cars  and  vermin-ridden  bunk 
houses,"  writes  Florence  Kelley,  in  describing  how  impos- 
sible it  is  for  many  to  assume  the  obligations  of  home  life, 
"  are  not  fit  homes  for  wives  and  children.  But  these  are 
the  dwellings  afforded  for  rapidly  increasing  thousands  of 
working  men,  for  years  at  a  time,  a  group  being  moved 
from  one  section  to  another  of  some  great  undertaking, 
the  quality  of  their  quarters  varying  little."  13  Housing 
and  sanitation  laws  are  beginning  to  improve  these  condi- 
tions in  some  parts  of  the  country,  but  that  improvement 
is  a  slow  one. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  from  the  economic  point  of  view  — 
from  the  standpoint  of  economic  efficiency,  and  from  the 
standpoint  of  wealth  distribution  —  the  present  system, 
with  its  economic  and  human  wastes,  its  unearned  luxury 
and  its  tragic  poverty  is  subject  to  severe  condemnation. 

EFFECT  OF  CAPITALISM  ON  THE  ETHICAL,  LIFE  OF  THE 
COMMUNITY 

Poverty  Not  Chief  Evil —  Socialists  condemn  the  pres- 
ent system,  however,  not  only  on  account  of  its  effect  on 
the  physical  well-being  of  the  community,  but  also  because 
of  its  reactions  on  the  intellectual  and  ethical  life  of  so- 
ciety. Indeed  most  socialists  contend  that,  even  though 
poverty  were  entirely  eliminated,  under  capitalism,  even 
though  each  man  and  woman  willing  to  work  were  assured 
of  safe  employment,  of  reasonable  hours,  of  healthful  sur- 
roundings, and  of  a  wage  which  would  permit  him  to  sup- 
ply his  family  with  decent  food,  decent  clothing  and  decent 
shelter;  even  though  all  employers  were  enlightened  and 

.,  p.  8. 


38      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

adequate  labor  legislation  passed  and  enforced;  in  fact, 
even  though  the  workers  no  longer  suffered  any  of  the 
physical  ills  which  capitalism  now  brings  in  its  wake, 
nevertheless  the  present  system  would  be  condemned  be- 
cause of  its  disastrous  reactions  on  the  intellectual,  the 
aesthetic  and  the  ethical  life  of  the  masses. 

The  Profit  Motive. —  Business  under  capitalism  is  con- 
ducted by  the  average  business  man  primarily  for  profit, 
only  secondarily  for  service.  The  profit  instinct  perme- 
ates all  business  relationships,  and  difficult  it  is  for  the 
average  man  to  decide  on  a  line  of  business  conduct,  either 
in  relation  to  the  consuming  public,  to  his  employees,  to 
the  government,  or  to  his  co-workers,  if  that  line  of  con- 
duct seriously  interferes  with  his  accumulation  of  profits. 
It  is,  furthermore,  difficult  for  him  to  see  the  extent  to 
which  his  conduct  in  the  pursuit  of  profits  may,  from  the 
standpoint  of  human  welfare,  be  anything  but  ethical. 
"  There  is  a  spiritual  alchemy,"  declares  W.  J.  Ghent, 
"  which  transmutes  the  base  metal  of  self-interest  into  the 
gold  of  conscience;  the  transmutation  is  real  and  the  re- 
sulting frame  of  mind  is  not  hypocrisy  but  conscience." 
This  self-interest,  he  continues,  "  modifies  or  even  negatives 
his  acceptance  of  the  ethical  code  embodied  in  his  pro- 
fessed religion."  14 

The  Business  Man  and  the  Consumer. —  We  have  al- 
ready seen  how  the  race  for  profits  has  led  to  adulteration 
and  similar  practices.16  The  race  for  profits  also  has  led 
in  thousands  of  instances  to  fraud  in  regard  to  weights  and 
measures.16  The  Osborne  Commission,  in  1912,  revealed 
the  fact  that  "  the  amount  of  water  in  canned  goods  makes 
a  difference  of  10  per  cent,  to  20  per  cent,  in  their  value. 

i*  Ghent,  Mail  and  Clout,  pp.  96,  140. 
IB  See  »uf>r<i.  pp.  11,  12. 
"  Harris,  op.  cit.,  p.  S3. 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  39 

The  weight  of  food  in  a  package  is  usually  reduced  so 
that  10  ounces  or  12  ounces  is  given  for  an  alleged 
pound."  " 

Indeed,  a  survey  of  these  practices  leads  such  thinkers 
as  the  American  sociologist  Lester  F.  Ward  to  declare  that 
"  deception  may  almost  be  called  the  foundation  of  busi- 
ness." 18 

Business  and  the  Worker. —  The  profit  motive  has 
likewise  led  to  most  unethical  conduct  upon  the  part  of 
large  numbers  of  employers  toward  their  workers.  As 
has  been  shown  elsewhere,  in  order  that  the  few  may  ac- 
cumulate vast  fortunes,  workers  have  been  forced  to  toil 
inhumanly  long  hours,  under  unsanitary  conditions, 
speeded  to  exhaustion.  When  they  have  endeavored  to 
organize,  they  have  been  discharged,  blacklisted,  hounded 
from  industry  to  industry.  Spies  have  been  employed  to 
ferret  out  their  activities.  Company  guards  have  bru- 
tally attacked  them.  Special  deputy  sheriffs,  armed  and 
paid  by  big  business,  have  deported  them  from  their  homes 
and  landed  them  in  desert  places.  The  military  and  con- 

IT  Report  on  Markets,  Prices  and  Costs  of  the  New  York  State 
Food  Investigation  Commission,  August,  1912,  p.  32.  See  also 
Ghent,  Mass  and  Class,  Ch.  VIII. 

Prof.  Walter  Rauschenbusch  in  Christianizing  the  Social  Order, 
pp.  205,  246,  elaborates  upon  these  practices  as  follows:  "The  in- 
spectors in  New  York  City  confiscated  3906  falsely  adjusted  scales 
in  three  months  of  1910,  and  Indianapolis  totaled  13,000  of  them  in 
four  and  a  half  years.  .  .  .  During  a  special  investigation  in  1910 
the  city  sealer  in  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  could  not  find  a  single  wooden 
berry  box  in  the  city  that  would  hold  a  quart.  Prints  of  butter  are 
often  short  of  weight.  The  creamery  people  say  they  shrink  by  the 
evaporation  of  the  water  in  the  butter,  but  when  the  New  York  State 
superintendent  visited  30  creameries  throughout  the  state  and 
weighed  252  prints  dripping  wet  from  the  molds,  he  found  124  short. 
Those  intended  for  sale  in  Massachusetts  seemed  to  evaporate  least; 
that  state  has  stringent  laws." 

is  Ward,  Pure  Sociology,  p.  487. 


40      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

stabulary  have  been  induced  to  shoot  them  down.  The 
controlled  press  has  concentrated  its  avalanche  of  abuse 
upon  them  and  clubbed  them  with  its  headlines  into  sub- 
mission. And  the  pulpit  and  courts  have  too  often  aided 
in  this  work.19 

The  Business  Man  and  His  Competitors — Those 
familiar  with  the  history  of  such  corporations  as  the 
Standard  Oil  Company  need  no  rehearsal  of  the  ethical 
code  so  frequently  adopted  in  the  business  world.  A 
strong  example  of  unethical  practices  in  business  is  con- 
tained in  the  specifications  in  the  indictment  against  the 
National  Cash  Register  Company,  on  the  basis  of  which 
twenty-seven  officers  were  sentenced,  in  1913,  to  jail  sen- 
tences. These  specifications  charge  the  company  with 
bribing  employees  of  competitors,  of  express,  railway,  and 
of  telegraph  and  telephone  companies  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  information  regarding  competitors'  shipments; 
with  instructing  salesmen  to  spread  false  rumors  regard- 
ing the  competitors'  character,  financial  credit,  etc. ;  with 

i*  The  use  of  these  weapons  is  dealt  with  in  some  detail  in  my 
book  on  Boycottt  and  the  Labor  Struggle,  pp.  274-329,  and  will  not 
be  here  repeated.  Also  see  Hunter,  Violence  and  the  Labor  Move- 
ment, especially  Chap.  XI,  pp.  276-326.  The  most  illuminating  ma- 
terial will  be  found  in  the  Final  Report  and  Testimony  of  the 
Commission  on  Industrial  Relations  (Volumes  X,  XI),  especially 
Condition*  of  Labor  on  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  Vol.  XI,  pp.  10,067- 
10,449;  Coal  Minert'  Strike,  Colorado,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  6,345-6,990, 
etc.;  Commercial  Telegraph  Companies,  Vol.  X,  pp.  9,291-9,451;  Min- 
•  /!//  Conditions  and  Industrial  Relations  at  Butte,  Mont.,  Vol.  IV, 
pp.  3,681-4,095;  Labor  and  Law,  Vol.  XI,  pp.  10,451-10,928,  etc. 
The  testimony  before  the  Senate  committee  on  conditions  in  Paint 
Creek,  West  Virginia,  during  the  miners'  strike  is  most  illuminating. 
The  "  spy "  system  in  industry  as  worked  by  one  of  the  detective 
agencies  is  also  strikingly  described  by  the  Sherman  Service,  in  their 
booklet,  Industry,  Society,  and  the  Human  Element.  Upton  Sin- 
clair's novel,  King  Coal,  gives  a  vivid  description  of  conditions  in 
the  coal  mines  of  Colorado. 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  41 

inducing  customers  to  cancel  the  orders  for  competitors' 
goods  ;  with  exhibiting  competitors'  machines  as  "  junk  " ; 
with  ordering  salesmen  "  secretly  to  weaken  and  injure 
the  interior  mechanism  and  to  remove  and  destroy  parts 
of  competitive  cash  registers";  with  threatening  legal 
suits  for  alleged  patent  infringement  and  with  numerous 
other  practices.20 

The  Business  Man  and  His  Fellow  Investor. —  The 
driving  force  of  profit-making  has  led  also  to  a  shameless 
exploitation  of  fellow  investors.  The  history  of  many  a 
modern  corporation  is  the  history  of  the  attempt  on  the 
part  of  those  "  on  the  inside  "  to  squeeze  out  and  exploit 
those  unfortunately  not  within  the  "  inner  circle."  The 
issuance  of  false  prospectuses,  the  withholding  of  dividends 
until  the  discouraged  investor  sells  his  stock,  the  paying 
of  high  salaries  and  huge  commissions  for  services  of  little 
value,  the  arranging  of  fictitious  sales  of  stock  with 
friendly  parties  with  the  design  of  boosting  prices,  and 
the  unloading  of  the  stock  on  gullible  buyers  at  the  higher 
market  price  are  all  practices  too  well  known  to  need  eluci- 
dation here.21 

The  Business  Class  and  Corruption. —  The  profit  mo- 
tive has  led  also  to  constant  corruption  of  the  forces  of 
government.  After  an  extensive  investigation  into  the 
relation  of  business  to  government,  Lincoln  Steffens 
pointedly  declares: 

"  My  gropings  into  the  misgovernment  of  cities  have  drawn 
me  everywhere,  but  always,  always,  out  of  politics  into 
business,  and  out  of  the  cities  into  the  state.  Business  started 
the  corruption  of  politics  in  Pittsburgh;  upholds  it  in  Phila- 

2°  See  Seager,  Principles  of  Economict,  pp.  453-55. 
21  See  Lawson's  Frenzied  Finance. 


42      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

delphia,  boomed  with  it  in  Chicago  and  withered  with  its 
reform:  Not  the  political  ring,  but  big  business  —  that  is 
the  crux  of  the  situation."  22 

The  manner  in  which  this  corrupting  influence  has  been 
at  work  was  strikingly  brought  out  in  the  investigations 
into  the  affairs  of  the  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hart- 
ford Railroad.  According  to  the  testimony,  the  railroad 
gave  $100,000  for  campaign  purposes  in  two  political 
campaigns,  besides  devoting  other  sums  to  local  purposes, 
in  each  case  making  an  effort  "  to  get  under  the  best  um- 
brella." 23  It  contributed  $1,200,000  for  corrupt  pur- 
poses in  an  effort  to  secure  amendments  to  one  of  the  rail- 
roads in  which  it  was  financially  interested.  It  employed 
a  political  boss  of  one  state  and  a  chairman  of  the  Re- 
publican committee  of  another  state  at  salaries  of  $7,000 
a  year  and  $5,000  a  session  respectively  to  look  after  its 
interests,  "  as  a  negative  retainer."  It  placed  others  on 
its  pay  roll  before  they  went  to  and  after  they  returned 
from  the  legislature.  Some  of  them  still  retained  their 
positions  while  sitting  on  legislative  committees.24  It 
scattered  passes  among  those  legislators  and  families  who 
were  friendly  to  its  interests,  "  like  the  leaves  of  the 
fall." K  And,  to  accelerate  public  opinion,  it  bought 
newspapers  and  spent  thousands  of  dollars  in  securing 
favorable  publicity  in  other  periodicals. 

And  this  is  but  one  instance  of  the  many  in  which  big 
business  has  sought  to  impose  its  imprint  on  legislation. 
It  is,  of  course,  undoubtedly  true  that  legislators  have  in 

**McChtre't  Magazine,  April  1904;  see  also  Steffens,  The  Crime 
of  the  Citiet. 

zs  Financial  Transaction*  of  the  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hart- 
ford Railroad,  63rd  Congress,  2nd  Session  (1913-1914),  Senate  Docu- 
ment* 19,  Vol.  I,  p.  30. 

2«  Ibid.,  pp.  608-9,  614. 

« Ibid.,  p.  947. 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  43 

many  instances  not  hesitated  in  the  least  to  accept  bribes 
and  have  at  times  taken  the  initiative  in  demanding  money 
payments.  But  this  fact,  while  making  officers  of  the 
government  equally  guilty  with  corporations,  in  no  way 
exonerates  the  corporations  from  blame. 

Perhaps  the  most  serious  attempt  to  corrupt  the  gov- 
ernment has  been  made  by  those  elements  who  have  invested 
in  undeveloped  countries  or  who  desire  to  exploit  those 
countries  and  who  bring  pressure  to  bear  upon  their  gov- 
ernments to  safeguard  their  investments  even  though  such 
action  involve  a  titanic  international  conflict. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  many  business  men,  either 
as  a  result  of  social  pressure,  of  the  actual  or  potential 
demands  of  labor,  of  state  legislation,  of  enlightened  self- 
ishness, of  humanitarian  motives,  or  of  a  combination  of 
these  reasons,  have  adopted  a  higher  ethical  code  than 
has  been  illustrated  in  the  foregoing  pages,  but  the  evils 
mentioned  still  persist  to  a  remarkable  extent  in  this  and 
other  countries. 

Inequality  and  Personality. —  The  spirit  of  superiority 
which  the  present  system  develops  among  those  who  have 
succeeded  in  the  economic  struggle,  or  are  the  recipients  of 
special  privileges  is  detrimental  to  the  moral  fiber  not 
only  of  the  possessors  of  economic  power,  but  also  of 
every  stratum  of  society.  This  attitude  of  aloofness,  of 
superiority,  of  snobbery,  as  Professor  E.  A.  Ross  de- 
clares, 

"  shows  itself  first  in  the  highest  class,  but  presently  the 
intermediate  classes  become  infected  with  snobbery,  and  each 
grade  shrinks  from  all  below  it.  In  England  the  wholesale 
tradesman  looks  down  upon  the  retail  tradesman,  the  latter 
looks  down  upon  his  clerk,  the  clerk  looks  down  upon  the 
woman  who  lets  him  lodgings,  and  she  in  turn  looks  down  on 
the  man  who  cobbles  her  shoes.  In  reverse,  the  man  who 


44      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

works  with  his  hands  looks  up  to  the  petty  shopkeeper  and 
he  looks  up  to  the  big  tradesman.  This  one  looks  up  to  the 
banker  or  manufacturer,  who  looks  up  to  the  landed  gentry, 
who  look  up  to  the  peers,  while  at  the  apex  of  the  whole  or- 
ganization stands  the  throne."  2e 

Effect  on  Victor — The  absorption  of  the  days  and 
nights  of  many  thousands  of  business  men  actively  engaged 
in  the  competitive  struggle  absolutely  precludes  their 
development  along  the  lines  of  the  intellectual,  aesthetic 
and  ethical  outside  of  their  narrow  economic  groove.  In 
many  instances  the  autocratic  control  forced  upon  the 
captain  of  industry,  increasing  in  magnitude  as  he  grows 
older,  proves  far  too  heavy  for  one  man  to  bear. 

"  To  see  these  great  workers,"  declared  Rauschenbusch, 
"  breaking  down  under  the  strain  is  one  of  the  pathetic 
spectacles  of  our  system.  They  are  like  the  axis  of  a 
driving  wheel  that  is  getting  fragile  while  the  wheel  grows 
in  weight  and  speed.  .  .  .  Even  for  their  sake  we  need  a 
decentralizing  of  responsibility  through  industrial  de- 
mocracy." 27 

The  present  system,  which  leads  to  the  accumulation  of 
vast  wealth  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  is  creating  a  class  of 
non-producers  who  may  spend  their  lives  in  luxurious  idle- 
ness, and  yet  find  themselves  at  the  end  of  their  career  far 
richer  than  at  its  beginning.  In  hundreds  of  such  lives, 
this  situation  has  developed  an  irresponsibility,  a  self-con- 
ceit —  unrebuffed  by  others  —  a  profligate  thrif tlessness, 
an  immorality,  a  disregard  for  the  sacredness  of  other  per- 
sonalities, that  is  tragic  in  its  wide-spread  effects. 

And  in  many  instances,  where  the  possessors  of  great 
wealth,  moved  by  a  feeling  of  altruism,  have  endeavored  to 

*•  Ross,  in  American  Journal  of  Sociology,  May,  1917,  pp.  750-1. 
**  Rauschenbusch,  Chrittianizing  tin  Social  Ordtr,  p.  296. 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  45 

use  part  of  their  wealth  in  philanthropic  enterprises,  the 
pauperization  of  the  masses  resulting  from  these  efforts 
has  caused  still  further  social  tragedy.28  Among  both 
men  and  women  of  the  leisure  class,  pleasure,  unmixed  with 
useful  endeavor,  degenerates  into  a  hollow  mockery.  Its 
inspiration  ceases.  It  becomes  a  monotonous  round  of 
duty,  and,  in  order  to  put  new  spice,  new  thrills  into  what, 
to  normal,  productive  human  beings,  would  afford  genuine 
delight,  new,  expensive,  ludicrous  inventions  are  resorted 
to,  only  to  be  cast  aside  when  the  momentary  excitement 
wears  away. 

Crime  and  Social  Evil. —  On  the  working  class,  the 
moral  effect  of  the  present  system  is  anything  but  elevat- 
ing. Much  of  our  crime  is  directly  or  indirectly  traceable 
to  involuntary  poverty  with  its  overcrowding,  its  lack  of 
proper  means  of  expression,  its  ignorance,  the  inability  to 
obtain  the  necessities  of  life,  and  the  resulting  desire  to 
secure  some  of  the  "  swag  "  so  patently  displayed  by  the 
aristocracy  of  wealth. 

That  special  form  of  immorality  known  as  prostitution 
is  intimately  connected  with  poverty  and  the  commercial- 
ism of  the  present  system.  Low  wages,  long  hours  of  ex- 
hausting toil,  overcrowding,  absence  of  the  pleasures  of 
life,  "  the  atmosphere  of  idleness,  ease,  pleasure,  and 
luxurious  habits  created  in  social  life  by  those  who  live  on 
unearned  wealth,"  29 —  all  are  effective  in  augmenting  this 
evil.  Jane  Addams  attributes  the  increasing  nervous 
energy  necessarily  expended  by  girls  in  modern  industry, 
and  "  the  speeding  up  constantly  required  of  the  oper- 
ators," as  among  the  most  important  causes  tending  to 
overcome  their  powers  of  resistance.30 

28  Ibid.,  pp.  295-304. 

2»  Rauschenbusch,  Christianizing  the  Social  Order,  p.  267. 

so  Addams,  A  ITcir  Ccmrienc^  and  an  Ancient  Evil,  pp.  7-2,  77. 


46      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

In  dealing  with  the  relation  of  vice  to  the  "  beggarly  " 
wages  given  to  Chicago  working  girls,  the  Chicago  Vice 
Commission  in  1911  pertinently  asked:  "What  is  the 
natural  result  of  such  an  industrial  condition?  Dishon- 
esty and  immorality,  not  from  choice,  but  necessity  —  in 
order  to  live."  31  It  is  while  "  under-fed  and  hungry  - 
hungry  not  only  for  food,  but  for  a  decent  shelter,  for  a 
home,  for  friends,  for  a  sympathetic  touch  or  word ;  tired 
from  a  hard  day's  toil  even  to  the  point  of  recklessness  — 
starving  for  honest  pleasures  and  amusements,"  remarked 
the  Commission,  that  the  girl  so  often  succumbs.32 

The  present  system,  by  forcing  celibacy  on  large  num- 
bers of  young  men,  through  low  wages,  unemployment,  and 
other  unfavorable  economic  conditions,  also  leads  to  a 
far  greater  demand  for  prostitutes  than  would  exist  under 
more  normal  conditions.  The  profit  system,  furthermore, 
is  ceaselessly  at  work  stimulating  the  business  of  prostitu- 
tion through  the  medium  of  its  well  organized  international 
"  white  slave  "  traffic,  its  army  of  procurers,  its  propri- 
etors of  dance  halls  and  saloons,  its  landlords  who  gain 
enormoHS  rents  from  leasing  houses  of  ill-fame,  and  its 
legion  of  grafters,  large  and  small.  The  amount  of  such 
prostitution  it  is  impossible  to  state.33  The  serious  in- 
jury—  physical  and  spiritual  —  suffered  by  society  is 
too  well  known  to  require  proof.  Something  of  the  ex- 
tent of  the  physical  injury  to  the  young  manhood  of  the 
country  was  indicated  during  the  European  war. 

>i  l'h>  Social  Evil  in  Chicago,  p.  44. 

»z  See  also  Flexner,  Prostitution  in  Europe,  p.  85. 

as  Years  ago  (1895),  the  number  of  public  prostitutes  in  this  coun- 
try was  estimated  at  the  National  Purity  Congress,  as  230,000. 
(Social  Evil  in  Chicago,  p.  96.)  "  A  not  unreasonable  calculation 
of  330,000,"  has  been  estimated  for  Germany  as  a  whole.  (Flexner, 
Prottitution  in  Europe,  p.  28.) 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  47 

Socialists  do  not  contend  that  such  vice  is  caused 
wholly  by  unfavorable  economic  conditions,  nor  that  it 
will  wholly  cease  under  socialism,  but  that  "  mass  prosti- 
tution, such  as  we  know  it  at  the  present  day,  is  insepara- 
ble from  poverty  and  class  difference,"  34  and  that  it  may 
well  be  expected  to  pass  away  under  a  fairer  economic 
system. 

Intemperance. —  Intemperance  and  other  vices  are, 
furthermore,  augmented  by  the  discouragements  of  the 
worker  in  modern  society,  by  the  environment  which  denies 
him  the  opportunity  for  normal  physical,  mental  and 
moral  development.  The  effect  of  such  conditions  on 
character  is  vividly  portrayed  by  Sidney  Webb : 

"  When  we  have  bound  the  laborer  fast  to  his  wheel,  when 
we  have  practically  excluded  the  average  man  from  every 
real  chance  of  improving  his  condition,  when  we  have  virtu- 
ally denied  to  him  the  means  of  sharing  in  the  higher  feelings 
and  larger  sympathies  of  the  cultured  race;  when  we  have 
shortened  his  life  in  our  service,  stunted  his  growth  in  our 
factories,  racked  him  with  unnecessary  disease  by  our  exac- 
tions, tortured  his  soul  with  that  worst  of  all  pains,  the  fear 
of  poverty,  condemned  his  wife  and  children  to  sicken  and  die 
before  his  eyes,  in  spite  of  his  own  perpetual  round  of  toil  — 
then  we  are  aggrieved  that  he  often  loses  hope,  gambles  for 
the  windfall  that  is  denied  to  his  industry,  attempts  to  drown 
his  cares  in  drink,  and,  driven  by  his  misery  irresistibly  down 
the  steep  hill  of  vice,  passes  into  that  evil  circle  where  vice 
begets  poverty  and  poverty  intensifies  vice,  until  society  un- 
relentingly stamps  him  out  as  vermin.  Thereupon  we  lay  the 
flattering  unction  to  our  souls  that  it  was  his  own  fault,  that 
he  had  his  chance,  and  we  preach  to  his  fellows  thrift  and 
temperance,  prudence  and  virtue,  but  always  industry,  that 
industry  of  others  that  keeps  the  industrial  machine  in  mo- 

s*  Rauschenbusch.  op.  ctt.,  p.  368. 


48      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

tion,  so  that  we  can  still  enjoy  the  opportunity   of  taxing 
it"M 

The  Spirit  of  Democracy. —  The  dependence  of  masses 
of  people  on  the  few  for  their  economic  livelihood,  like- 
wise deals  a  body  blow  at  the  spirit  of  democracy,  the 
spirit  of  self-esteem  which  is  absolutely  necessary  if  the 
intellectual  and  manual  workers  are  to  rise  to  the  full 
height  of  their  manhood  and  womanhood.  Professor 
Ross  described  a  condition  that  is  too  little  recognized 
when  he  declared : 

"  All  about  us  we  see  how  the  constant  immediate  depen- 
dence of  one  human  being  upon  the  favor  of  another  blights 
native  self-respect  and  self-assertiveness.  The  '  tip  '  in  lieu 
of  fixed  wage,  by  making  the  servant  dependent  upon  the 
served,  fosters  obsequiousness  in  the  one  and  a  patronizing 
spirit  in  the  other.  .  .  .  The  dependence  of  professors  of  the 
ethical  or  social  sciences  upon  governing  boards  composed  of 
wealthy  men  or  reflecting,  perhaps  anticipating,  the  wishes 
of  politicians  or  donors,  jeopardizes  that  vigor  and  character 
and  candor  of  utterance  essential  to  their  largest  service. 
The  dependence  of  the  clergyman  upon  the  financial  '  pillars  ' 
in  his  church  leaves  him  less  free  to  apply  the  touchstone 
of  Christian  principles  to  current  business  practices.  Ad- 
vertiser or  '  interest '  control  over  newspapers  is  making  many 
newspaper  men  feel  like  helots."  8e 

Artists  and  Capitalism —  Many  artists  and  poets  have 
also  condemned  the  present  system  of  profit-making  be- 
cause of  the  ugliness  it  entails  —  the  ugliness  of  the 
streets,  the  hovels,  the  workshops  of  the  poor;  the  ugli- 

»8  Webb,  English  Progress  Toward  Democracy,  Fabian  Tract,  15, 
p.  7.  See  Rauschenbusch,  op.  cit.,  p.  242. 

so  Ross,  in  "Caste  and  Class."  American  Journal  of  Sociology, 
May,  1917,  pp.  757-758;  see  also  Veblen,  Higher  Learning  in 
America, 


EFFECT  ON  ETHICAL  LIFE  49 

ness  of  the  dress,  the  abode,  the  pleasures  of  the  rich;  the 
ugliness  of  its  screaming  advertisements,  the  ugliness  of 
the  spirit  of  gain  that  makes  human  welfare  and  beauty 
subservient  to  dividends. 

Conclusion. —  The  social  legislation  now  proposed  and, 
to  some  extent,  now  being  enforced  on  all  sides  will  un- 
doubtedly eliminate  some  of  the  worst  evils  of  our  present 
system.  Through  workingmen's  compensation  laws,  so- 
cial insurance  against  sickness,  accident,  old  age  and  un- 
employment, employment  agencies,  minimum  wage  legisla- 
tion, eight  hour  laws,  stricter  factory  and  tenement  laws, 
the  extension  of  public  education  and  public  health  activi- 
ties, the  increase  of  taxation  of  incomes  and  inheritances, 
the  regulation  of  prices  and  profits,  the  public  ownership 
of  the  more  important  public  utilities,  etc., —  the  crimi- 
nally low  wages,  the  long  hours,  the  high  prices,  the  inse- 
curity of  employment,  the  ignorance  of  the  masses  may 
conceivably  be,  in  large  part,  eliminated,  and  a  well  fed, 
fairly  well  educated  working  class  living»above  the  starva- 
tion line,  may  evolve. 

However,  so  long  as  the  profit  system,  the  wage  system, 
lasts,  so  long  will  those  in  control  of  industry  receive  an 
unearned  increment,  so  long  will  the  workers  be  dependent 
on  economic  masters,  so  long  will  the  vitiating  spirit  of 
arrogant  lordship  on  the  one  hand  and  dependence  on  the 
other  prevent  that  highest  moral  development  which  only 
a  free  and  economically  democratic  society  can  bring 
about. 


CHAPTER  III 

SOCIALIST  THEORY:  I.   ECONOMIC  INTERPRE- 
TATION AND  CLASS  STRUGGLE 

INTKODUCTION 

The  Utopians,  the  Forerunners  of  Marxian  Socialists. 

—  As  has  been  indicated,  socialists  have  analyzed  the  sys- 
Ltem  of  private  ownership  of  the  means  of  production  and 
pistribution,  and  have  contended  that  it  is  inefficient,  that 
t  leads  to  an  unjust  distribution  of  wealth,  and  that  it 
fails  to  afford  an  opportunity  to  the  masses  for  the  proper 
•evelopment  of  personality. 

Whilfe  the  socialist  criticism  of  present  conditions  dif- 
ers  from  that  of  other  students  of  social  problems,  their 
onception  of  the  future  industrial  state  1  and  their  theory 
f  social  evolution  constitute  their  chief  points  of  depar- 
re  from  other  schools  of  social  thought. 
A  school  with  which  modern  socialists  have  often  been 
confused,  but  from  which  they  sharply  separate  them- 
selves, is  that  of  the  Utopian  socialists.  Social  prophets 
have  written  their  versions  of  their  ideal  state  from  time 
immemorial  —  Plato,  Campanella,  Sir  Thomas  More  are 
but  a  few  of  the  social  dreamers  of  past  centuries.  That 
school  of  thought,  however,  which  is  usually  referred  to  as 
the  utopian  socialists,  a  school  composed  of  such  writers 

i  The  socialist  advocates,  as  will  be  seen  more  specifically  in  Chap- 
iter V,  the  collective  ownership  and  democratic  management  of  the 
IjOdnllj"  necessary  means  of  production  and  distribution. 

50 


SOCIALIST  THEORY:  INTRODUCTION       51 

as  St.  Simon  (1760-1825),  Fourier  (1772-1837),  Louis 
Blanc  (1811-1882),  Proudhon  (1809-1865),  Cabet 
(1788-1856),  and  Robert  Owen  (1771-1 858), 2  did  not 
arise  until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
These  Utopians  portrayed  in  minutest  detail  the  workings, 
as  they  conceived  them,  of  a  future  cooperative  state 
wherein  liberty,  equality  and  fraternity  would  prevail,  anc 
inspired  their  followers  to  organize  communities  in  Eu- 
rope and  America  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating  the1! 
practicability  of  their  dreams.  In  the  United  States  the 
most  spectacular  of  these  communities  was  the  Brook 
Farm  experiment  in  West  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  under- 
taken in  the  forties  by  the  followers  of  Fourier,  and  sup- 
ported for  a  time  by  such  brilliant  American  writers  and 
publicists  as  George  Ripley,  Horace  Greeley,  Albert  Bris- 
bane, Charles  A.  Dana,  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  the  Chan- 
nings,  and  Theodore  Parker.  This  and  hundreds  of  other 
experiments,  while  interesting  sociological  studies,  all 
failed  to  realize  the  aims  of  the  founders,  and  were  soon 
but  memories. 

Mistakes  of  Utopians — The  Utopians  made  several 
mistakes.  They  regarded  society  to  too  great  an  extent 
as  a  mechanism,  rather  than  as  a  social  organism.  In 
order  to  attain  the  ideal  society,  they  believed  that  the 
chief  thing  necessary  was  to  construct  a  detailed  mental 
picture  of  a  utopia  and  to  induce  a  few  enthusiasts  to 
build  this  utopia  in  small  isolated  communities.  The  suc- 
cess of  one  experiment  would  lead  to  further  attempts,  and, 
finally,  their  dream  would  be  universally  adopted.  They 
failed  to  see  that  the  realization  of  social  ideals  depends 
to  a  large  extent  on  whether  society  has  reached  a  certain 
stage  of  industrial  development;  that  an  industrial  sys- 

2  All  of  the  writers  mentioned,  with  the  exception  of  Owen,  were 
natives  of  France. 


52      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

tern  cannot  be  made  to  order  irrespective  of  social  world 
forces.  They  did  not  realize  the  almost  insuperable  ob- 
stacles in  the  way  of  establishing  in  ah  isolated  community 
an  economic  system  founded  upon  economic  and  ethical 
ideals  in  direct  conflict  with  those  of  the  outside  world. 

Utopians  also  depended  for  the  realization  of  their 
dream  too  largely  on  a  few  beneficiaries  of  special  privi- 
lege. They  did  not  give  due  importance  to  the  necessity 
of  organizing  the  world's  producers,  if  society  is  to  be 
reconstructed  on  a  cooperative  basis.  Finally,  many  of 
their  experiments  failed  because  they  did  not  confine  their 
ranks  chiefly  to  those  who  had  the  ideals  of  the  colonies 
at  heart,  but  welcomed  too  freely  adventurers  and  others 
with  little  ability  for  the  work  that  needed  to  be  done  and 
with  the  desire  for  private  gain  uppermost  in  their  minds.8 

With  the  demise  of  the  distinguished  school  of  French 
and  English  Utopians,  and  the  failure  of  the  communistic 
experiments  in  America,  utopian  socialism,  as  a  vital 
movement,  ceased  to  exist,  although,  as  is  inevitable,  indi- 
vidual writers  have,  for  many  years  past,  engaged  in  the 
fascinating  adventure  of  drawing  word  pictures  of  future 
states,  and  here  and  there  may  still  be  found  isolated  com- 
munities organized  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating  to 
the  world  newly  discovered  truths  concerning  social  phe- 
nomena.4 

»  For  a  description  of  the  Utopians  see  Kirkup,  History  of  Social- 
ism, Chs.  II,  III,  IV;  Guthrie,  Socialism  Before  the  French  Revo- 
lution;  Allen,   Adventures  in   Socialism;   Ely,  French  and   German 
\8ocialism;  Hillquit,  History  of  Socialism  in  the  United  States  (Re- 
'vlsed  Edition,  1910),  Pt.  I;  Noyes,  History  of  American  Socialism; 
Hinds,  American  Communities;   Nordoff,   Communistic  Societies    of 
United  States;  Commons  and  Associates,  History  of  Labor  in  the 
Tnited  States,  etc. 

« See  Edward   Bellamy,  Looking  Backward,  and  Equality;  H.  G. 
Wells,  A    Modern    Utopia;   William   Morris,   News  from   Nowhtre; 
\  Win.  Dean  Howells,  A  Traveler  from  Altruria,  etc. 


SOCIALIST  THEORY:  INTRODUCTION       53 

Marxian    Socialism. —  The   successors   of   the   utopiani 
school  —  and  the  school  which  is  still  in  the  ascendancy  j 
among  the  organized  socialists  today  —  is  that  known  as  \ 
"  scientific  "  or  Marxian  socialism.     This  school  may  be    j 
said  to  have  had  its  beginnings  with  the  appearance  of  the    } 
Communist  Manifesto,  published  in  1848. 

"  Scientific  "  socialists  are  sharply  separated  in  their 
theories  and  tactics  from  their  Utopian  predecessors. 
They  spend  little  time  in  picturing  the  details  of  an  ideal 
state  of  society.  They  concentrate  their  chief  effort  on 
the  analysis  of  industrial  conditions  and  tendencies,  and 
predict,  as  a  result  of  this  analysis,  that  the  social  forces 
set  to  work  by  capitalism  are  leading  to  a  cooperative 
state  of  society.  They  depend  little  on  those  who  enjoy 
special  privileges  under  the  present  system  to  install  so- 
cialism; but  they  put  their  trust  largely  in  mechanical 
changes  in  industry  and  in  the  growing  power  of  labor. 


Their  analysis  of  this  evolution  toward  a  cooperative  sys- 


tem, as  first  formulated  by  Marx  and  Engels  —  an  analy- 
sis which  is  still  accepted  with  certain  modifications  by  the 
present  organized  socialist  movement, —  is  substantially 
as  follows : B 

Industrial  systems  —  like  every  other  human  institution 
—  are  undergoing  constant  evolution.  After  centuries  of 
evolution,  slavery  became  the  predominant  form  of  indus- 
trial development.  With  the  destruction  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  slavery  gradually  gave  way  to  feudalism,  which 
existed  throughout  the  middle  ages. 

INEVITABILITY    OF    SOCIALISM 

Development  of  Industry. —  The  discovery  of  America 

6  The  following  passages  are  taken  chiefly  from  Marx  and  Engels' 
Communist  Manifesto  and  Engels'  Socialism:  Utopian  and  Scien- 
tific. One  or  two  passages  come  from  Capital,  by  Marx. 


54      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  the  establishment  of  trade  with  the  East  and  the  West 
led  to  the  destruction  of  the  feudal  system.  Manufactur- 
ing took  its  place  and  steam  and  electricity  revolutionized 
industrial  production  and  forced  modern  industry  on  the 
world.  Modern  industry  has  established  a  world  market, 
and  this  market  has  given  an  immense  impetus  to  com- 
merce, to  navigation,  to  communication  by  land,  and, 
concomitantly,  has  led  to  a  great  increase  in  the  power 
of  the  bourgeoisie,6  and  a  decrease  in  the  strength  of 
every  other  class. 

With  this  increased  economic  strength  has  come  greater 
political  power  until  at  present  "  the  executive  of  the 
modern  state  is  but  a  committee  for  managing  the  common 
affairs  of  the  whole  bourgeoisie." 

Achievements  of  Modern  Capitalists. —  Wherever  the 
bourgeoisie  has  obtained  the  upper  hand,  it  has  ruthlessly 
torn  asunder  the  old  feudal  ties  of  personal  loyalty  and 
"  has  left  no  other  nexus  between  man  and  man  than  naked 
self-interest,  than  callous  '  cash  payment.' ' 

At  the  same  time,  it  "  has  accomplished  wonders  far 
surpassing  Egyptian  pyramids,  Roman  aqueducts  and 
Gothic  cathedrals."  It  has  established  a  world  market ;  it 
is  constantly  dislodging  merely  national  industries.  It 
draws  its  raw  materials  from  the  remotest  regions.  It  is 
continuously  developing  new  wants.  It  is  bringing  out  a 
universal  inter-dependence  of  nations.  As  in  the  material, 
so  in  the  intellectual  creations,  it  is  abolishing  national 
one-sidedness,  and  from  local  literatures  is  producing  a 
world  literature. 

•  "  By  bourgeoisie  is  meant  the  class  of  modern  capitalists,  owners 
of  the  means  of  social  production  and  employers  of  wage-labor;  by 
proletariat,  the  class  of  modern  laborers  who,  having  no  means  of 
production  of  their  own,  are  reduced  to  selling  their  labor  power  in 
order  to  live." 


INEVITABILITY  OF  SOCIALISM  55 

It  is  likewise  piercing  into  the  barbarian  nations  and 
forcing  them,  on  pain  of  extinction,  to  adopt  the  bour- 
geois mode  of  production.  It  "  is  creating  a  world  after 
its  own  image.'' 

It  has  agglomerated  population  and  subjected  the  coun- 
try to  the  rule  of  the  town.  It  has  formed  strong  na- 
tions from  scattering  provinces.  It  has  centralized  the 
means  of  production,  and  has  concentrated  property  in 
a  few  hands. 

Development  of  Crises —  However,  as  the  feudal  sys- 
tem of  production  became  incompatible  with  the  already 
developed  productive  forces,  and  finally  burst  asunder, 
so  is  modern  industry  outgrowing  its  confines.  "  Modern 
bourgeois  society  .  .  .  that  has  conjured  up  such  gi- 
gantic means  of  production  and  exchange,  is  like  a  sor- 
cerer who  is  no  longer  able  to  control  the  powers  of  the 
nether  world  whom  he  has  called  up  by  his  spells.'* 

For  capitalistic  production  demands  the  perfecting  of 
machinery.  Such  improvement  displaces  more  and  more 
of  the  machine  workers  themselves.  This  leads  to  an  in-  / 
dustrial  reserve  army,  which  means  not  only  idleness  for 
those  disemployed,  but  the  reduction  of  wages  for  those 
still  retained. 

The  workers,  securing  but  a  portion  of  the  social  prod- 
uct, can  repurchase  but  a  portion  of  that  which  is  pro- 
duced, and  the  capitalists  can  increase  their  own  consump- 
tion only  to  a  limited  extent.  Foreign  markets  are  de- 
veloped for  the  purpose  of  unloading  the  unconsumed  sur- 
plus, but  their  extension  cannot  keep  pace  with  the  ex- 
tension of  production.  Crises  become  inevitable.  "  Com- 
merce is  at  a  standstill,  the  markets  are  glutted,  products 
accumulate,  as  multitudinous  as  they  are  unsaleable,  hard 
cash  disappears,  credit  vanishes,  factories  are  closed,  the 
mass  of  the  workers  are  in  want  of  the  means  of  subsist- 


56      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ence;  bankruptcy  follows  upon  bankruptcy,  execution 
upon  execution.  The  stagnation  lasts  for  years;  pro- 
ductive forces  and  products  are  wasted  and  destroyed 
wholesale,  until  the  accumulated  mass  of  commodities  fi- 
nally filter  off,  more  or  less  depreciated  in  value,  until  pro- 
duction and  exchange  gradually  begin  to  move  again. 
Little  by  little  the  pace  quickens.  It  becomes  a  trot. 
The  industrial  trot  breaks  into  a  oanter,  the  canter  in 
turn  grows  into  a  headlong  gallop  of  a  perfect  steeple- 
chase of  industry,  commercial  credit  and  speculation, 
which  finally,  after  breakneck  leaps,  ends  where  it  began 
—  in  the  ditch  of  a  crises." 

These  crises,  furthermore,  return  ever  more  threaten- 
ingly, bringing  in  jeopardy  the  very  existence  of  the  sys- 
tem. The  bourgeoisie  manages  each  time  to  overcome 
them  by  the  destruction  of  a  mass  of  productive  forces,  by 
the  conquest  of  new  -markets,  and  by  the  more  thorough 
exploitation  of  old  ones.  It  is,  however,  thus  paving  the 
way  for  more  extensive  and  destructive  crises,  and  wars, 
and  diminishing  the  means  whereby  crises  can  be  pre- 
vented. 

Concentration  of  Industry. —  These  periodic  panics, 
with  their  resulting  collapse  of  capitalistic  enterprises — 
as  well  as  the  periods  of  industrial  high  pressure,  with 
tricar'  unbounded  inflation  of  credit, —  result  in  concentra- 
tion of  capital  in  huge  stock  companies,  in  trusts,  in  the 
stateJtselL  Trusts  tend  to  limit  output,  but  "  no  nation 
will  put  up  with  production  conducted  by  trusts,  with  so 
barefaced  an  exploitation  of  the  community  by  a  small 
band  of  dividend  mongers."  Furthermore  the  limitation 
of  output  is  accompanied  by  the  discharge  of  employees, 
.in  increase  in  unemployment,  and  a  consequent  decrease  in 
tin-  purchasing  power  of  labor. 

Decrease  of  Capitalist  Class:  Disappearance  of  Middle 


INEVITABILITY  OF  SOCIALISM  57 

Class. —  The  crises  demonstrate  that  the  capitalists  are 
incapable  longer  of  managing  the  productive  forces.  The 
joint  stock  companies,  the  trusts  and  state  production', 
show  that  the  capitalists  are' unnecessary  for  that  purpose. 
For  under  these  forms  of  industrial  development,  the  social 
functions  formerly  performed  by  the  capitalists  are  now 
performed  by  salaried  employees.  "  The  capitalist  has 
no  further  social  function  than  that  of  pocketing  divi- 
dends, tearing  off  coupons,  and  gambling  on  the  Stock 
Exchange.  .  .  .  At  first  the  capitalistic  mode  of  produc- 
tion forces  out  the  workers.  Now  it  forces  out  the  cap- 
italists, and  reduces  them,  just  >as  it  reduced  the  workers, 
to  the  ranks  of  surplus  population,  although  not  imme- 
diately into  the  ranks  of  the  industrial  reserve  army." 

Modern  industry  is  at  the  same  time  hurling  into  the 
proletariat  the  lower  strata  of  the  middle  class  —  the 
small  tradespeople,  shopkeepers,  handicraftsmen  and 
peasants. 

Increasing  Misery  of  the  Workers. —  The  bourgeois 
system  is  also  forging  the  weapons  that  will  bring  death 
to  itself  by  calling  into  existence  the  modern  working  class. 
The  modern  worker,  with  the  development  of  machinery, 
is  losing  individual  character.  Instead  of  benefiting  by 
the  increased  production  he  is  becoming  ever  more  bur- 
dened, either  through  "  the  prolongation  of  the  working 
hours,  by  increase  of  the  work  enacted  in  a  given  time,  or 
by  increased  speed  of  the  machinery,  etc." 

These  workers  are  being  organized  in  ever  greater 
masses;  modern  industry  is  regimenting  them  under  the 
command  of  the  overlooker,  making  them  the  slaves  of 
machines,  superseding  their  work  with  that  of  women 
toilers.  Frequent  periods  of  unemployment  and  low 
wages  add  to  their  suffering.  "  Accumulation  of  wealth 
at  one  pole  is,  therefore,  at  .the  same  time,  accumulation 


58      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  misery,  agony  of  toil,  slavery,  ignorance,  brutality, 
mental  degradation,  at  the  opposite  pole." 

Increase  of  Class  Antagonism. —  Modern  industry  is 
likewise  creating  class  antagonisms  which  are  destined  to 
assist  in  the  undermining  of  capitalistic  society.  For  the 
bourgeoisie  could  not  transform  the  "  puny  means  of  pro- 
duction into  mighty  productive  forces,  without  transform- 
ing them  at  the  same  time  into  social  means  of  production 
only  workable  by  a  oolleotivity  of  men.  The  spinning- 
wheel,  the  handloom,  the  black-smith's  hammer,  were  re- 
placed by  the  spinning-machine,  the  power-loom,  the  steam 
hammer.  ...  In  like  manner  production  itself  changed 
from  a  series  of  individual  into  a  series  of  social  acts  and 
the  products  from  individual  to  social  products." 

Under  individual  production,  where  the  worker  owned 
the  tools  with  which  he  worked,  he  naturally  appropriated 
tin-  product.  When  the  means  of  production  and  produc- 
tiori  itself,  however,  became  socialized,  they  were  subjected 
to  a  form  of  appropriation  which  still  presupposes  the  pri- 
vate production  of  individuals.  "  This  contradiction, 
which  gives  to  the  new  mode  of  production  its  capitalistic 
character,  contains  the  germ  of  the  whole  of  the  social  an- 
tagonisms of  today"  and  inevitably  leads  to  struggles 
between  the  worker  and  the  bourgeoisie  for  a  larger  share 
of  the  social  product. 

Industrial  Organization  of  Workers. —  The  proletariat 
goes  through  various  stages  of  development  in  this  strug- 
gle. At  first  the  contest  is  carried  on  by  individual  la- 
borers, then  by  work  people  in  a  factory,  then  by  opera- 
tives of  one  trade  in  a  locality.  Oftentimes  the  fight  takes 
place  not  against  the  exploiting  bourgeoisie  but  against 
the  instruments  of  production.  And  at  times  the  workers 
are  used  by  the  bourgeoisie  to  support  them  in  their  bat- 
tles against  the  landed  aristocracy. 


INEVITABILITY  OF  SOCIALISM  59 

As  the  workers  become  concentrated  in  greater  masses, 
as  their  conditions  of  life  become  more  equalized,  as  their 
livelihood  —  with  the  unceasing  improvement  in  machinery 
and  commercial  crises  —  becomes  more  precarious,  they 
exhibit  greater  solidarity,  and  the  struggles  with  the  bour- 
geoisie take  on  more  and  more  the  character  of  struggles 
between  classes. 

Political  Organization  of  Workers. —  Every  class 
struggle  is  also  a  political  struggle.  The  proletarians  be- 
come organized  into  a  political  party  which  is  being  con- 
tinually upset  through  competition  between  the  workers 
themselves,  but  which  rises  up  again  ever  stronger,  firmer, 
mightier.  It  secures  fresh  elements  of  enlightenment  from 
that  part  of  the  middle  class  which  is  precipitated  into 
the  proletariat,  and  from  a  small  section  of  the  ruling  class 
who  are  shocked  at  the  violent  character  of  the  struggle, 
and  who  "  have  raised  themselves  to  a  level  of  compre- 
hending theoretically  the  historical  movements  as  a  whole." 

Breakdown  of  Capitalism —  The  increasing  industrial 
crises,  the  growing  inability  of  the  system  to  assure  an 
existence  to  the  workers,  and  the  ever  greater  power  of 
the  producer  on  the  political  and  economic  field,  cut  "  from 
under  its  feet  the  very  foundation  on  which  the  bour- 
geoisie produces  and  appropriates  products.  What  the 
bourgeoisie  therefore  produces,  above  all,  are  its  own 

grave  diggers.     Its  fall  and  the  victory  of  the  proletariat 

11      •        -i.   ui     » 
are  equally  inevitable. 

Triumph  of  Proletariat — The  proletariat,  through 
such  a  victory,  will  turn  the  means  of  production  into  so- 
cial property,  and  by  this  act  replace  anarchy  in  produc- 
tion with  systematic,  definite  organization ;  abolish  the 
class  nature  of  the  state,  abolish  class  divisions,  make  man 
at  last  master  of  his  own  form  of  social  organization,  at 
the  same  time,  lord  over  Nature,  his  own  master  —  free. 


60      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

THE    ECONOMIC    INTERPRETATION    OF    HISTORY 

Introductory. —  In  prophesying  the  inevitability  of  so- 
cialism, in  the  manner  just  described,  Marx  and  Engels 
took  as  their  premise  the  sociological  theory  that  social 
changes  are  determined  primarily  by  economic  forces  and 
the  reaction  of  these  forces  on  the  mass  of  mankind;  and 
that  these  forces  have  brought  into  play  a  struggle  be- 
tween the  owners  of  industry  and  the  workers  which  can 
only  result  in  the  dominance  of  the  workers,  and,  finally, 
in  the  elimination  of  all  classes  and  all  class  struggles. 

The  two  sociological  theories  here  involved  are  the  eco- 
nomic or  the  materialistic  interpretation  of  history,  and 
the  class  struggle.  These  sociological  theories,  together 
with  the  economic  theory  of  surplus  value,  have  long  been 

regarded  as  the  corner  stones  of  scientific  socialism.     The 

. 
theory  of  surplus  value,  however,  is  now  looked  upon  by 

many  socialists  as  inadequate,  and  by  others  »  yt  unes- 

sential  part  of  tin.-  socialist  philosophy,"  although  the  fact 
of^  gnrplna  vnlm    and   of  unearned  wealth  is   emphasized 


with  as  much  vigor  as  ever.  Related  to  these  theories,  as 
we  have  seen,  is  the  socialist  analysis  of  concentration,  and 
the  theories  of  the  disappearance  of  the  middle  class,  of 
the  increasing  misery  of  the  producers,  of  the  economic 
crisis,  and  of  the  social  cataclysm. 

Importance  and  Definition  of  Theory. —  The_ecojioinic 
interpretation  of  history, —  now  accepted  with  certain 
modifications  by  a  growing  proportion  of  leading  histor- 
ians,—  was  formulated  by  Marx  as  early  as  1845.  As  a 

i  Mr.  Boudin,  the  American  Marxist,  however,  declares  this  theory 
',  to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  Marxian  system,  and  "  to  accept  any 
I  one  of  its  parts  and  reject  the  others  .  .  .  simply  betrays  ignorance 
[of  the  parts  which  are  accepted  and  rejected  alike."  (Boudin, 
I  Theoretical  Syitem  of  Karl  Mara,  p.  49.) 


INTERPRETATION  OF  HISTORY  61 

theory  of  historical  development,  the  economic  interpreta- 
tion stands  in  contradistinction  to  the  idealistic  interpre- 
tation oFHegel  and  others,  to  the  religious  interpretation 
of  Benjamin.  Kidd,  the  political  interpretation,  traced  to 
Aristotle,  and  the  physical  interpretation  of  Buckle.8 

Briefly  it  emphasizes  the  fact  that  the  economic  factors 
in  a  given  epoch  —  the  methods  by  which  the  people  ob- 
tain their  livelihood  —  exert  a  preponderant  influence  in 
molding  the  political,  social,  intellectual,  legal  and  ethical 
relationships  of  that  epoch.  It  does  not  contend  "  that 
all  history  can  be  explained  in  economic  terms  alone,  but 
that  the  chief  considerations  in  human  progress  are  the 
social  considerations,  and  that  the  important  factor  in 
social  change  is  the  economic  factor,"  ' 

The  doctrine  as  formulated  by  Frederick  Engels  in 
1888,  is  as  follows: 

"  In  every  historical  epoch  the  prevailing  mode  of  produc- 
tion and  exchange,  and  the  social  organization  necessarily  fol- 
lowing from  it,  form  the  basis  upon  which  is  built  up,  and 
from  which  alone  can  be  explained  the  political  and  intellec- 
tual history  of  that  epoch;  that  consequently,  the  whole  his- 
tory of  mankind  (since  the  dissolution  of  primitive  tribal 
society  holding  land  in  common-ownership)  has  been  a  history 
of  class  struggles,  contests  between  exploiting  and  exploited, 
ruling  and  oppressed  classes;  that  the  history  of  these  class 
struggles  forms  a  series  of  evolution  in  which,  now-a-days,  a 
stage  has  been  reached  when  the  exploited  and  oppressed  class 
—  the  proletariat  —  cannot  attain  its  emancipation  from  the 
sway  of  the  exploiting  and  ruling  class  —  the  bourgeoisie  — 
without,  at  the  same  time,  and  once  for  all,  emancipating  so- 
ciety at  large  from  all  exploitation,  oppression,  class-distinc- 
tion and  class  struggles."  10 

V    BSeligman,  op.  cit.,  Ch.  I. 
»/6»rf.,  p.  67. 
10  Communist  Manifesto,  p.  8. 


68      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

As  Professor  Seligman  points  out,  Marx  and  Engels 
had  in  mind,  when  speaking  of  the  modes  of  production, 
not  merely  the  technique  of  extracting  raw  materials  and 
of  fashioning  the  finished  goods,  but  that  of  trade,  trans- 
portation, and  the  distribution  of  products  .to  the  final 
consumer.11  "  The  actual  transmitted  remains  of  former 
changes  "  are  also  included  in  the  economic  factor.12 

Criticism  of  the  Doctrine. —  Critics  of  the  theory  have 
often  alleged  that  Marx  and  Engels  emphasized  the  eco- 
nomic to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  factors.  As  has  been 
pointed  out,  this  is  not  the  case.  Engels  maintained,  as 
Seligman  says,  that  neither  he  nor  Marx  ever  meant  "  to 
claim  an  absolute  validity  of  economic  considerations  to 
the  exclusion  of  all  other  factors,"  and  repeatedly  cau- 
tioned his  followers  against  too  extreme  an  interpretation. 
With  Buckle,  Marx  and  Engels  recognized,  for  instance, 
the  importance  of  geographical  conditions,  though  declar- 
ing that  these  conditions  formed  only  the  limits  within 
which  the  methods  of  production  could  act.13 

They  acknowledged,  furthermore,  that  "  the  actual 
form  of  social  organization  is  often  determined  by  polit- 
ical, legal,  philosophical  and  religious  theories  and  con- 
ceptions," 14  and  that,  while  developments  in  these  last 
named  fields  rest  ultimately  on  the  economic,  "  they  all 
react  upon  one  another  and  upon  the  economic  founda- 
tion." "  It  is  not,"  declares  Engels,  "that  the  economic 
situation  is  the  cause,  in  the  sense  of  being  the  only  active- 
agent,  and  that  everything  else  is  only  a  passive  result. 
It  i>,  on  the  contrary,  a  case  of  mutual  action  on  the  ba>i> 

11  Seligman,  op.  fit.,  p.  58. 
«/Wd.,  p.  64. 
l»  Marx,  Capital,  pp.  522,  3. 
i  *  Seligman,  op.  cit.,  p.  63. 


INTERPRETATION  OF  HISTORY  63 

of  the  economic  necessity,  which,  in  the  last  instance,  al- 
ways works  itself  out."  15 

Ethical  Factors —  It  has  been  contended  that  the  doc- 
trine of  economic  interpretation  denies  the  freedom  of  the 
will.  This  it  does  not  do,  if  by  that  we  mean  "  every 
man  has  will  power  and  may  decide  to  act  or  refrain  from 
acting." 16  Actions  finally  decided  upon,  however,  are 
largely  influenced,  in  the  mass,  by  the  general  social  en- 
vironment in  which  the  economic  constitutes  so  important 
a  part. 

Nor  does  the  theory  dispute  the  fact  that  so-called 
"  great  men  "  have  played  a  valuable  part  in  history.  Its 
upholders,  however,  contend  that  only  when  these  men  be- 
come the  embodiment  of  the  thought  gradually  crystalliz- 
ing in  the  community,  as  a  result  of  great  social  and  eco- 
nomic changes,  is  "  greatness  thrust  upon  them."  In  an- 
other epoch,  the  same  actions  and  teachings  would  prob- 
ably stamp  them  as  harmless  fanatics  or  dangerous  ene- 
mies of  society.  Past  historians  have  often  fallen  into 
the  error  of  attributing  to  great  men  effects  which  were 
"  largely  the  result  of  forces  of  which  they  were  only  the 
chance  vehicles."  17  While  great  men  have  undoubtedly 
accelerated  or  retarded  history,  in  the  long  run  its  main 
currents  would  have  flowed  on  in  the  same  manner  if  others 
had  been  substituted  in  times  of  crisis  to  do  the  bidding 
of  dominant  social  forces. 

Finally,  the  economic  interpretation  of  history  does 
not  minimize  ethical  and  moral  forces,  but  merely  recog- 
nizes that  "  the  ethical  forces  themselves  are  essentially  so- 
cial in  their  origin  and  largely  conditioned  in  their  actual 

15  Seligman,  op.  cit.,  p.  64. 
i«  Ibid.,  p.  92. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  97. 


64     SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

sphere  of  operation  by  the  economic  relations  of  society.18 
Economic  Forces  in  Antiquity. —  Many  illustrations  of 
the  workings  of  the  economic  interpretation  of  history 
may  be  found  in  primitive  society,19  and  in  ancient  Greece 
and  Rome,  the  influence  of  economic  factors  is  evident.20 
The  economic  forces  at  work  in  transforming  the  feudal- 
istic  regime  into  that  of  capitalism,  and  the  political, 
legal,  intellectual  and  ethical  changes  that  necessarily  fol- 
lowed that  transition  are  too  well  known  to  require  ampli- 
fication here. 

Economic  Forces  in  Early  American  History. —  Eco- 
nomic factors  are  seen  to  have  exerted  a  powerful  in- 
fluence in  the  molding  of  American  history.  The  discqyj: 
ery  of  America  was  the  logical  result  of  the  demand  of  the 
rising  merchant  class  of  Europe  for  new  markets.21  To 
a  considerable  extent,  it  was  economic  reasons  that  led  the 
colonists  to  journey  across  the  Atlantic.22  So  poor  were 
most  of  those  who  came  over  that  probably  more  than 
one-half  were  unable  to  pay  .their  passage,  and  were  landed 
as  "  indentured  servants."  23  The  character  of  produc- 
tion, whether  cotton  or  tobacco  raising,  trading,  or  farm- 
ing, engaged  in  by  these  colonists,  molded  the  entire  po- 
litical and  social  life  of  their  respective  sections. 

Economic  Forces  and  the  Revolution. —  The  colonial 
wars  were  largely  economic.  The  French  and  Indian  War 

\/   *•  Seligman,   op.   cit.,   p.    133;   see   also    Kautsky,   Ethict   and   the 
/"Materialistic  Conception  of  Hittory,  p.  187. 

"See  Seligman,  op.  cit.,  Ch.  VI ;  Ely,  Studiet  in  the  Evolution  of 
I mln.it rial  Society,  Ch.  Ill;  Morgan,  Ancient  Society;  Engels,  Ori- 
gin of  the  Family;  Nieboer,  Slavery  at  an  Industrial  System;  Dr. 
Julius  Pikler,  Der  Ursprung  det  Totemismus. 

*o  Seligman,  op.  cit.,  pp.  82-3. 

\,    »i  Cambridge,    Modern    History,    Vol.    I,    p.    21;    Simons,    Social 
YForcet  in  American  Hittory,  p.  10. 
^    22  Simons,  op.  cit.,  pp.  15-19. 

28  Commons,  Races  and  Immigrants  in  America,  pp.  34—6. 


INTERPRETATION  OF  HISTORY  65 

was  primarily  a  contest  for  the  fertile  Mississippi  Valley. 
While  the  American  Revolution  can  be  attributed  in  part 
to  the  general  spirit  of  protest  of  the  colonists,  and  the 
individualistic  economics  of  the  new  world,  fundamentall 
it  was  a  contest  between  the  merchant  and  manufacturing 
class  of  England  then  dominating  the  British  government 
and  the  merchant,  landowning,  debtor,  manufacturing  and 
other  groups  in  America.  The  innumerable  acts  of  Par- 
liament (dating  from  the  Navigation  Acts,  1651),  which 
aimed  to  compel  the  colonists  to  transport  goods  only  in 
English  ships,  to  import  certain  articles  only  from  Eng- 
land, to  export  direct  to  England,  to  inhibit  any  plans 
colonists  may  have  had  to  manufacture,  were  but  attempts 
—  though  ineffective  —  to  increase  the  profits  of  the  Brit- 
ish shipping,  merchant  and  manufacturing  interests,  even 
at  the  expense  of  similar  interest  in  the  colonies.24 

It  was  when  the  growing  commercial  groups  of  America 
found  their  pecuniary  interest  attacked  by  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  regulations  that  the  crisis  came.  The  Sugar  Act 
of  1764,  which  caused  a  serious  loss  to  distillers,  and,  inci- 
dentally, to  the  farmers  and  the  lumber,  flour,  salt  meat 
and  fish  merchants  and  workmen  of  New  England;25  the 
Stamp  Act,  which  perturbed  the  debtor  class,26  and  the 
reduction  of  the  tax  on  tea,  all  had  their  effects  in  arous- 
ing particular  groups  to  protest. 

There  were,  of  course,  other  political  complications, 
and  many  important  idealistic  impulses  at  work,  but  the 
foregoing  economic  factors,  which  led  to  the  estrangement 
of  certain  of  the  merchant,  land  speculating,  manufactur- 
ing and  debtor  classes,  furnished  an  economic  foundation 
sufficiently  broad  for  the  revolt. 

2*  E.  L.  Bogart,  Economic  History  of  the  U.  8.,  pp.  34-46. 
25  See  Coman,  Industrial  History  of  the  U.  8.,  p.  93. 
z«  Simons,  op.  cit.,  pp.  68-9. 


66     SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Other  Instances  in  American  History. —  Important 
economic  interests  were  at  work  in  forming  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States.27  The  political  revolts  leading 
to  the  elections  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  were  largely  eco- 
nomic in  their  backgrounds.28  It  was  the  economic  inter- 
est of  the  slave  holders  in  the  South  that  constituted  one 
of  the  main  causes  of  the  Mexican  War.29  There  were 
also  big  economic  factors  at  work  in  the  struggle  between 
the  North  and  South  culminating  in  the  Civil  War.30 

It  is  unnecessary  to  trace  the  influence  of  economic  fac- 
tors on  American  life  since  the  Civil  War.  The  growth 
of  huge  corporations  and  trusts,  made  possible  by  mechan- 
ical invention,  the  development  of  the  railroads,  telegraphs, 
telephones,  and  wireless  have  had  a  profound  effect  on  the 
political,  social  and  intellectual  life  of  the  nation.  These 
economic  changes  have  been  quickly  reflected  in  the  issues 
emphasized  by  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties,  in 
the  rise  of  the  Greenback,  the  Fanners'  Alliance,  the  Pop- 
ulist, the  Socialist  and  other  political  groups;  in  the 
emergence  of  distinct  classes  and  the  growth  of  trade  un- 
ionism ;  in  the  development  of  city  life,  with  all  that  this 
means  to  a  nation ;  in  the  passage  of  important  legislation 

2T"The  movement  for  the  Constitution,"  declared  Dr.  Chas.  A. 
Beard,  "  was  originated  and  carried  through  principally  by  four 
groups  of  personalty  interests  adversely  affected  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation:  money,  public  securities,  manufactures,  and  trad- 
ing and  shipping."  (Beard,  The  Economic  Interpretation  of  the  Con- 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  p.  324.  See  other  portions  of  this 
book,  particularly  pp.  28-40;  also  Smith,  The  Spirit  of  American 
(Government,  Ch.  III. 
1  28  Simons,  op.  cit.,  p.  195;  Beard,  Economic  Origin*  of  Jeffersonian 
Democracy. 

*>  E.  Van  Hoist,  Life  of  J.  C.  Calhoun,  pp.  220-59. 

»o  Simons,  op.  cit.,  Chs.  XIX,  XX,  pp.  234-5;  Fitzhugh,  The  Wealth 
of  the  North  and  the  South,  in  De  Bow's  Review,  XXIII  (1857),  p. 
592;  Kettle,  Southern  Wealth  and  Northern  Profits,  p.  171  seq.; 
Schwab,  The  Confederate  States  of  America,  p.  110. 


INTERPRETATION  OF  HISTORY  67 

as  related  to  the  trust,  money,  banking,  tariff,  railroad, 
public  ownership,  labor  and  other  problems.  The  eco- 
nomic revolution,  resulting  in  the  development  of  big  in- 
dustry, has  made  an  indelible  impress  on  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  law,  on  national,  class  and  individual  ethics,  as 
well  as  on  the  entire  cultural  life  of  America.31 

Economics  and  Ethics.—  The  influence  of  economic 
forces  on  ethical  and  religious  movements  and  codes  is 
often  obscured,  but  is  none  the  less  powerful.  An  inter- 
esting example  of  this  influence  is  noted  in  the  case  of  the 
Protestant  Reformation.  "  One  has  only  to  read  his 
[Luther's]  address,"  writes  Professor  Simkhovitch,  "  to 
see  that  the  Reformation  was  largely  a  protest  against  the 
fearful  economic  exploitation  of  Germany  by  the  Church 
of  Rome."  32  The  effect  of  economic  forces  on  the  atti- 
tude of  the  mass  of  people  toward  the  ethics  of  slavery 
is  acknowledged  by  every  genuine  student  of  the  sub- 
ject.33 

Finally,  the  influence  of  class  environment  on  the  ethical 
code  of  the  average  man  is  clearly  illustrated  by  the  differ- 
ence in  attitude  of  the  employing  and  employed  class 
toward  such  activities  as  blacklists,  lockouts,  boycotts, 

si  For  illustration  of  the  economic  backgrounds  of  the  European 
War  see  Seligman,  in  Problems  of  Readjustment  After  the  War, 
Ch.  II;  Hobson,  Imperialism;  Lippmann,  Stakes  of  Diplomacy; 
Howe,  Why  War;  Neilson,  How  Diplomats  Make  War;  Russell, 
Justice  in  War  Time  and  Why  Men  Fight;  Boudin,  Socialism  and 
War;  Weyl,  The  End  of  the  War;  Loria,  The  Economic  Causes  of 
War,  etc. 

For  contributions  of  psychology  to  this  theory  see  article  on  "  The 
Psychological   Basis   for   the  Economic   Interpretation   of  History,"    . 
by  William  F.  Ogburn  in  supplement  to  The  American  Economic 
Review,  March,  1919. 

32  Simkhovitch,  Marxism  vs.  Socialism,  p.  36;  see  also  H.  Lea, 
"  The  Eve  of  the  Reformation,"  in  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VoL 
I,  pp.  65S-92. 

as  Seligman,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  160. 


68      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

strikes,  limitation  of  output,  speculation,  "  scabbing,"  and 
political  corruption.34 

Conclusion. —  It  is  true,  as  Professor  Seligman  points 
put,  that  the  acceptance  of  an  economic  interpretation  of 
tiistory  does  not  necessarily  lead  to  a  belief  in  the  inevi- 
tability of  socialism.     It  is,  however,  also  true,  that  mil- 
lions   of   workers    throughout    the    world    have    accepted 
JMarx's  interpretation  of  economic  phenomena,  or  an  in- 
terpretation of  a  similar  nature ;  that  this  acceptance  has 
en  to  millions  a  basis  for  their  belief  in  the  ultimate 
:oming  of  socialism ;  and  that  the  belief  has  been  a  no  mean 
'actor  in  developing  the  socialist  movement  to  its  present 
strength. 


THE    CLASS    STRUGGLE 

Introductory. —  A  further  cornerstone  of  scientific  so- 
cialism is  the  theory  of  the  class  struggle.  To  many  this 
theory  has  furnished  the  one  sound  basis  for  the  belief 
in  the  coming  of  socialism :  the  one  sure  guide  to  socialist 
tactics.  To  others  it  has  spelled  class  hatred,  has  sig- 
nified the  formation  of  artificial  cleavages,  and  has  fur- 
nished the  great  stumbling  block  to  the  attainment  of  the 
socialist  ideal. 

The  theory  of  class  antagonisms  was  not  original  with 
the  founders  of  scientific  socialism.  As  Professor  Simkho- 
vitch  points  out,  it  was  time  and  again  enunciated  in  class- 
ical antiquity.  Saint-Simon,  Guizot,  Abbe  Baudeau,  Lin- 
guet  in  France  and  Stein,  Feuerbach  and  others  in  Ger- 
many held  similar  views.38  In  America,  Madison  ex- 
pounded the  class  struggle  theory  with  remarkable  clear- 

\»«  See  Ghent's  Matt  and  Clatt,  Chs.  V,  VI,  VII,  for  discussion  of 
lass  ethics,  and  the  ethics  of  the  producers  and  consumers. 
«  Seligman,  op.  eit.,  Pt.  II,  Ch.  II. 
»•  Simkhovitch,  Marxism  vt.  Socialitm,  Ch.  VIII. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  69 

ness,  particularly  in  the  tenth  number  of  T~ke  Federalist, 
where  he  declared  that  "  those  who  hold  and  those  who  are 
without  property  have  ever  formed  distinct  interests  in 
society." 

Marx,  however,  was  the  first  to  look  upon  the  class 
struggle  as  "  the  driving  force  in  social  development  "  and 
to  argue  that  socialism  was  the  necessary  outcome  of  the 
struggle  between  the  two  historically  developed  classes  — 
the  proletariat  and  the  bourgeoisie. 

Marx's  Conception  of  Class  Struggle — The  Marxian^ 
analysis  of  the  historical  role  of  this  struggle  was  firstj 
enunciated  in  the  Communist  Manifesto  of  1848  as  follows : 

"  The  history  of  all  hitherto  existing  society  is  the  history 
of  class  struggles. 

"  Freeman  and  slaves,  patrician  and  plebeian,  lord  and  serf, 
guildmaster  and  journeyman,  in  a  word,  oppressor  and  op- 
pressed, stood  in  constant  opposition  to  one  another,  carried 
on  uninterrupted,  now  hidden,  now  open  fight,  a  fight  that 
each  time  ended,  either  in  a  revolutionary  reconstruction  of 
society  at  large,  or  in  the  common  ruin  of  the  contending 
classes. 

"  In  the  early  epochs  of  history  we  have  almost  every- 
where a  complicated  arrangement  of  society  into  various  or- 
ders, a  manifold  gradation  of  social  rank.  In  ancient  Rome 
we  have  patricians,  knights,  plebeians,  slaves;  in  the  middle 
ages,  feudal  lords,  vassals,  guild-masters,  journeymen,  ap- 
prentices, serfs ;  in  almost  all  of  these  classes  again,  subor- 
dinate gradation. 

"  The  modern  bourgeois  society  that  has  sprouted  from  the 
ruins  of  feudal  society,  has  not  done  away  with  class  antagon- 
isms. It  has  but  established  new  classes,  new  conditions  of 
oppression,  new  forms  of  struggle  in  place  of  the  old  ones. 

"  Our  epoch,  the  epoch  of  the  bourgeoisie,  possesses,  how- 
ever, this  distinctive  feature;  it  has  simplified  the  class  an- 
tagonisms. Society  as  a  whole  is  more  and  more  splitting 


70      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

up  into  two  great  hostile  camps,  into  two  great  classes  di- 
rectly facing  each  other:  Bourgeoisie  and  Proletariat." 

The  foregoing,  together  with  Engels'  interpretation  pub- 
lished in  1888,  and  quoted  elsewhere,37  declares  that  class 
I  struggles  between  oppressor  and  oppressed  have  existed 
since  the  dissolution  of  primitive  society ;  that  the  present 
i  important  struggle  is  that  between  the  wage  earner  and 
j  the  capitalist ;  that  this  struggle  will  end  in  the  emancipa- 
Ition  of  the  wage-earner,  and  that,  with  his  emancipation, 
will  come  the  abolition  of  all  "  exploitation,  oppression, 
class-distinction  and  class  struggles." 

Explanation  of  Theory —  In  explaining  the  theory  of 
the  class  struggle,  socialists  contend  that  society  today 
is  grouped  into  certain  economic  classes,  and  by  an  eco- 
nomic class  they  mean  "  an  aggregation  of  individuals 
bound  together  by  the  similarity  of  their  specific  interests 
in  the  economic  system  and  of  their  functions  in  it." 
The  two  main  classes  in  society  today,  they  assert,  are 
the  producing  or  service-income  class,  and  the  capitalist 
or  the  property-income  class. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  industry  in 
the  cities  of  the  United  States  was  largely  in  the  handi- 
craft stage.  The  worker  in  the  shop  either  owned  the 
tools  with  which  he  worked,  or,  as  an  apprentice,  felt  that, 
within  a  short  time,  he  was  destined  to  become  a  pro- 
prietor. Class  distinctions  were  blurred.  With  the  de- 
velopment of  steam  and  electricity,  the  small  shop  grew 
into  the  factory,  the  individually  owned  factory  into  the 
partnership,  into  the  corporation,  and,  in  many  instances, 

"See  former  section  on  "The  Inevitability  of  Socialism." 
\f      "Spargo,  Social  Democracy   Explained,  p.    168.     Socialists  claim 
K  that  division  into  economic  classes  according  to  the  amount  of  In- 
come received  is  an  erroneous  division.    See  discussion  under  "The 
Disappearance  of  the  Middle  Class,"  p.  101. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  71 

into  the  trust  and  combine.     This  development  wrought 
certain  changes  in  social  relations. 

Increasing  Expensiveness  of  Machinery. — (1)  It 
greatly  increased  the  expensiveness  of  the  machine,39  and 
rendered  it  ever  more  difficult  for  the  worker  to  pass  from 
the  ranks  of  labor  to  the  ranks  of  the  capitalist  class. 
According  to  the  1910  Census,  in  the  United  States,  ex- 
cluding agricultural  occupations,  four-fifths  of  the  per- 
sons gainfully  employed  were  working  for  some  one  else 
^^were  *"»p^*y«^  fa*  *•  wagrp  nr  aafory.40  In  manufac- 
turing,  the  wage-earners  constituted  seven-eighths  of  the 
total  number  of  persons  engaged  (6,615,046  of  the  total 
of  7,678,578). 41  In  37  of  the  43  leading  manufacturing 
industries  80  per  cent,  of  the  total  number  employed 
were  wage-earners  and  in  12  of  the  43,  90  per  cent.  In 
mining  there  was  one  proprietor  or  official  to  every  20 
wage-earners,  while,  in  the  railroad  industry,  the  most 
highly  organized,  the  general  officers  were  only  £  in  700.42 

so  In  1845  McCulloch  estimated  that  the  fixed  capital  in  a  well- 
appointed  English  cotton  mill  amounted  to  about  two  years'  wages 
of  each  worker  in  the  mill.  (Porter,  Progress  of  the  Nations,  p. 
216.)  In  1890  Professor  Marshall  assigned  a  capital  to  a  spinning 
mill  of  about  five  years'  wages  for  each  worker.  {Principles  of 
Economics  (2nd  ed.),  p.  282,  and  Hobson,  Evolution  of  Modern 
Capitalism,  p.  117.)  While  the  capital  of  the  English  railroads  has 
been  estimated  as  equivalent  of  twenty  years'  work  of  the  employees. 
(Marshall,  op.  cit.,  p.  283.) 

4°  Nearing,  Income,  p.  59. 

4i  Abstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Census,  p.  452. 

*2  Nearing,  op.  cit.,  pp.  64-7.  Abstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Census, 
p.  453  et  seq. 

"  Although  there  is  a  considerable  variation  from  industry  to  in- 
dustry," declares  Dr.  Nearing,  "  the  fact  remains  that  the  wage- 
earners  constitute  over  nine-tenths  of  the  total  number,  while  the 
wage-earners  and  clerks  together  constitute  in  the  neighborhood  of 
ninety-five  per  cent,  of  the  whole."  (Nearing,  op  cit.,  p.  66.)  And 
this  working  class  has  ever  less  hope  of  becoming  an  owner  of  in- 
dustry. (See  Ely,  Studies  in  the  Evolution  of  Industrial  Society, 
pp.  79-80,  84-5.) 


72      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Increased  Usefulness  of  Worker. — (2)  Capitalist  pro- 
duction has  placed  into  the  hands  of  the  wage  and  salaried 
employees,  from  superintendent  to  unskilled  worker,  prac- 
tically all  the  useful  functions  in  the  conduct  of  the  cor- 
poration.48 The  individual  proprietor  of  former  days 
generally  combined  in  himself  the  functions  of  capitalist, 
captain  of  industry  and  superintendent  of  the  plant. 
Under  the  corporate  form,  however,  the  owner  is  the  stock- 
holder. The  chief  functions  of  the  stockholder  are  to  in- 
vest, to  clip  dividends,  and  perfunctorily  to  elect  the  board 
of  directors.  His  relationship  "  to  a  corporation  is  any- 
thing but  permanent.  In  a  busy  week  in  Wall  Street,  the 
number  of  shares  bought  and  sold  in  one  of  the  great  cor- 
porations will  greatly  exceed  the  total  number  of  shares 
that  are  in  existence."  44  The  stockholders  arc  absentee 
owners  in  most  instances  totally  ignorant  of  the  conduct 
of  the  corporation.  The  Board  of  Directors  of  the  large 
corporations  maintain  supervision  only  over  the  financial 
phase  of  the  business  and  appoint  and  remove  executive 
officers.45  If  the  state  were  substituted  for  the  stock- 
holders, and  a  commission  representing  the  community  and 
the  workers,  for  the  board  of  directors,  the  machinery 
would  run  without  a  hitch. 

Education  of  Worker — (3)  Developed  capitalism  af- 
fords the  workers  a  certain  discipline  and  education  which 
make  them  susceptible  to  propaganda  of  a  socialistic  na- 
ture. There  is  not  only  the  "  iconoclastic  discipline  of 
mechanical  employment  "  mentioned  by  Professor  Veblen,48 
but  also,  as  a  result  of  many  forces,  the  increased  educa- 

48  See  ntpra,  Ch.  II. 

« »  Basil  M.  Manly,  in  the  Report  of  the  Committion  on  Industrial 
Relation*,  p.  26. 

«  Ibid.,  pp.  ft,  84. 

4«  Veblen,  The  Theory  of  Butineii  Enterprise,  pp.  325-7,  353; 
this  discipline,  however,  has  also  certain  reactionary  tendencies. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  73 

tional  opportunities  which,  however  inadequate,  are  far  in 
advance  of  those  obtained  by  the  workers  under  feudal- 
ism and  slavery.  And  these  advantages  whet  the  appetite 
of  the  workers  for  further  knowledge  and  give  to  them  a 
better  understanding  of  the  social  problem.47 

Spirit  of  Solidarity — (4)  Modern  industry  tends  to 
develop  in  various  ways  the  spirit  of  solidarity:  (a)  It 
brings  workers  together  in  huge  factories.  Two-thirds  of 
all  the  wage-earners  in  the  manufacturing  plants  of  the 
United  States  are  now  employed  in  establishments  con- 
taining more  than  100  workmen;  only  15  per  cent,  work  in, 
plants  employing  twenty  wage-earners  or  less.48 

(b)  It   transforms    individual    production    into    social 
production.49 

Specialization,  moreover,  "  devotes  the  overwhelming 
mass,  for  the  term  of  their  lives,  to  the  special  kind  of 
labor  in  which  they  engage  in  their  youth."  50 

(c)  Despite  this  division^  labor,  there  is^.  monotonous 
likeness  in  the  kind  of  work  performed.     This  likeness  be- 
comes  more  marked  with  the   coming  of  new   inventions 
which,  overnight,  often  render  whole  trades  unnecessary. 
In  each  shop,  furthermore,  scores  are  found  performing 
identical  mechanical  motions  in  connection  with  identical 
machines. 

(d)  At    the   same   time,   machine   production   leads   to 
greater  equality  of  output.     "  By  the  aid  of  machinery 
.   .   .,  the  clumsy  or  weak  worker  is  rendered  capable  of 
assisting  the  nicest  movement  on  a  closer  equality  with 
the  more  skilled  worker."  51 

47  Kautsky,  The  Class  Struggle,  p.  187.  \ 

48  Abstract  of  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  U.  8.,  p.  468. 
4»  See  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  p.  141. 

so  Ghent,  Meat  and  Class,  p.  56. 
w  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  p.  349. 


74      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

(e)  The  operators,  moreover,  are  no  longer  on  per- 
sonal terms  with  the  owner,  the  impersonal  corporation. 
They  usually  come  in  contact  only  with  the  foremen  or 
superintendents.  Even  to  these  they  are  frequently  known 
only  by  numbers.  The  size  of  the  foreman's  salary  gen- 
erally depends  on  his  ability  to  obtain  the  maximum  out- 
put with  the  minimum  outlay.  He  is  not  inclined  volun- 
tarily to  increase  salaries,  decrease  hours  or  improve  con- 
ditions, unless  increased  expenditure  will  yield  commen- 
surate returns.  The  worker,  therefore,  finds  himself  at  a 
distinct  disadvantage  when  bargaining  individually  for 
better  conditions.  Years  ago,  when  dissatisfied  with  these 
conditions,  he  might  go  West  and  stake  a  claim  on  free 
land.  Tlu's  alternative  is  no  longer  open  to  him.  His  one 
remaining  hope  for  advance  comes  through  organization. 

The  hugeness  of  the  modern  plant,  the  social  character 
of  production,  the  similarity  of  tasks,  the  growing  equal- 
ity of  product,  the  impersonal  relation  between  worker 
and  corporation,  the  increasing  difficulty  of  advancement 
except  through  combination  —  all  lead  to  the  development 
of  the  spirit  of  class  solidarity.  The  workers  begin  to 
develop  "  «,  concept  of  the  moral  law  of  economic  solid- 
arity. .  .  .  This  law  demands  that  all  men  shall  be  use- 
ful workers,  that  no  man  shall  take  any  advantage  at  the 
expense  of  another,  and  that  all  such  useful  workers  shall 
stand  together  for  the  welfare  of  all."  82 

Political  Power  of  Worker — (5)  Developed  capital- 
ism brings  in  its  wake  also  —  although  not  without  bitter 
struggle  on  the  part  of  the  workers  —  an  increasing 
amount  of  political  democracy  which  places  into  the  hands 
of  laborers  the  important  weapon  of  the  ballot,  and  makes 
it  possible  for  them,  at  any  time  they  care  to  unite,  to  ob- 

62  Ghent,  Matt  and  Clati,  p.  117. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  75 

tain  complete  control  over  the  government,  and  through 
the  government  over  industry.  The  legitimacy  of  labor 
organizations  is  also  generally  acknowledged  under  ad- 
vanced capitalism. 

Evolution  of  Capitalist —  On  the  other  hand,  capitalist 
development  renders  the  capitalist  class  a  minority  class 
in  the  community,  less  and  less  necessary  to  industrial 
production.  It  renders  many  in  the  middle  class  indif- 
ferent to  the  fate  of  the  capitalist  system,  or  passive  and 
active  supporters  of  a  new  order  of  society.53  It  even 
attaches  to  the  proletariat  a  small  section  of  the  ruling 
class  who  feel  that  justice  and  the  forces  of  evolution  are 
on  the  side  of  socialism. 

Outcome  of  Struggle. —  These  two  groups  in  society, 
the  capitalists  and  the  workers  by  hand  and  brftin,  go 
forth  to  battle  on  the  economic  and  political  fields,  each 
group  aiming  to  secure  as  large  an  amount  of  the  social 
product  as  possible.  Latej*  the  struggle  develops  into 
one  on  the  part  of  the  capitalists  for  the  retention  of  their 
control  over  industry,  and,  on  the  part  of  the  workers,  for 
social  ownership  and  democratic  control.  The  workers 
organize  in  labor  unions  and  political  parties,  first  locally, 
then  nationally,  and,  finally,  internationally.  The  cap- 
italists likewise  organize.  The  latter  with  their  control 
over  industry  and  over  government,  have  the  initial  ad- 
vantage. However,  one  cannot  view  the  struggle  in  the 
large  without  realizing  that  the  struggle  cannot  cease  until 
the  intellectual  and  manual  producers  —  who  are  becom- 
ing ever  stronger,  ever  more  industrially  useful,  ever 
better  educated,  better  disciplined,  better  organized  and 
more  articulate  politically  and  economically,  and  who  are 

ss  See  tupra,  discussion  under  "  Disappearance  of  the  Middle 
Class,"  p.  101  et  seq. 


76      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

securing  the  support  to  an  ever  greater  extent  of  the  ideal- 
ists of  other  social  groups  —  secure  control  of  government 
and  industry,  render  all  citizens  members  of  the  service- 
income  class,  abolish  class  struggles  and  class  supremacy, 
and  conduct  industry,  not  for  private  profit,  but  for  social 
welfare.54 

Criticisms  of  the  Theory —  Socialists  realize  the  legit- 
imacy of  certain  criticisms  urged  against  the  class  strug- 
gle theory  as  it  is  often  presented.  The  history  of  the 
past,  as  some  socialists  seem  to  indicate,  cannot  be  ex- 
plained wholly  in  terms  of  the  class  struggle,  although  this 
struggle  has  played  a  prominent  part.55  Nor  can  it  be 
said  that  the  formation  of  classes  has  proceeded  in  the 
exact  manner  predicted  by  Marx. 

Value   of    Class   Consciousness. —  Socialists,   however, 
deny  the  validity  of  certain  objections  voiced  by  their  op- 
ponents.    They  deny  responsibility  for  the  class  struggle. 
They  contend  that  they  have  merely  recognized  the  exist- 
ence of  this  struggle,  and  are  doing  all  they  can  to  elimi- 
iiate  it,  by  eliminating  its  cause.     They  deny  that  the 
preaching  of  the  class  struggle,  and  the  development  of 
y  class-consciousness,"  breed  class  hatred.     They  claim, 
iin  the  contrary,  that  the  worker  who  accepts  the  theory  of 
t  tie  class  struggle  is  likely  to  take  a  far  more  philosophical 
iew,  a  far  less  bitter  view,  of  the  antagonism  of  the  owning 
ass  to  just  demands  of  labor,  than  those  who  fail  to  re- 
ili/c  this  world  phenomenon,  and  who  consider  such  .op,po- 
tion  but  a  sign  of  innate  wickedness.     Furthermore,  a 
eeling  of  class  consciousness  develops  among  tens  of  thou- 

»*  See  Rauschenbusch,  Chrittianizing  the  Social  Order,  PL  VI, 
Ch.  V. 

88  See  criticism  of  Simkhovitch,  p.  190  et  ieq.;  see  Fraina,  Revo- 
lutionary Sonalitm,  Ch.  IX,  and  Ghent,  Matt  and  Clati,  Chs.  I  and 
II,  for  importance  of  theory. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  77 

sands  of  workers  a  spirit  of  disinterested  devotion  to  a 
great  cause,  and  has  a  disciplinary  and  awakening  power 
which  is  invaluable  in  the  life  of  the  individual  and  of  the 
nation.86 

Nor  does  the  acceptance  of  the  class  struggle  theory 
preclude  the  realization  that  there  is,  particularly  in  the 
United  States,  a  gradual  blending  of  one  class  into  an- 
other, and  that  thousands  are  constantly  passing  from 
one  to  another  group.  It  does  not  deny  the  influences  of 
other  than  economic  interests  upon  the  lives  of  members  of 
certain  classes  —  of  social,  religious,  racial,  national,  fam- 
ily, and  intellectual  affiliations  —  influences  which,  at  times, 
prove  more  powerful  in  molding  the  actions  of  an  indi- 
vidual on  economic  questions  than  does  class  consciousness. 

Socialists  realize  that  there  are  certain  common  in- 
terests between  the  worker  and  the  employer,  as  well 
as  fundamental  antagonisms.  They  recognize  that  the 
struggle  between  the  worker  and  the  capitalist  is  not  the 
only  struggle  going  on  in  society,  that  there  are  numerous 
struggles  constantly  taking  place  among  various  groups 
in  the  capitalist,  the  middle  and  the  working  classes. 

Fundamental  Antagonism —  Socialists  insist,  however, 
that  there  is  a  fundamental  antagonism  between  the  in- 
terest of  the  worker  and  the  interest  of  the  owner.  As 
Adam  Smith  so  well  put  it : 

"  The  workmen  desire  to  get  as  much,  the  masters  to  give 
as  little  as  possible.  The  former  are  disposed  to  combine 
in  order  to  raise,  the  latter  in  order  to  lower,  the  wages  of 
labor.  .  .  .  We  rarely  hear,  it  has  been  said,  of  the  combina- 
tions of  masters,  though  frequently  of  those  of  workmen. 
But  whoever  imagines,  upon  this  account,  that  masters  rarely 
combine,  is  as  ignorant  of  the  world  as  of  the  subject.  Mas- 
is*  Scudder,  Socialism  and  Character,  Pi.  II,  Ch.  II. 


78      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ters  are  always  and  everywhere  in  a  sort  of  tacit,  but  con- 
stant and  uniform,  combination,  not  to  raise  the  wages  of  labor 
above  their  actual  rate.  To  violate  this  combination  is  every- 
where a  most  unpopular  action."  " 

They  assert  that  a  broad  view  of  the  human  struggle 
throughout  the  world  will  reveal  the  existence  of  these 
two  classes,  each,  in  the  mass,  taking  different  sides  in 
the  thousands  of  economic  conflicts  that  are  constantly 
being  waged,  each  adopting,  in  the  mass,  a  different  class 
ethics,  each  joining  opposing  associations,  and  each,  ever 
more  consciously,  taking  opposite  positions  on  the  great 
economic  and  political  problems  of  the  day,  particularly 
the  overshadowing  problem  of  property  ownership. 

Conclusion. —  While,  on  the  one  hand,  at  present  writ- 
ing, there  are  many  evidences  of  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  of 
a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  employers  to  concede  an  in- 
creased share  in  management  and  profits,  on  the  other 
hand  there  is  a  drawing  of  lines,  an  organization  of  op- 
posing forces  of  a  far  more  definite  nature  than  ever.58 
This,  and  the  increasing  power  of  the  workers  in  Europe 
and  America,  seem  to  indicate  that,  on  the  whole,  the 

y/     67  Smith,    Wealth  of  Nation*,   Book   I,   Ch.   VIII,   in   "Economic 

^Classics,"  pp.  68-9. 

Mr.  Prank  A.  Vanderlip,  formerly  president  of  the  National  City 
Bank,  in  his  book,  What  Happened  to  Europe  (1919),  p.  135-6, 
quotes  an  English  employer  "of  first  prominence"  as  stating: 
a  There  is  a  great  deal  of  preaching  to  the  effect  that  the  interests 
of  labor  and  capital  are  identical.  That  is  all  bosh.  The  interests 
of  labor  and  capital  are  not  identical.  It  is  labor's  aim,  and  its 
proper  aim,  to  obtain  in  the  division  between  capital  and  labor  all 
that  it  can,  just  as  it  is  the  aim  of  capital  in  its  division  to  obtain 
all  it  can.  Up  to  the  point  of  an  industry  going  to  smash  the  inter- 
ests of  labor  are  opposed  to  the  interests  of  capital." 

68  For  discussion  us  to  whether,  prior  to  the  war,  class  antag- 
onisms were  softening  or  becoming  more  sharp,  see  Bernstein, 
Evolutionary  Socinlium,  p.  18  ,t  veq.,  and  Kautsky,  The  Road  to 
Power,  Chs.  VII,  VIII,  and  his  other  works. 


THE  CLASS  STRUGGLE  79 

socialist   analysis   of  the  class   struggle,   and  his  predic- 
tions on  the  basis  thereof  are  being  justified  by  events.59 

BO  Within  the  socialist  ranks,  much  controversy  has  been  rife  as 
to  what  groups  in  society  could  be  legitimately  classed  among  the 
workers,  and  those  that  could  be  effectively  appealed  to  by  socialists 
to  change  the  economic  system.  On  the  one  hand,  certain  socialists 
have  been  inclined  to  include  in  their  appeal  only  manual  workers. 
Extremists  insist  that  even  the  organized  skilled  workers  in  the 
trades  must  be  counted  out  when  it  comes  to  "  militant,  class  con- 
scious action "  leading  to  another  system  of  society.  Mr.  Fraina, 
for  instance,  deals  with  "  the  covert  and  open  clash  between  the 
skilled  and  unskilled.  .  .  .  The  two  groups  engage  in  an  open,  bitte 
struggle,  as  in  order  to  secure  and  retain  its  privileges  skilled  labo 
completely  abandons  and  betrays  the  unskilled.  ...  It  is  through  the 
interests  and  action  of  the  proletariat  of  average,  unskilled  labor, 
the  dominant  form  of  labor  in  modern  industry,  that  the  social  revo- 
lution will  come."  (Fraina,  op.  cit.,  pp.  52,  54.)  Walling,  in 
Progressivism  and  After,  deals  with  the  same  antagonisms.  This  de- 
limitation of  the  scope  of  the  class  that  might  be  depended  on  to 
change  the  present  economic  system  tends  to  create  a  feeling  of 
despair  regarding  the  efficacy  of  political  action,  and  to  turn  those 
holding  such  a  conception  to  "mass  action,"  for  the  inauguration  of 
the  cooperative  commonwealth. 

The  majority  of  socialists  —  at  least  prior  to  the  war  —  have  taken 
a  broader  view  of  the  scope  of  the  working  class  and  of  the  numbers 
in  the  population  who  might  be  effectively  reached  by  socialist 
propaganda.  Wilhelm  Liebknecht,  for  instance,  wrote :  "  A  tiny 
minority  alone  demands  that  the  socialist  movement  shall  be  limited 
to  the  wage-earning  class.  .  .  .  We  ought  not  to  ask  '  Are  you  a 
wage-earner?'  but  'Are  you  a  socialist?'  If  it  is  limited  to  the 
wage-earners,  socialism  cannot  conquer.  If  it  includes  all  the  work- 
ers and  the  moral  and  intellectual  elite  of  the  nation,  its  victory  is 
certain."  Liebknecht  declared  that  the  Social  Democracy  was  "  the 
party  of  all  the  people  with  the  exception  of  two  hundred  thousand 
great  proprietors,  small  proprietors  and  priests."  He  was  also  of 
the  belief  that  the  small  shop-keeping  class  and  the  small  farmers  : 
should  be  considered  ripe  for  socialist  propaganda.  (Jaures,  Studies  \ 
in  Socialism,  pp.  83-4..) 

Kautsky  contended,  prior  to  the  war,  that  the  recruiting  ground 
for  socialism  in  Germany  included  three-fourths  of  the  nation, 
among  them  the  skilled  and  unskilled  workers,  and  a  part  of  the 
professional,  salaried,  and  small  merchant  class.  (Kautsky,  The\ 
Road  to  Power,  p.  72;  see  also  Walling,  Socialism  as  It  Is,  Pt.  III,! 
Ch.  I.) 


80      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  fight  raging  in  Russia,  Germany  and  elsewhere  today  between 
various  groups  of  socialists  is  based  partly  on  the  difference  in  con- 
ception as  to  what  groups  in  society  may  be  depended  on  to  make  a 
consistent  fight  for  industrial  democracy.  A  swing  toward  a  more 
liberal  interpretation  of  the  meaning  of  the  working  class  has  been 
evidenced  recently  in  the  case  of  the  British  Labor  Party. 


CHAPTER  IV 

SOCIALIST  THEORY:     II.  CAPITALIST  DEVEL- 
OPMENTS AND  THEORY  OF  VALUE 

CONCENTRATION    IN    INDUSTRY  1 

Introductory. —  Socialists  have  further  predicted  that, 
with  the  development  of  capitalism,  industry  will  tend  to 
concentrate  into  ever  fewer  hands.  Such  concentration 
gives  a  distinct  impetus  to  social  ownership.  It  lessens 
the  resisting  power  of  the  middle  class.  It  shows  the  feas- 
ibility of  industrial  administration  on  a  national  scale. 
It  furnishes  an  industrial  technique  that  may  in  part  be 
effectively  utilized  under  a  cooperative  system.  It  de- 
velops among  the  masses  a  determination  to  overthrow 
capitalism,  and  it  renders  socialization,  when  it  occurs,  a 
simpler  process  than  would  otherwise  have  been  the  case. 

Has  concentration  proceeded  along  the  lines  prophe- 
sied by  Marx?  In  this  country  Marx's  prophecy  is  be- 
ing largely  fulfilled  in  industries  engaged  in  the  routine 
processes  of  manufacture,  in  transportation  and  com- 
munication, in  mining  and  in  the  exploitation  of  other 
natural  resources,  in  finance,  and,  to  some  extent,  in  trad- 
ing. Agriculture  has  failed  to  develop  as  Marx  predicted, 
but  even  here  there  are  tendencies  which  must  not  be  over- 

i  A  sharp  distinction  should  be  made  between  concentration  in 
industrial  control  and  concentration  in  ownership.  The  modern  cor- 
poration lends  itself  readily  both  to  diffused  ownership  and  to  con- 
centrated control.  .The  latter  is  being  described  in  the  following 
pages. 

81 


82      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

looked.  In  the  retail  distributive  trade  there  is  still  a 
wide  diffusion  of  control  and  in  all  lines  the  small  industry 
survives,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  side  by  side  with  the 
larger  unit. 

The  Growth  of  the  Corporation —  In  manufacture,  in- 
dustrial development  has  steadily  proceeded  from  the  in- 
dividual firm,  to  the  partnership,  to  the  corporation.  So 
dominant  has  the  corporation  become  in  modern  business 
that,  in  1909,  while  only  one-fourth  (25.9  per  cent.)  of  the 
establishments  engaged  in  manufacturing  industries  were 
under  corporate  management,  the  value  of  the  products 
of  the  factories  operated  by  corporations  represented 
more  than  three-fourths  (79  per  cent.)  of  the  total  value 
for  all  establishments  (as  compared  with  73.7  per  cent,  in 
1904),  while  the  number  of  wage-earners  employed  by 
such  corporations  constituted  75.6  per  cent,  of  the  total 
number,  as  compared  with  70.6  per  cent,  five  years  before.2 

The  Increase  of  Large  Scale  Production. —  The  large 
.corporation,  with  its  ability  to  utilize  modern  machinery, 
to  make  profits  out  of  waste  products,  to  economize  in 
the  purchase,  transportation  and  selling  of  goods,  to  ob- 
tain the  services  of  superior  managers  and  install  the 
latest  administrative  devices,  to  experiment  with  new  in- 
ventions, etc.,  is  gradually  supplanting  the  smaller  cor- 
poration in  many  lines  of  manufacturing.8 

This  advance  of  large  scale  production  is  indicated  by 
the  growth  of  firms  the  annual  product  of  which  is  esti- 
mated at  $1,000,000  or  more.  In  1909,  this  class  of  in- 
dustries, while  constituting  but  1.1  per  cent,  of  the  manu- 
facturing establishments,  produced  43.8  per  cent,  of  the 
total  product,  as  compared  with  38  per  cent,  in  1904,  and 
employed  30.5  per  cent,  of  the  wage-earners  engaged  in 

2  See  Abttract  of  the  Thirteenth  Centu*,  pp.  461-2. 

»  See  tvpra,  Ch.  I,  under  "  Wastes  in  Manufacturing,"  pp.  14-16. 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  83 

manufacture,  as  compared  with  25.6  per  cent,  in  the  for- 
mer period.  This  was  the  only  class,  furthermore,  whose 
product  increased,  in  proportion  to  the  total  product,  in 
the  five-year  period.  Firms  with  a  business  of  $100,000 
and  over  absorbed  in  1909  no  less  than  82.2  per  cent,  of 
the  manufactured  product  and  employed  three-fourths 
(74.3  per  cent.)  of  the  workers.  On  the  other  hand, 
those  petty  industries  with  an  annual  turnover  of  less  than 
$5,000  a  year  produced  but  1.1  per  cent,  of  the  total,  and 
employed  in  1909  but  2.2  per  cent,  of  the  wage-earners  — 
though  constituting  more  than  one-third  (34.8  per  cent.) 
of  the  establishments.4 

Another  indication  of  concentration  is  the  fact  that 
while,  from  1850  to  1905,  the  number  of  establishments 
increased  five  fold,  the  value  of  the  product  advanced  fif- 
teen fold.5  That  this  tendency  "  has  been  an  outstanding 
feature  of  manufacturing ''  is  freely  admitted  on  all  sides.6 

Growth  of  Combination. —  Large  scale  production  has, 
furthermore,  in  many  instances,  developed  into  combina- 
tions and  trusts.  For  combination  has  meant  a  nicer  ad- 
justment of  production  to  effective  demand;  a  stabiliza- 
tion of  prices ;  sweeping  economies  in  the  selling  of  articles, 
in  advertising,  in  salesmanship,  in  the  elimination  of  cross- 
freights,  etc. ;  marked  advantages  in  obtaining  credit ; 
more  definite  control  over  labor;  a  closer  integration  be- 
tween the  various  processes  of  production  and  distribu- 
tion ;  a  more  complete  utilization  of  plants,  and  usually  an 
augmentation  of  advantages  previously  referred  to,  pos- 
sessed by  the  large  corporation.7  Combination,  of  course, 

*  A  bstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Census,  p.  464. 
s  Van  Hise,  Concentration  and  Control,  pp.  50-1. 
«See  Bogart,  Economic  History  of  the  U.  8.,  p.  377;  Van  Hise, 
op.  cit.,  p.  59. 
7  See  supra,  "  The  Increase  in  Large  Scale  Production,"  p.  82. 


84      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

has  been  aided  by  tariffs,  price  discriminations,  unfair 
methods  of  suppressing  competitors  and  other  factors  not 
indicative  of  inherent  economic  advantages.  The  eco- 
nomic advantages,  however,  must  not  be  ignored. 

In  dealing  with  this  tendency  toward  combination,  Pro- 
fessor E.  R.  A.  Seligman  states : 

"  According  to  the  census  of  1900,  there  were  185  combina- 
tions, representing  2,040  plants  and  turning  out  products  to 
the  value  of  $1,667,350,  a  little  over  14  per  cent,  of  the  total 
industrial  output  of  the  United  States.  But  since  1900  the 
movement  has  progressed  rapidly.  In  1900  there  were  16 
combinations  each  with  a  capital  of  over  $50,000,000  and 
with  an  aggregate  capital  of  $1,231,000,000.  In  1907,  not 
only  were  there  27  such  combinations  with  an  aggregate  capi- 
tal three  times  as  great  ($3,785,000,000),  but  a  single  com- 
bination now  had  a  larger  capital  than  the  16  combinations, 
and  about  one-half  as  large  as  all  the  185  combinations  in 
1900."  • 

The  Corporation  and  Concentration  of  Control. —  The 

rdevelopment  of  the  corporation,  it  is  true,  has  somewhat 
(retarded  concentration  of  ownership,  since  it  has  given 
'an  opportunity  to  many,  possessing  but  a  small  amount 
of  capital,  to  purchase  stock,  thus  participating  in  the 
ownership  of  the  concern.  The  significance  of  this  tend- 
ency will  be  discussed  elsewhere.9  While  the  corpora- 
tion, however,  has,  in  certain  respects,  contributed  to  a 
diffusion  of  ownership,  it  has,  at  the  same  time,  been  an 
effective  vehicle  for  the  still  further  centralized  control 
over  small  savings.  "  For  through  the  corporation  the 
savings  of  even  the  poor  are  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
few  capitalists,  who  are  enabled  to  use  those  savings  as 
if  they  were  a  part  of  their  great  capitals.  As  a  result, 

•  Seligman,  Principle*  of  Economics  (3rd  ed.),  p.  342. 

•  See  pott.,  see  section  under  "  Disappearance  of  the  Middle  Class." 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  85 

the  centralizing  power  of  their  own  great  fortunes  is  in- 
creased still  more."  10  The  structure  of  a  corporation, 
in  fact,  often  lends  itself  readily  to  inside  manipulation 
by  the  few.  As  John  A.  Hobson  truly  says: 

"  In  form,  an  economic  democracy,  with  an  elective  respon- 
sible government,  the  joint-stock  company  is  in  most  instances 
a  close  oligarchy ;  the  monetary  support  of  the  public  is  wanted 
but  not  their  direction. 

"  The  chairman,  probably  the  nominee  of  some  big  pro- 
moting capitalist,  is  given  the  post  and  one  or  two  financial 
or  ornamental  supporters  are  put  in  as  fellow-directors;  this 
tiny  group  nominate  the  rest  of  the  directorate  and  force 
their  election  in  the  meeting  of  shareholders;  having  the 
initiation  of  the  meeting  in  their  hands  they  dictate  the  policy, 
retain  despotic  power  in  all  vital  matters,  communicate  to 
the  shareholders  what  is  convenient,  conceal  what  is  incon- 
venient, and  resist  —  almost  in  every  case  successfully  — 
attempts  of  a  refractory  minority,  or  even  majority,  to  ques- 
tion their  conduct,  or  alter  the  composition  of  the  boards."  " 

Big  industrials  and  big  finance  thus  cooperate  effectively 
in  the  control  of  industry.  This  control  of  late  has 
reached  a  startling  magnitude.12 

Concentration  in  Manufacture. —  In  the  general  field  of 
manufacture,  those  industries  which  have  a  superior  ac- 
cess to  raw  materials  and  transportation  have  shown  a 

10  Kautsky,  The  Road  to  Power,  p.  28. 

11  Hobson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism,  p.  240. 

12  In  dealing  with  financial  concentration,  Basil  M.  Manly,  in  his 
report  signed  by  four  of  the  members  on  the  Commission  on  Indus- 
trial Relations,  says    (p.  80) :    "  A  careful  and  conservative  study 
shows  that  the  corporations  controlled  by  six  financial  groups  and 
affiliated  interests  employ  2,651,684  wage-earners  and  have  a  total  I  • 
capitalization  of  $19,875,200,000.    These  six  financial  interests  control 

28  per  cent,  of  the  total  number  of  wage-earners  engaged  in  the  in-  , 
dustries  covered  by  the  report  of  our  investigation.     The  Morgan-  \l 
First  National  Bank  group   alone  controls  corporations  employing  |j/ 
786,499  wage-earners." 


86      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

remarkable  integration.  Especially  is  this  true  in  the 
iron  and  steel  industry  —  the  fourth  in  value  of  products 
—  in  which  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  is  the 
dominating  concern. 

In  1910  it  was  estimated  that  this  corporation  pro- 
duced more  than  two-fifths  of  the  pig  iron  (43.2  per  cent.) 
and  the  majority  of  the  crude  and  finished  steel  (54  per 
cent.)  in  the  country,  and  that  it  controlled  no  less  than 
three-fourths  of  the  Lake  ores.18 

In  such  allied  industries  as  that  of  the  smelting  and  re- 
fining of  copper  and  of  lead,  where  but  38  and  28  estab- 
lishments respectively  are  reported,  an  unusually  high  de- 
gree of  concentration  is  observed. 

Oil  refining  provides  still  another  conspicuous  example 
of  this  tendency.  Prior  to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  with  its  various  affili- 
ated concerns,  handled  84.2  per  cent,  of  the  crude  oil  which 
went  to  the  refineries  of  the  country,  while  it  produced 
more  than  86  per  cent.,  and  marketed  over  88  per  cent,  of 
the  refined  illuminating  oil.14  Nor  has  free  competition 
between  the  constitutent  companies  occupying  headquar- 

i»  Report  of  the  Commission  of  Corporations  on  the  Steel  Indus- 
try (1911),  Part  I,  p.  23.  Some  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
holdings  of  this  corporation  may  be  gleaned  from  the  fact  that  at  its 
organization  it  acquired  steel  works  with  an  annual  capacity  of  over 
9,400,000  tons  of  crude  steel  and  more  than  7,700,000  tons  of  finished 
rolled  steel  products;  several  railroads  with  over  1,000  miles  of  main 
track  and  a  large  mileage  of  second  track  and  sidings;  a  fleet  of  112 
Lake  ore  vessels;  iron-ore  reserves  in  the  Lake  region  estimated  at 
about  500,000,000  to  700,000,000  tons;  more  than  50,000  acres  of 
coking  coal  lands  with  a  great  acreage  of  other  grades  of  coal,  not  to 
mention  numerous  miscellaneous  properties.  Since  then  it  has  pur- 
chased extensive  interests,  including  the  Tennessee  Coal,  Iron  and 
Railroad  Co.,  which  purchase  made  it  the  leading  factor  in  the 
southern  iron  and  steel  industry.  (Ibid.,  p.  13.) 

»«  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  pp.  104-6;  Report  of  the  Commission  of  Cor- 
porations on  the  Petroleum  Industry  (1907). 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  87 

ters  in  26  Broadway  been  particularly  conspicuous  to  the 
outsider  since  the  dissolution  of  the  trust. 

While  farming  as  such  has  shown  little  tendency  toward 
consolidati<)na_§iichL  concentration  has  been  evidenced  in 
numerous  industries-  directly .  connected  with  agriculture. 
In  the  meat  packing  industry,  for  instance,  five  large  com- 
panies control  practically  one-half  of  the  beef  packing  in- 
dustry of  the  United  States.15  In  some  of  the  eastern 
cities,  the  "  Big  Five  "  supplied  in  1918  three-fourths  of 
the  trade.  They  handled  hogs,  calves,  dairy  and  poultry 
products;  dealt  in  such  by-products  as  hides,  fat,  fertil- 
izer, soap  and  glue,  and  owned  refrigerating  and  trans- 
portation lines,  huge  stockyards,  grain  elevators  and  other 
commodities  and  services.16  In  sugar  refining,  another 
food  staple,  the  American  Sugar  Refining  Company  has 
been  credited  with  controlling  approximately  two-thirds 
(62  per  cent.)  of  the  cane  sugar  refining  and  beet  sugar 
manufacture  of  the  United  States.17 

A  further  industry  depending  for  its  support  directly 
on  agriculture  is  that  engaged  in  the  making  of  agricul- 
tural implements.  In  1911,  the  International  Harvester 
Company  manufactured  and  sold  seven-eighths  of  the 
grain  binders,  three-fourths  of  the  mowers,  seven-tenths 
of  the  rakes,  one-half  of  the  spreaders,  two-fifths  of  the 
disk  harrows  and  a  large  proportion  of  the  farm  wagons 
in  the  country.18 

is  Slaughtering  and  meat  packing  industry  stands  first  in  the  value 
of  its  products  among  the  manufacturing  industries.  In  1909  this 
value  was  estimated  at  $1,370,568,000. 

i«  Summary  of  the  Report  of  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  on  the 
Meat  Packing  Industry,  July  3,  1918;  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  pp.  150-2; 
Report  of  the  Commission  of  Corporations  on  the  Beef  Industry 
(1905). 

n  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  p.  148. 

is  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Corporations  on  the  International 
Harvester  Co.  (1913),  pp.  20-1. 


88      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  bread  and  cracker  industries  also  are  yielding  to 
the  law  of  consolidation.19  Among  the  most  conspicuous 
cases  of  concentration  in  the  realm  of  luxuries  is  that  of 
the  tobacco  industry,  where,  prior  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
American  Tobacco  Company,  approximately  nine-tenths 
of  the  cigarette  business  (92.7  per  cent.),  two-thirds  of  the 
plug  tobacco  (62  per  cent.),  three-fifths  of  the  smoking 
tobacco  (59.2  per  cent.),  a  major  part  of  the  snuff,  and  a 
considerable  part  of  the  cigar  business  was  controlled  by 
the  trust.20  This  company  also  maintained  a  marvelous 
system  of  chain  stores  and  had  many  international  con- 
nections, especially  in  Great  Britain. 

In  the  leather,  boot  and  shoe,  shipbuilding,  salt,  whis- 
key, rubber,  paper,  baking  powder,  flour,  and  gun  powder, 
aluminum,  zinc  and  other  industries,  very  marked  concen- 
tration has  also  been  noted. 

In  fact  "  most  of  the  manufactures  engaged  upon  the 
processes  of  making  the  foods,  clothes,  houses,  and  other 
prime  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life  have  passed  or 
are  passing  into  big  capitalistic  businesses."21 

Concentration  in  Natural  Resources. —  Concentration 
has  also  proceeded  apace  in  the  exploitation  of  water- 
power,  lumber,  coal,  etc.  In  the  first  named,  13  com- 
panies control  more  than  one-third  of  the  water-power 
development  of  the  United  States.22 

In  the  lumber  industry,  less  than  two  hundred  great 

»  See  Coming  Nation,  Jan.  11,  1913. 

20  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  pp.  140-1. 

21  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  p.  135. 

22  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  pp.  160-164. 

In  Montana  a  few  years  ago  96  per  cent,  of  the  developed  water- 
power  was  controlled  by  two  companies,  and  somewhat  similar  con- 
ditions prevailed  in  Washington,  California,  Colorado  and  other 
States.  These  water  power  companies  or  affiliated  concerns  own  or 
control  electric  light  plants  in  669  cities  and  towns  and  street  rail- 
ways and  gas  plants  in  more  than  a  hundred  centers  of  population, 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  89 

holders  (195),  many  of  them  closely  interrelated,  con- 
trolled 48  per  cent,  of  the  privately  owned  timber  in  the 
region  recently  investigated  by  the  Bureau  of  Corpora- 
tions. This  territory  included  four-fifths  of  the  privately 
owned  timber  land  in  the  country.  Concentration  in  the 
control  of  coal  has  shown  similar  tendencies,  as  far,  at 
least,  as  the  control  of  anthracite  is  concerned.23 

Concentration  in  Public  Utilities —  The  transporta- 
tion system  which  has  long  been  regarded  by  economists 
as  a  "  natural  monopoly,"  steadily  developed  prior  to  the 
war  under  concentrated  control.  It  was  commonly  esti- 
mated that  eight  groups  of  owners  —  the  Vanderbilt,  the 
Pennsylvania,  the  Morgan,  the  Atlantic  Coast  Line  Com- 
pany, the  Gould,  the  Harriman,  the  Moore  and  the  Mor- 
gan-Hill groups  —  owned  or  controlled  two-thirds  of  the 
railroad  mileage  of  the  United  States.24 

The  express  service  was  largely  centralized  prior  to  the 

and  are  intimately  connected  with  many  of  the  great  financial  insti- 
tutions. 

23  Three  of  these  companies  —  the  Southern  Pacific,  the  Weyer- 
haeuser Timber  Company,  and  the  Northern  Pacific  —  possessed,  ac- 
cording to  this  report,  no  less  than  238,000,000,000  feet  of  timber, 
or  11  per  cent,  of  that  privately  owned.  The  Southern  Pacific  hold- 
ing, declared  Commissioner  Smith,  "  stretches  680  miles  along  that 
railroad  between  Portland  and  Sacramento.  The  fastest  train  over 
this  distance  takes  31  hours.  During  all  that  time  the  traveler  is 
passing  through  lands  a  large  proportion  of  which  for  30  miles  on 
each  side  belongs  to  the  railroad."  .  .  .  This  holding  and  that  of  the 
Weyerhaeuser  Timber  Company  would  "  supply  the  46,584  saw- 
mills in  the  country  for  four  and  a  half  years.  .  .  .  There  has  been 
created  .  .  .  not  only  the  framework  of  an  enormous  timber  monop- 
oly, but  also  an  equally  sinister  land  monopoly  in  extensive  sections. 
It  involves  also  a  great  wealth  of  minerals  .  .  .  and  a  closely  con- 
nected railroad  domination."  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  the 
Bureau  of  Corporations  on  Lumber  Industry  (1913),  Pt.  I.  pp.  xix, 
xx.  In  reference  to  coal  concentration  see  Eliot  Jones,  The  Anthra- 
cite Coal  Combination  1914),  p.  62;  Nearing,  Anthracite,  pp.  55-63. 

2*  Emory  R.  Johnson,  American  Railway  Transportation  (1905), 
pp.  64-5. 


90      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

war,25  and  was  made  -a  unit,  in  partnership  with  the  gov- 
ernment, during  the  war,  while,  in  the  realm  of  communi- 
cation, the  Bell  System  and  the  Western  Union  Telegraph 
and  Mackay  companies  control  respectively  the  greater 
part  of  the  telephone  and  telegraph  business  of  the  coun- 
try. 

Concentration  in  Finance —  It  is  in  the  field  of  finance 
that  the  most  unlimited  concentration  of  control  appears 
possible  with  the  development  of  capitalism.  "  As  credit 
becomes  more  and  more  the  vital  force  of  modern  business, 
the  class  that  controls  credit  becomes  more  and  more 
powerful.  ...  In  no  other  business  operation  is  the  ad- 
vantage of  a  large  over  a  small  capital  so  obvious ;  no- 
where else  is  the  force  making  for  concentration  of  busi- 
ness so  evident.  .  .  .  Great  operations  of  public  or  pri- 
vate finance,  the  floating  of  public  loans  or  great  in- 
dustrial combinations,  the  contrivance  and  execution  of 
great  movements  in  the  stock  and  share  markets,  can  only 
be  conducted  with  the  suddenness  and  secrecy  which  are 
requisite  to  safety  and  success  by  -financial  businesses  of 
the  first  magnitude.  .  .  .  Great  businesses  alone  can 
stand  their  ground  against  the  larger  shocks  to  the  gen- 
eral credit  of  a  nation,  or  can  rely  upon  their  political 
influence  to  secure  governmental  aid  in  cases  of  real  emer- 
gency."  «• 

While  the  small  money  lenders  still  survive,  their  finan- 

2B  This  field  was  dominated  largely  by  the  Adams,  the  American, 
the  Wells  Fargo,  the  Southern,  the  U.  S.,  the  Northern,  the  Great 
Northern  and  the  National  Express  companies. 

>«  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  255-6. 

The  Report  of  the  Pujo  Investigating  Committee  in  1911  de- 
clared that  20  of  the  largest  banks  in  New  York  City  held  in  that 
year  42.97  per  cent,  of  the  total  resources  of  the  city  banks  and 
trust  companies,  while  the  banking  resources  of  the  city  amounted  to 
practically  one-fifth  of  those  in  the  U.  S.  These  interests  as  well, 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  91 

cial  independence  is  ever  diminishing  and  they  are  more 
and  more  becoming  mere  branches  or  agencies  of  the  great 
financial  concerns.27  Marked  concentration  is  evidenced 
also  in  the  life  insurance  business,  which  is  so  closely  iden- 
tified with  banking. 

In  Wholesale  Trade — In  the  wholesale  trade,  the 
wholesaler,  who  formerly  stood  between  producer  and  man- 
ufacturer, is  gradually  being  eliminated,  as  the  manufac- 
turer, in  an  increasing  number  of  instances,  either  makes 
contracts  with  the  producer  direct,  or  produces  his  own 
raw  material.  The  manufacturer  often  supplies  the  re- 
tailer direct,  without  the  intervention  of  the  wholesaler. 
Frequently,  as  in  the  tobacco,  the  shoe,  and  other  indus- 
tries, he  sets  up  his  own  retail  stores.  "  Where  the  whole- 
sale merchant  still  remains,  he  is  usually  either  an  importer 
of  foreign  produce  or  a  collector  of  foods  and  other  per- 
ishable home  produce.  Such  businesses  partake  more  and 
more  of  a  speculative  character,  involving  more  largely  the 
element  of  credit  and  becoming  in  most  instances  an  ap- 
panage of  finance."  28 

Concentration  in  the  Retail  Trade. —  Concentration 
has  made  its  appearance  in  the  retail  trade  to  a  much 
smaller  extent  than  in  the  fields  just  discussed.  Even 
here,  however,  it  is  making  itself  distinctly  felt.  Great 
department  stores,  such  as  Macy's,  Wanamaker's,  and 
Gimbel's  are  looming  up  in  the  big  centers  of  population. 
A  nation-wide  mail-order  business,  conducted  by  such  huge 
establishments  as  Sears-Roebuck  and  Marshall  Field  of 
Chicago  is  displacing  the  local  merchant.  Chain-stores 
with  immense  capitalization  —  the  $15,000,000  Riker- 

through  interlocking  directorates,  shareholdings,  loans,  etc.,  have  a 
very  powerful  control  over  the  railroads  and  the  large  industrials. 

27  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  120-121. 

28  Ibid.,  pp.  121-122. 


92      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Hegeman  Company  for  the  sale  of  drugs,  Woolworth's 
Five  and  Ten  Cent  Stores,  with  their  more  than  600  es- 
tablishments, the  United  Cigar  Stores,  Childs'  Restaur- 
ants, James  Butler's  grocery  stores,  the  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
cific Tea  Company,  Huyler's  candy  shops,  Douglas'  shoe 
stores  —  are  but  a  few  of  these  organizations  that  have 
recently  come  to  stay  in  many  of  the  large  cities  of  the 
country. 

The  small  store,  making  as  it  does  its  special  appeal  to 
individual  and  local  tastes,  extending  credit  and  other 
courtesies  to  individual  families,  and  saving  time  of  travel, 
still  survives.  However,  with  the  growing  facilities  of- 
fered by  the  parcels  post,  the  telephone,  the  steam  and 
electric  conveyance,  with  the  adoption  of  more  exten- 
sive advertising,  the  use  of  price  lists,  the  extension  of 
credits,  and  the  establishment  of  branches  in  strategic 
localities,  the  big  retail  establishments  are  likely  to 
supply  an  ever  larger  portion  of  the  needs  of  the  com- 
munity. 

"One  who  has  watched  the  rise  of  the  great  department 
stores  in  this  country  and  England,"  declares  President  Van 
Ilise.  "  and  who  now  sees  their  expanding  branches  the  last 
score  of  years,  need  have  little  prophetic  sense  to  realize  that 
concentration  is  to  rule  in  the  retail  trade,  the  same  as  it 
has  in  manufacture.  The  retail  trade  as  pointed  out  by 
Macrosty,  is  the  '  last  stronghold  of  competition.'  "  29 

2»  Van  Hise,  op.  cit.,  p.  83. 

Certain  critics  of  Socialism,  in  order  to  prove  the  halting  char- 
acter of  concentration,  have  called  attention  to  the  fact  that,  from 
1890  to  1900,  industrial  establishments  increased  at  a  faster  rate 
than  the  number  of  workers.  (Simkhovitch,  Marxitm  vt.  Sociatitm, 
pp.  65-6.)  However,  as  Dr.  Rubinow  brings  out  (Wat  Marx 
Wrong?  p.  21),  the  Census  specifically  states  that  "the  enumeration 
of  the  smaller  establishments  in  1900  was  very  much  more  thorough 
in  1900  than  in  1890  and  in  1880,"  and  the  officials  in  1910,  realizing 
the  meaninglessness  of  classifying  such  "  small  neighborhood  establish- 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  93 

Persistence  of  Small  Businesses. —  A  number  of  the 
smaller  industries  which  still  persist,  as  Hobson  well  points 
out,  continue,  not  on  account  of  greater  economy,  but  be- 
cause of  their  ability  to  take  advantage  of  unskilled, 
poorly  educated  workers  who  are  among  the  driftwood  of 
modern  civilization.  These  "  sweated  "  industries  may  be 
considered  cases  of  arrested  development.30  Furthermore, 
these  small  concerns  are  being  robbed  more  and  more  of 
their  independence  by  the  large  manufacturing  and  "  fur- 
nishing "  firms  who  dictate,  with  ever  increasing  frequency, 
the  conditions  under  which  goods  may  be  handled.31 

Concentration  in  Agriculture. —  Concentration  in  ag- 

__ 

riculture  has  undoubtedly  not  proceeded  as  rapidly  as 
Marx  predicted,  nor  has  it  substituted  the  great  bonanza 
development  with  its  factory  economy  for  the  small  farm 
unit.32 

If  concentration  necessarily  consists  in  "  an  increase  in 
the  size  of  the  average  industrial  unit,  and  a  diminution 
in  the  number  of  units,"  agriculture  must  be  excluded  al-  j 
most  altogether  from  the  domain  of  concentrating  in- 
dustry. If,  however,  the  essence  of  concentration  is  the 
giving  of  "  a  continually  diminishing  minority  of  the  per- 
sons engaged  in  any  industry,  a  constantly  increasing  con- 
trol over  the  essentials  and  a  continually  increasing  share 
of  the  total  value  of  the  returns  of  the  industry,"  33  a  con- 

ments"  as  bicycle  repair  shops,  excluded  these  altogether,  and  made 
comparisons  on  the  basis  of  "factories,  excluding  hand  and  neigh- 
borhood industries."  When  comparison  was  thus  made,  the  increase 
in  the  number  of  wage-earners  from  1900  to  1910  was  greater  than 
that  of  the  number  of  establishment  (40.0  per  cent,  as  compared 
with  29.4  per  cent.). 

so  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  411-2. 

si  Ibid.,  p.  136;  see  also  Kautsky's  Social  Revolution,  p.  SO. 

32  See  Marx,  Capital,  p.  513;  see  Skelton,  Socialism  a  Critical 
Analysis,  p.  159. 

88  Simons,  The  American  Farmer,  p.  97. 


94      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

siderable  degree   of   concentration  may  be   evidenced  in 
farming. 

There  are  many  reasons  why  the  development  of  larger 
agricultural  units  has  failed  to  take  place  in  agriculture. 
In  factory  production,  a  losing  battle  generally  means  the 
bankruptcy  and  the  elimination  of  the  industrial  unit. 
In  agriculture,  however,  it  often  means  that  the  farmer 
contracts  further  debts,  sells  a  part  of  has  land  or  live 
stock,  takes  his  children  from  school  and  works  them  and 
'his  wife  ever  longer  hours  in  an  endeavor  to  eke  out  an 
existence.  The  farm  unit  remains,  though  the  independ- 
ence of  the  farmer  has  become  a  myth.  Another  factor 
tending  to  keep  the  size  of  the  farm  small,  not  operative 
in  the  modern  corporation,  is  its  frequent  partitions,  on 
the  death  of  the  parent,  among  numerous  children.  Hith- 
erto also  it  has  been  difficult  to  obtain  large  numbers  of  de- 
pendable farm  laborers,  on  account  of  the  great  irregu- 
larity of  the  work  —  the  abnormal  rush  during  a  few 
weeks  in  summer  and  the  lull  in  winter.  The  social  attrac- 
tions have  likewise  been  small.  Chief  dependence  must 
therefore  be  placed  on  the  toil  of  the  family  and  a  few 
hired  men.  Machinery  and  division  of  labor,  furthermore, 
have  heretofore  counted  for  less  than  in  factory  produc- 
tion. The  breaking  up  of  the  plantations  of  the  South 
and  of  cattle-ranches  in  the  West  and  the  growth  of  the 
small  fruit  and  vegetable  farms  around  the  city  have  been 
other  factors  in  this  country  tending  to  limit  the  size  of 
the  farm  unit. 

Dependence   of    Farmer —  Concentration   of   another 
cind,  however,  has  been  making  the  farmer  increasingly 
lependent  on  big  industry.      For  in  agriculture  many  pro- 
s   formerly   performed  on  the  farm  have-   boon   sub- 
jected to  mechanical  improvement,  isolated  from  the  farm, 
and  made  a  part  of  general  industry.     Whenever  this  is 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  95 

done,  these  processes  are  "  simply  given  another  name  and 
no  longer  considered  a  part  of  agriculture.  .  .  .  Butter 
and  cheese  making,  cotton-ginning,  rice-hulling,  threshing, 
manufacture  of  agricultural  implements  (to  say  nothing 
of  carding,  weaving,  spinning,  knitting,  etc.),  all  these 
have  left  the  farm.  ...  As  this  process  goes  on  the 
farmer  is  left  free  to  perform  only  the  antiquated  and  most 
difficult  and  disagreeable  processes  of  agriculture  and  thus 
gains  no  advantage  from  industrial  advance.34  He  must 
now  depend  for  the  killing,  dressing,  packing  and  selling 
of  meat  on  the  great  consolidated  packing  companies ;  for 
the  making  of  cheese  and  butter  on  the  great  creameries 
and  for  storage  and  transportation,  on  the  railroads, 
steamships,  cold  storage  and  elevator  companies.  The 
same  concentration  is  evidenced  in  articles  needed  by  the 
farmer  in  production  —  agricultural  implements,  ferti- 
lizers, etc. 

To  declare  that  this  tendency  indicates  concentration 
in  agriculture  may  be  "  a  very  far  fetched  and  untenable 
interpretation,"  35  but  whether  it  indicates  agricultural 
concentration  per  se  or  not,  it  has  undoubtedly  rendered 
the  functions  now  performed  on  the  farm  less  Important 
to  the  social  fabric  than  were  the  larger  number  of  serv- 
ices conducted  there  in  former  days,  and  lack  of  concen- 
tration there  a  less  important  social  phenomenon.  Sec; 
ondly,  it  has  made  the  farmer  ever  more  dependent  for  a 
livelihood  on  big  business  in  control  of  these  latter  proc- 
esses of  production,  except  where,  as  in  the  northwest, 
he  is  regaining  control  through  voluntary  cooperative  or 
state  action.  For  -these  great  establishments  own  the  in- 
struments which  the  farmer  must  make  use  of  in  order 
to  get  his  goods  to  the  consumer,  and  through  such  con- 


s*  Simons,  op.  cit.,  p.  117. 
ss  Skelton,  op.  cit.,  p.  163. 


trol  they  can  "  charge  all  that  the  traffic  will  bear." 
To  be  sure  only  a  few  of  the  stages  through  which  a 
commodity  passes  from  farm  to  consumer  are  subject  to 
concentrated  control,  but  modern  industry  has  demon- 
strated that  effective  control  of  price  does  not  necessitate 
domination  over  all  stages  of  production.  The  Standard 
Oil  Company,  for  instance,  through  constituting  the 
largest  buyer  of  crude  oil,  for  years  held  a  firm  grip  over 
prices,  even  though  the  oil  wells  were  owned  by  hundreds 
of  small  holders.36  The  disorganization  of  the  farmer  and 
his  ignorance  of  bargaining  render  him  especially  helpless 
in  the  fixing  of  prices.  Voluntary  cooperation  and  state 
collectivism  and  the  increased  demand  for  food  products 
evidenced  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  are  making  him 
less  dependent,  but  advance  in  this  direction  has  thus  far 
been  comparatively  small  and  the  American  farmer  is 
still  little  more  "  than  an  employing  agent  and  resident 
supervisor  "  for  the  big  interests.37 

Increased  Capital  per  Farm. —  Modern  agricultural 
and  social  development,  moreover,  is  bringing  with-it  a 
greatly  increased  need  for  capital  outlay  per  farm  and 
a  proportionate  increase  in  tenant  farming  and  in  mort- 
gaged farms. 

In  1900,  the  value  of  the  average  farm  in  the  country 
[mas  estimated  at  $3,563;  in  1910,  at  $6,444,  an  increase 
jjlof  80.9  per  cent.38     Investigators  of  the  Department  of 
Agriculture,  who  recently  made  a  survey  of  three  typical 
areas   in   Indiana,   Illinois   and  Iowa  —  among  the  most 
important   of   the   country's    farming   communities,   con- 
cluded that  the  average  capital  invested  per  farm  was 
$17,535  in  Indiana,  $51,091   in  Illinois  and  $23,193  in 

»•  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  p.  217. 
»T  Simons,  op.  cit.,  p.  108. 
»*Abttract  of  the  Thirteenth  Centut  (1910),  p.  266. 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  97 

Iowa.  The  general  average  for  all  of  the  farms  in  the 
three  districts  was  $30,606.39  And  these  facts  definitely 
indicate  concentration  per  se  in  the  domain  of  agriculture. 

This  increase,  due  primarily  to  the  rise  in  the  value  of 
the  land  and  of  the  implements  of  production,  necessarily 
makes  it  ever  more  difficult  for  the  average  farmer  to  own 
his  land  and  tools.  Partly  as  a  result  of  this  condition, 
while  the  absolute  number  of  farms  owned  by  their  oper- 
ators has  grown,  relatively  they  have  decreased.  At  the 
same  time,  tenant  farming  has  increased  absolutely  and 
relatively.  In  1880,  tenant  farms  constituted  25.6  per 
cent,  of  all  farms ;  in  1890,  28.4  per  cent. ;  in  1900,  35.3 
per  cent. ;  in  1910,  37  per  cent.40 

Many  of  these  farms  are  but  parts  of  great  landed 
estates.41 

3»  Bulletin  No.  41,  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry. 

<°  In  the  country  as  a  whole,  the  acreage  of  farms  operated  by 
owners  advanced  7.6  per  cent,  from  1900  to  1910,  while  that  operated 
by  tenants  increased  16.1  per  cent  (Abstract  of  the  13th  Census, 
p.  286;  see  also  article  by  A.  M.  Simons  in  Socialist  Congressional 
Campaign  Book  (1914),  pp.  102-106.) 

4i  Henry    M.    Hyde,    Technical    World   Magazine,   January,    1909. 

Mr.  Henry  M.  Hyde,  in  1909,  thus  described  the  large  land  hold- 
ings, in  this  country,  much  of  which  is  rented  for  farm  purposes;! 

"Henry  M.  Miller  owns  and  controls  fourteen  and  one-half  mil- 
lion acres  of  rich  and  fertile  land  —  22,500  square  miles  —  equal  in 
round  numbers  to  the  aggregate  area  of  the  states  of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island  .  .  .  and  twice  as 
large  as  Belgium.  .  .  .  One  hundred  men  hold  title  to  17,000,000 
acres  in  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento  alone.  ...  It  may  be  men- 
tioned in  passing  that  the  late  Col.  D.  C.  Murphy  of  New  York 
State  held  title,  when  he  died,  to  more  than  4,000,000  acres  of  farm 
lands;  that  the  late  United  States  Senator  Farwell  of  Illinois,  his 
brother  and  one  or  two  other  men  owned  three  million  acres  of  land! 
in  Texas  and  that  Mrs.  Virginia  Ann  King  of  Greenville,  Texas,, 
owns  so  much  land  in  one  great  ranch  that  it  is  a  drive  of  nearly/ 
fifty  miles  from  the  porch  of  her  manorhouse  over  the  flat,  black^ 
prairies  to  the  front  gate  of  her  door-yard.  .  .  . 

For    further    information    concerning    the    concentration    of    land 


98      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Mortgaged  Farms. —  There  has  also  been  a  steady  in- 
crease of  mortgaged  farms  and  a  decrease  in  the  propor- 
tion of  farms  held  free  from  encumbrances  by  owners. 
In  1890,  of  farm  homes  operated  by  their  owners,  71.8 
per  cent,  were  free  from  mortgages;  in  1900,  68.9  per 
cent.;  in  1910,  66.4  per  cent.  Inasmuch  as  very  large 
numbers  of  these  mortgages  are  held  by  the  great  insur- 
ance and  trust  companies  and  large  money-lenders  in  the 
city,  an  indirect  form  of  concentration  is  here  evidenced. 

Summary. —  It  is  seen  from  the  foregoing  that  concen- 
tration in  the  control  of  industry  has  progressed  rapidly 
in  this  country  in  transportation  and  communication;  in 
the  control  of  such  natural  resources  as  coal  and  the 
metals,  lumber,  water  power  and  oil;  in  manufacturing, 
finance,  insurance.  While  small  manufacturing  establish- 
ments are  still  surviving,  they  are  performing  an  ever 
mailer  amount  of  the  total  business  of  the  community  and 
;heir  continued  existence  is  becoming  ever  more  precarious. 

In  the  distributive  industry,  the  small  shop  still  sur- 
vives, but  here  also  concentration  is  beginning  to  emerge 
through  the  development  of  the  great  department  stores, 
the  mail-order  business,  the  chain  stores,  and  the  retail 
stores  dominated  by  the  big  manufacturing  establishments ; 
and  the  small  concern  is  finding  it  ever  more  difficult  to 
earn  a  livelihood. 

The^  same  kind  of  concentration  found  in  factory  pro- 
duction has  not  been  in  evidence  in  agriculture.  **o^" 
ever,  the  farmer,  through  the  concentration  of  functions 
formerly  performed  on  the  farm,  as  well  as  through  in- 
creased farm  tenancy  and  mortgaged  farms,  occupies  a 
position  of  increasing  dependence. 

ownership,  see  Howe,  The  High  Coit  of  Living,  Ch.  XVIII;  Every- 
body'* Magazine,  May,  1905;  Senate  Document  No.  154,  58th  Con- 
gress, Third  Session,  etc. 


CONCENTRATION  OF  INDUSTRY  99 

While  admitting  the  survival  of  small  establishments  in 
manufacturing,  agriculture  and  the  distributive  trades, 
the  socialist  refuses  to  admit  the  implications  drawn 
therefrom  by  some  of  his  critics.  It  is  often  assumed  that 
industry  in  any  one  branch  is  not  ripe  for  socialization 
until  all  small  survivals  disappear.  This  the  socialists 
deny.  In  socializing  industry  it  is  not  necessary  for  the 
public  to  take  over  all  small  survivals,  but  merely  the  best 
equipped,  dominant  concerns ;  as  has  been  inferred,  fur- 
thermore, concentrated  control  can  demonstrate  its  eco- 
nomic superiority  without  necessarily  putting  out  of  busi- 
ness all  of  the  small,  insignificant  concerns.  Whether  such 
survivals  have  a  tendency  to  delay  the  coming  of  socialism 
by  retaining  groups  in  the  population  necessarily  hostile 
to  the  cooperative  system  will  be  discussed  under  "  The 
Disappearance  of  the  Middle  Class." 

THE    DISAPPEARANCE    OF    THE    MIDDLE    CLASS 

Explanation  of  Theory — Closely  connected  with 
Marx's  conception  of  the  concentration  of  industry  is  the 
theory  of  the  disappearance  of  the  middle  class.  This 
theory  has  furnished  a  basis  for  many  an  intellectual  battle 
both  within  and  without  the  socialist  movement. 

"  The  lower  strata  of  the  middle  class/'  contended  Marx 
and  Engels,  "  the  small  tradesmen,  shopkeepers,  and  retired 
tradesmen  generally,  the  handicraftsmen  and  peasants  —  all 
these  sink  gradually  into  the  proletariat,  partly  because  their 
diminutive  capital  does  not  suffice  for  the  scale  on  which 
modern  industry  is  carried  on,  and  is  swamped  in  the  com- 
petition with  the  large  capitalists,  partly  because  their  special- 
ized skill  is  rendered  worthless  by  new  methods  of  produc- 
tion." 42 

**  Communist  Manifesto,  p.  23;  see  also  Capital,  p.  788. 


100      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Marx  never  maintained  that  the  middle  class  must 
completely  disappear  and  society  be  divided  into  a  handful 
of  millionaires  on  the  one  hand  and  poor  workingmen  on 
the  other  before  a  socialist  regime  was  possible.  "  It  was 
only  the  disappearance  of  that  particular  middle  class  of 
which  he  treated,  chiefly  the  middle  sized  employer,  that 
'he  considered  of  any  importance  at  all."  And  he  was 
concerned  only  with  the  presence  of  this  class  "  in  any 
such  great  numbers  as  would  lend  it  social  strength."  43 

Those  who  contend  that  Marx  was  wrong  in  his  proph- 
ecy argue  (1)  that  "middle  class  incomes  "  are  greatly 
ncreasing;  (2)  that  stockholders  in  the  modern  corpora- 
ion  are  becoming  ever  more  numerous  ;  and  (3)  that  small 
msinesses  with  their  middle  class  proprietors  are  still  ex- 
ceedingly numerous.44 

Middle  Class  Incomes — In  reply  to  this  line  of  argu- 
ment, Marxists  have  insisted  that  there  is  no  standard  by 
which  one  can  measure  the  different  grades  or  divisions  of 
income  as  high,  middle  or  low,  and  that  the  standard  must 
vary  from  place  to  place  and  from  time  to  time.  Further- 
more, income  as  such  is  but  a  poor  index  of  social  or  eco- 
nomic position.  "  A  farmer,  a  manufacturer,  a  grocer,  a 
teacher,  an  army  officer,  and  a  mechanical  engineer  may 
all  have  the  same  income,  and  yet  their  social  position, 
their  economic  condition,  and  the  amount  of  property 
which  each  possesses  may  be  entirely  and  radically  differ- 
ent. The  question  is,  or  should  be,  not  what  is  a  man's 
income,  but  what  does  he  derive  it  from?  And,  under 
what  conditions,  and  in  what  manner  does  he  do  it?  " 

43  Boudin,  The  Theoretical  System  of  Karl  Marx,  p.  181. 
,  /    «  Simkhovitch,    Marxitm   v.    Sociatitm,    p.    92;    see    also    Edward 
yBernstein,   Evolutionary   Socialitm,   pp.   40-8;   Skelton,   Socialiim   a 
\Critical  Analytit,  pp.  164-5. 

48  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  193;  see  also  Ghent,  Matt  and  Clatt,  p.  74. 
Dr.  I.  M.  Rubinow  in  Wat  Marx  Wrong?  criticizes  Professor  Sim- 


DISAPPEARANCE  OF  MIDDLE  CLASS      101 

Intellectual  Proletariat  vs.  Middle  Class —  As  Boudin 
infers,  the  middle  class  referred  to  by  Marx  was  the  class 
of  small  business  men,  farmers,  handicraftsmen,  and  others 
who  owned  and  conducted  their  own  establishments.  Dur- 
ing the  last  few  decades  there  has  been  a  very  considerable 
increase  of  business  and  professional  men  and  women  — 
teachers,  electrical  and  mechanical  engineers,  architects, 
physicians,  lawyers,  employees  of  municipalities,  state  and 
nation ;  skilled  mechanics,  superintendents,  foremen,  mem- 
bers of  the  administrative  force  in  large  corporations, 
agents  and  salesmen,  etc. —  who  would  undoubtedly  be 
placed  among  those  receiving  "  middle  class  incomes,"  but 
who  "  are  just  as  much  a  part  of  the  proletariat  as  the 
merest  day  laborer."  46 

The  Middle  Class  as  Stockholders. —  The  second  point 
emphasized  by  critics  of  Marx  is  that  he  overlooked  the 

khovitch  for  his  division  of  the  population  into  lower,  middle  and 
upper  classes  on  the  basis  of  incomes,  as  well  as  his  contention 
that  the  middle  class  is  increasing,  based  on  the  fact  that  a  larger 
proportion  of  the  population  received  "  middle  class "  incomes  in 
1902  than  in  1853.  Dr.  Rubinow  declares  that  many  mechanics  and 
other  workers  are  found  in  the  groups  designated  as  "  middle  class  " 
by  Professor  Simkhovitch;  that  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living  is 
such  that  many  securing  3000  marks  in  1902  may  not  be  any  better 
off  than  those  obtaining  2000  marks  in  1853,  and  that  "  there  may 
have  been  a  genuine  increase  of  the  average  income  of  the  profes- 
sional classes,  but  evidently  this  has  no  relation  at  all  to  the  ques- 
tion of  the  disappearance  of  the  middle  class,  by  which  is  meant 
the  gradual  elimination  of  the  middle-sized  employer,  and  not  the 
disappearance  of  physicians,  lawyers,  engineers,  teachers,  pro- 
fessors, journalists,  actors,  etc." 

Furthermore,  the  number  of  incomes  of  100,000  marks  or  over 
increased  during  this  period  nearly  44  times,  and  from  30,000  to 
100,000  marks,  nearly  20  times.  Dr.  Rubinow  also  quotes  from  a 
table  compiled  by  Professor  A.  Wagner,  and  adds  a  computation 
from  1853  which  indicates  that  while  the  total  income  has  increased 
sevenfold,  the  income  of  the  upper  group  has  increased  nearly  50 
fold  (pp.  37-42). 

<6  Boudin,  op,  cit.,  p.  206. 


102      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ability  of  the  corporation  to  keep  the  middle  class  alive.47 
Under  the  individual  proprietor  form  of  business,  the 
competitor  with  insufficient  capital  adequately  to  develop 
his  business  was  forced  to  the  wall.  Under  the  corporate 
form,  he  "  combines  his  insufficient  capital  with  several 
others  into  one  adequate  to  meet  the  new  requirements." 
This  has  the  effect,  within  a  limited  field,  at  least,  of  avoid- 
ing, if  not  altogether  abolishing,  the  results  of  competition. 
Marx's  prophecy  that  "  one  capitalist  always  kills 
many,"  9  based  on  the  assumption  "  of  the  absolute  reign 
of  the  principle  of  competition,"  has  thus  been  prevented 
from  complete  fulfilment. 

Concentration  of  ownership  has  not  been  the  inevitable 
///concomitant  of  concentration  of  industry  under  the  leader- 
///iship  of  the  big  corporation.     Rather,  the  corporate  form 
i /[has  resulted  in  many  instances  in  diffusion  of  ownership. 
•  n     Modern  socialists,  with  the  American  Marxist  Boudin, 
I  ///readily  admit  the  arrival  of  this  new  phenomenon,  though 
//disputing  some  of  the  conclusions  drawn  therefrom. 
I'/      The  Corporation  and  the  Middle  Class. —  The  corpora- 
tion, on  the  one  hand,  does  gain  for  the  small  capitalists  a 
new  lease  of  life.     On  the  other  hand,  by  placing  large 
numbers  of  small  capitals  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  it  gives 
those  few  an  additional  power  to  relieve  the  many,  through 
stock  manipulations,  large  salaries,  the  making  of  con- 
tracts and  "  incidental  expenses  " —  of  their  small  capi- 
tals, and  thus  aids  materially  in  the  shrinking  process  in 
the  ranks  of  the  small  capitalist  class.50 

The  significance  of  figures  indicating  large  numbers  of 
stockholders   in   the  average  corporation  should   not   be 

«  Marx,  Capital,  Vol.  I,  p.  788. 
48  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  pp.  177-8. 
«•  Marx,  Capital,  Vol.  I,  p.  788. 
BO  Boudin,  op.  cit.   pp.  196-S. 


DISAPPEARANCE  OF  MIDDLE  CLASS      103 

overestimated.  The  United  States  Steel  Corporation  in 
1911  had  approximately  100,000  shareholders.  Yet  "  1.5 
per  cent,  of  the  stockholders  held  57  per  cent,  of  the  stock, 
while  the  final  control  rested  with  a  single  private  banking 
house.  Similarly,  with  the  American  Tobacco  Company, 
before  the  dissolution,  10  stockholders  owned  60  per  cent, 
of  the  stock."  51  Many  are  prone  to  add  together  lists  of 
stockholders  in  various  corporations  and  show  startlingly 
large  totals. 

In  viewing  these  lists,  however,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  big  investor  no  longer  places  "  all  of  his 
eggs  in  one  basket."'  A  few  years  ago,  on  the  death  off 
one  of  the  larger  New  York  capitalists,  who  was  primarily 
interested  in  real  estate,  it  was  found  that  he  had  stocks 
in  several  hundred  corporations,52  and  this  is  but  typical 
of  modern  tendencies.  Any  calculation  of  numbers  of 
stockholders  in  various  concerns  must  take  this  duplica- 
tion into  consideration. 

Psychology  of  Inactive  Stockholders. —  Moreover,  in 
considering  the  effect  of  this  "  new  middle  class  "  of  in- 
active shareholders  on  the  institution  of  private  property, 
the  character  of  his  ownership  should  be  analyzed.  It  is> 
of  a  far  different  character  from  that  of  the  old  time 
proprietor  of  the  small  business.  The  average  stock- 
holder depends  on  the  advice  of  stock-brokers  for  his  in- 
vestment. The  only  foresight  he  indulges  in  in  a  very 
large  number  of  cases  is  that  of  selecting  a  reliable  expert. 
His  only  interest  in  the  concern  is  to  gain  profits.  He 
knows  little  of  its  workings.  He  has  nothing  to  do  with 
its  control.  He  is  not  only  an  absentee,  but  a  transient 

owner.     As  Walter  Lippmann  has  well  stated, 

I/ 

5i  Final  Report  of  the  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  p.  80. 
82  Rubinow,  Was  Marx  Wrong?  pp.  44-5. 


104.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  Contact  with  his  property  is  limited  to  reading  in  the 
newspapers  what  it  is  worth  each  day,  and  hoping  that  divi- 
dends will  be  paid.  .  .  .  He  may  be  ignorant  or  wise,  he  may 
be  a  child  in  arms  or  a  graybeard  in  his  dotage,  he  may  live 
in  Iceland  or  Patagonia;  he  has  no  genuine  role  in  the  con- 
duct of  industry.  .  .  .  The  trusts  have  concentrated  control 
and  management,  but  ownership  they  have  diffused  and  diluted 
till  it  means  very  little  more  than  a  claim  to  residual  profits, 
after  expenses  are  paid,  after  the  bondholders  are  satisfied, 
and  perhaps,  after  the  insiders  have  decided  which  way  they 
wish  the  stock  market  to  fluctuate.  .  .  .  The  modern  share- 
holder is  a  very  feeble  representative  of  the  institution  of 
private  property."  8S 

The  "  capitalist  proletariat "  of  small  investors,  as 
Hobson  calls  them,64  have  an  ideology  far  different  from 
that  of  the  old  middle  class,  with  its  consciousness  of 
tangible  ownership  and  positive  control  over  industry. 
Their  one  aspiration  is  to  preserve  their  income.  As 
minority  stockholders,  they  welcome  the  intervention  of 
the  state  to  protect  them  against  the  unscrupulous. 
"  Their  antagonism  to  socialism  is  not  a  matter  of  prin- 
.ciple,  but  of  convenience."  A  form  of  state  socialism 
which  would  exchange  their  stocks  with  their  uncertain 
value  for  less  remunerative  but  safer  government  bonds 
would  indeed  at  times  be  most  welcome  to  them. 

"  Whatever,  therefore,  has  been  saved  of  the  middle  class 
by  the  corporation  with  regards  to  numbers,  has  been  de- 
stroyed, and  very  largely  by  this  very  agency,  as  to  character. 
What  has  been  saved  from  the  fire  has  been  destroyed  by 
water.  The  result  is  the  same:  the  middle  class,  that  mid- 

"  Lippmann,  Drift  and  Mattery,  pp.  51,  53,  59;  see  also  King, 
Dittribution  of  Wealth  and  Income  Among  the  People  of  the  U.  8., 
p.  214. 

"  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  241-2. 


DISAPPEARANCE  OF  MIDDLE  CLASS      105 

die  class  which  Marx  had  in  view,  the  middle  class  which  was 
a  factor  obstructing  the  way  towards  socialism  is  doomed."  °5 

(3)  The  Increase  of  Small  Businesses. —  The  fore- 
going has  to  do  chiefly  with  that  stock-holding  middle 
class  that  obtains  a  very  considerable  amount  of  its  in- 
come from  a  return  on  investment.  As  for  the  larger 
number  who  secure  the  greatest  part  of  their  income  from 
their  intellectual  and  manual  labor,  and  but  a  small  sup- 
plementary amount  from  interest  on  stock,  their  interests 
as  producer  and  consumer  are  generally  the  dominating 
ones  and,  broadly  speaking,  they  belong  to  the  working, 
rather  than  to  the  middle  class. 

The  real  middle  class  that  still  survives  is  composed  of 
the  farmers  and  small  business  men.  The  farmer  is  partly 
a  capitalist,  partly  an  employer,  partly  a  trader,  partly 
a  member  of  the  working  class.  He  gets  his  livelihood 
chiefly  from  his  own  exertions,  not  from  the  ownership  of 
land  and  tools.56 

Income  of  Farmers. — A  recent  investigation  made 
shortly  before  the  war  by  the  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry 
(see  Bulletin  41)  into  farmers'  incomes  in  Indiana,  Illinois 
and  Iowa  drew  forth  the  fact  that  owners  who  worked  their 
own  farms  made  a  little  less  than  factory  wages.  "  De- 
ducting 5  per  cent,  interest  on  the  average  capital,"  de- 
clared the  report,  "  leaves  an  average  labor  income  of 
$408  for  the  273  farm  owners.  .  .  .  One  farmer  out  of 
every  22  received  a  labor  income  of  over  $2,000  a  year. 
One  farmer  out  of  every  three  paid  for  the  privilege  of 
working  his  farm,  that  is,  after  deducting  5  per  cent,  in- 
terest on  his  investment  he  failed  to  make  a  plus  labor 

BB  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  212. 

5«  Streightoff,  The  Distribution  of  Incomes  in  the  United  Statet 
(1912),  pp.  132-3. 


106      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

income,"  and  this  in  the  most  prosperous  farming  district 
of  the  United  States.  Conditions  in  many  parts  of  the 
country  have  undoubtedly  improved  for  the  farmer  since 
the  beginning  of  the  European  war,  but  still  it  cannot  be 
said  that  in  general  the  average  farmer  and  his  hard 
worked  family  obtain  more  than  their  labor  produces.  As 
far  as  income  from  their  exertions  is  concerned,  they  are  es- 
sentially in  the  same  position  as  the  proletariat  of  the  city. 
The  Farmer  and  Progressivism. —  While  the  farmer 
owns  the  land  and  some  of  the  tools  used  in  raising  his 
crop,  he  is  not  the  owner  of  many  essential  tools  which 
must  be  utilized  in  finishing  the  productive  process  —  in 
getting  the  food  into  the  hands  of  the  consumer.  The 
owners  of  these  essential  tools  —  the  railroads,  grain 
elevators,  creameries,  packing  houses,  cold  storage  —  are 
generally  in  as  effective  a  position  to  exact  tribute  from 
the  farmer  as  are  the  owners  of  the  machines  from  the 
city  worker.  The  dominant  economic  interest  of  the 
f«armer  is,  therefore,  the  same  as  that  of  the  worker,  and, 
in  many  social  and  economic  battles,  especially  in  the  West, 
the  farmer  has  aligned  himself  with  the  socialistic,  rather 
than  with  the  reactionary  bourgeois  elements.  The 
strong  support  given  by  these  farmers  to  the  Populist, 
Progressive  and,  more  recently,  the  Non-partisan  League 
movements  attests  to  this  progressive  spirit.  It  is  also 
noteworthy  that,  in  1912,  the  agricultural  states  of  Ne- 
vada and  Oklahoma  were  first  and  second  respectively  in 
percentage  of  socialist  votes  to  the  total  vote  cast,  while 
Arizona,  Montana,  Washington,  California,  Idaho,  Ore- 
gon and  Florida,  each  of  which  possess  a  large  agricul- 
tural population,  came  next  in  succession.57  Nor  can  it 
be  said  by  those  familiar  with  the  socialist  propaganda  in 

BT  Walling,    Stokes,    Huhgan,    Laidler,    The    Sociatiim   of    To-day 
(1916),  p.  194. 


DISAPPEARANCE  OF  MIDDLE  CLASS      107 

these  states  that  the  appeal  was  chiefly  made  to  middle 
class  interests.  There  was  much  of  the  brand  of  "  revolu- 
tionary socialism  "  in  it.  It  can  no  longer  be  claimed  in 
America  that  "  the  socialistic  propaganda  encounters  in 
the  peasant  proprietor  its  most  conservative  and  most  ob- 
stinate foe."  68 

While  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  many  farmers,  as 
hirers  of  labor  and  owners  of  land  and  tools,  have  de- 
veloped the  middle  class  or  capitalist  psychology,  many 
others,  by  virtue  of  their  productive  work,  their  small  in- 
come and  their  dependence  on  concentrated  industry  and 
finance,  feel  that  their  interests  are  more  closely  allied  with 
the  workers  of  the  city. 

The  Small  Store  Keeper —  It  is  true  that  many  small 
business  men,  members  of  the  middle  class,  still  exist. 
These,  however,  too  often  find  that,  with  the  progress  of 
huge  distributive  enterprises,  their  livelihood  becomes  ever 
more  precarious,  while  their  endeavor  to  maintain  an  inde- 
pendent business  keeps  them  at  the  grindstone  night  and 
day.  Many  of  these  small  establishments  are  of  the  most 
temporary  nature.  They  are  started  by  workers  who 
sink  their  small  savings  therein,  watch  the  stores  tenderly 
for  a  few  months,  and  then,  sadder  but  wiser  men,  return 
to  their  jobs  in  the  factories.  Many  of  the  smallest  stores 
are  kept  by  members  of  the  family  while  the  father  secures 
his  living  elsewhere.  As  has  already  been  shown  the 
smaller  manufacturing  establishments  are  producing  an 
ever  decreasing  proportion  of  the  manufactured  goods  of 
the  country.59  Considerable  numbers  of  these  small  busi- 
ness men  are  active  sympathizers  with  socialistic  move- 
ments. 

58  Simkhovitch,  op.  cit.,  p.  58. 

5»  See  section  under  "Concentration";  also  Abstract  of  the  Thir- 
teenth Censu*,  p.  464. 


108      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Summary. —  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  real  middle  class  in 
rche  Marxian  sense  is  a  much  smaller  and  weaker  group 
than  many  would  have  us  believe,  and  that  a  very  con- 
siderable number  of  those  legitimately  included  in  this 
group,  far  from  obstructing  the  movement  toward  social- 
ism, may  be  depended  on  to  encourage  progress  in  that 
i  direction. 

THE   INCREASING    MISERY    THEORY 

Marxian  Prophecy —  A  further  theory  of  capitalist  de- 
velopment that  has  given  rise  to  much  controversy  is  that 
known  as  "  the  increasing  misery  theory."  Its  gist  is  con- 
tained in  the  following  words  of  Marx : 

"  Along  with  the  constantly  diminishing  number  of  mag- 
nates of  capital,  who  usurp  and  monopolize  all  advantages 
of  this  process  of  transformation,  grow  the  mass  of  misery, 
oppression,  slavery,  degradation,  exploitation;  but  with  this 
too  grows  the  revolt  of  the  working-class,  a  class  always 
increasing  in  numbers,  and  disciplined,  united,  organized  by 
the  very  mechanism  of  the  process  of  capitalist  production 
jitself."60  (Italics  mine.) 

"  The  modern  laborer,"  says  Marx  again  in  the  Com- 
munist Manifesto,  "  instead  of  rising  with  the  progress  of 
industry,  sinks  deeper  and  deeper  below  the  conditions  of  ex- 
istence of  his  own  class.  He  becomes  a  pauper,  and  pauper- 
ism develops  more  rapidly  than  population  or  wealth."  ai 

Better  Physical  Conditions. —  These  statements  have 
given  rise  to  much  controversy.  Many  modern  socialist 
leaders  declare  that  if  the  word  "misery  "  is  interpreted 
as  mere  physical  degradation,  the  theory  cannot  be  de- 

«o  Marx,  Capital,  p.  789. 

"Marx  and  Engels,  Communitt  Manifesto  (Socialist  Literature 
Co.),  p.  29. 


INCREASING  MISERY  109 

fended.62     For,  as  a  result  of  the  pressure  of  organizec 
labor,  of  the  increased  productivity   of  capital  and   o: 
labor  and  social  legislation,  the  lot  of  the  workers  has  con 
siderably  improved  during  the  last  fifty  or  seventy-five 
years. 

Marx  himself  in  1864*  admitted  the  benign  workings  of 
the  ten  hour  law  on  the  working  population.  "  Every- 
body acknowledges  now,"  he  declared,  "  its  significant 
physical,  moral  and  intellectual  advantages  for  the  work- 
ing class.  In  the  bright  sunlight  of  the  day  the  bourgeois 
political  economy  was  vanquished  for  the  first  time  by  the 
political  economy  of  the  working  class."  63  Engels  like- 
wise bore  witness  to  the  manner  in  which  organized  labor 
in  a  number  of  occupations  had  improved  the  workers' 
condition. 

Marx  furthermore  predicted  the  very  struggles  of  or- 
ganized labor  which  have  been  largely  responsible  for  the 
higher  standard  of  living  and  frankly  stated  that  "  every 
combination  of  employed  and  employer  disturbs  the  *  har- 
monious '  action  of  this  law  [of  increasing  insecurity  and 
misery]."  64 

"  The  present  condition  of  the  working  class,"  declares 
Boudin,  "  is  not  merely  the  result  of  the  tendencies  of 
capitalistic  accumulation,  but  of  the  tendencies  of  capital- 
istic accumulation  as  modified  by  the  struggle  of  organized 
labor  against  them.  ...  It  is  this  very  struggle  for 
amelioration,  no  matter  what  its  immediate  result  during 
the  progress  of  the  struggle,  that  is  the  most  important 
factor  from  the  Marxian  point  of  view  in  the  final  over- 

«2See  Rubinow,  Was  Marx  Wrong?  pp.  46-47;  Mehring,  His- 
torisches  zur  Verelendungstheorie,  Neue  Zeit,  Jahrgang,  XX,  V.  I, 
pp.  164-165. 

es  Quoted  by  Simkhovitch  in  Marxism  vs.  Socialism,  p.  124. 

e*  Marx,  Capital,  p.  665. 


110      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

throw  of  capitalism,  in  so  far  as  the  active  force  which  is 
to  do  the  work  is  concerned.65 

Misery  a  Psychic  Condition. —  The  word  misery  .how- 
ever, should  not  be  defined  as  a  physical,  but  as  a  psychic 
condition,  declare  many  defenders  of  the  theory.  In  this 
latter  sense,  socialists  are  justified  in  contending  that  the 
tendency  under  capitalism  is  for  the  lot  of  the  worker  to 
become  worse.  The  worker's  income  has  failed  to  keep 
pace  with  the  rapidly  increasing  social  product,  and,  for 
considerable  periods,  even  with  the  increased  cost  of  living. 
Wealth  continues  to  be  amassed  in  colossal  sums  by  the 
few  and  the  gulf  between  the  rich  and  the  poor  becomes 
ever  wider. 

With  better  education  and  more  democratic  ideals, 
/furthermore,  the  desires  of  the  worker  for  services  and 
commodities  necessary  for  a  fuller  intellectual  and  aesthetic 
life  expand  far  more  rapidly  than  his  ability  to  satisfy 
these  wants.  His  feeling  of  resentment  against  the  auto- 
cratic control  of  industry  and  the  uncertainty  of  his  lot 
under  private  ownership  also  becomes  ever  greater.06 

In  support  of  this  psychological  interpretation,  atten- 
tion is  called  to  the  fact  that  Marx  maintained  that  "  the 
lot  of  the  laborer,  be  his  payment  high  or  low,  must  grow 
worse."  "  Marx  had  in  mind,"  declares  Boudin,  "  the 
social  condition  of  the  workingman  and  this  social  condi- 
tion is  determined,  not  by  the  absolute  amount  of  worldly 
goods  which  the  workingmen  receive,  but  by  the  relative 

•»  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  228. 

««  "  I  myself  believe,"  declares  Sombart,  "  that  morally  there  is  a 
good  deal  of  truth  in  this  theory  of  pauperization.  For  the  more  the 
working  classes  rise  intellectually,  the  more  keenly  are  they  likely 
to  feel  the  burden  of  'oppression,'  'slavery,'  and  'exploitation.' 
And  so  when  the  attempt  is  made  to  explain  the  theory  in  that 
sense,  i.e.  psychologically,  there  is  nothing  to  be  said  against  it." 
Sombart,  Sodaliim  and  the  Social  Movement,  p.  84. 


INCREASING  MISERY  111 

share  which  they  receive  in  -all  the  worldly  goods  possessed 
by  society.  Thus  considered,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
gulf  between  the  capitalist  and  the  workingman  is  con- 
stantly growing  wider."  67 

Uncertainty  of  Livelihood. —  Mr.  Boudin  further  con-/ 
tends  that  the  high  level  of  wages  does  not  insure  security 
of   employment   and   that   it   is    the   insecurity   that    the 
accumulation  of  capital  brings  which   causes   accumula- 
tion of  "  oppression,  slavery  and  degradation." 

Kautsky,  from  another  angle,  argues  that  even  though 
conditions  in  old  capitalistic  countries  are  becoming  bet 
ter,  new  regions  are  being  continually  opened  up  to  ex 
ploitation  and  that  in  Italy,  Russia  and  China  misery  is 
growing;  that  there  is  an  increase  in  the  number  of  women 
in  shops  and  factory  work,  and  that  the  monotony  of  toil 
is  becoming  increasingly  burdensome.69 

Summary. —  Thus  most  modern  socialists  do  not  claim 
that  the  physical  degradation  of  the  worker  is  becoming 
increasingly  ^reaterr  but  that  the  worker's  recognition  of 
injustices  is. increasing  while  his  share  in  society's  product 
is  decreasing.  While  Marx  predicted  the  workings  of  this 
law,  he  also  predicted  the  organization  and  growing  power 
of  labor  and  recognized  that  this  new  force  would  neces- 
sarily modify  the  operation  of  his  law  of  increasing  degra- 
dation.70 

«T  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  220. 

es  Ibid.,  p.  224. 

69  Kautsky,  Bernstein  und  das  Soxialdemokratische  Programm, 
pp.  114-128. 

TO  Conditions  immediately  before  the  war  in  the  United  States 
not  only  seemed  to  bear  out  the  contention  of  increasing  misery  in 
the  psychological  sense,  but  also  in  the  physical  sense.  From  1865  to 
1896,  the  general  trend  of  real  wages  in  the  country  showed  steadily 
higher  levels,  according  to  Dr.  I.  W.  King  (King,  The  Wealth  and 
Income  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  p.  193),  but  since  that 
time  "there  are  some  suspicious  indications  of  a  general  decline." 


112      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

INDUSTRIAL    CRISES 

Causes  of  Crises. —  Scientific  socialists  have  also  de- 
veloped a  theory  of  industrial  crises.  Such  crises,  so- 
cialists contend,  are  inherent  in  the  system  of  capitalism. 

In  fact,  from  that  year  until  1915,  there  was  an  apparent  "  decline 
of  over  10  per  cent,  in  the  weekly  wages  in  purchasing  power  of 
women  .  .  .,  as  against  a  fall  of  8  per  cent  in  the  commodity  wages 
of  men  since  the  same  date"  (p.  201),  and  that  "in  the  face  of  the 
greatest  industrial  development  that  the  world  has  ever  seen."  On 
the  other  hand,  profits  increased  enormously,  the  average  profits  per 
entrepreneur  increasing  in  purchasing  power  from  212  in  1880  (a 
year,  however,  of  low  profits),  to  368  in  1890  and  to  711  in  1910. 

The  proportion  of  total  income  allotted  to  labor  was,  according  to 
Dr.  King,  steadily  decreasing.  In  1890,  53.5  per  cent  of  the  total 
income  was  distributed  in  wages  and  salaries,  the  remainder  going 
in  rent,  profit  and  interest,  while,  hi  1900,  wages  and  salaries  were 
allotted  but  47.3  per  cent,  and,  in  1910,  46.9  per  cent  (p.  160).  "The 
total  share  going  to  labor,"  declared  Dr.  King,  "has,  of  recent  years, 
been  falling  off  despite  the  efforts  of  labor  unions  and  combina- 
tions" (p.163). 

Since  that  year,  it  is  known  that  profits  have  been  enormous,  and, 
While  wages  have  increased,  the  cost  of  living  has  risen  to  still  higher 
levels.  The  Bulletin  issued  by  the  New  York  State  Industrial  Com- 
inission  on  July  22,  1919,  maintained  that,  while  wages  had  advanced 
In  the  state  since  1914  to  the  extent  of  77  per  cent,  the  cost  of  living 
h.-ul  increased  during  that  time  from  90  per  cent,  to  100  per  cent. 
''  According  to  the  results  obtained  by  an  investigation  conducted 
by  the  War  Trade  Board  the  cost  of  living  during  the  period  of  the 
war  advanced  in  the  United  States  102  per  cent.,  in  Canada,  107  per 
cent,  in  England,  133  per  cent.,  and  in  France,  200  per  cent,  (see 
N.  Y.  Pott,  July  12,  1919). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  net  income  of  224  industrial  corporations  in 
the  United  States  increased  from  $381,000,000  in  1914,  to  $1,750,000,- 
000  in  1917,  according  to  Professor  David  Friday,  while  the  divi- 
dends increased  from  $295,000,000  in  the  former  year  to  $600,000,000 
in  the  latter  year.  The  estimated  net  dividends  paid  by  all  corpora- 
tions in  the  United  States  increased  from  1914  to  1917  from  $2,667,- 
000,000  to  $4,500,000,000  (decreasing  to  $4,100,000,000  the  succeeding 
year,  while  the  estimated  surplus  reinvested  increased  from  $1,044,- 
000,000  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $6,000,000,000  in  1917  and  $5,400,- 
000,000  in  1918.  (The  American  Economic  Review,  Supplement, 
March,  1919,  pp.  87-8.) 


INDUSTRIAL  CRISES  113 

The  chief  cause  is  the  dual  position  of  the  laborer  as  a 
seller  of  labor-poAver  and  as  a  purchaser  of  his  products 
and  his  inability  to  re-purchase  more  than  a  part  of  the 
commodities  produced.71 

A  further  cause  of  the  crisis  is  the  planlessness,  the 
"  anarchy  of  production,"  due  to  the  character  of  the 
system  of  exchange,72  and  to  the  manufacturers'  ignorance 
of  the  demands  of  the  market  and  of  the  amount  which 
other  manufacturers  are  producing.73 

Effect  of  Trusts  on  Crises. —  Modern  socialists  are 
frank  to  admit  that  the  development  of  the  trust  and  of 
the  international  market  has  changed  the  character  of  the 
industrial  crisis,  although  they  insist  that  it  has  not  al- 
tered the  fundamental  contradictions  of  the  present 
system.74 

71  See  section  on  "The  Inevitability  of  Socialism";  see  also  Bou- 
din,  The  Theoretical  System  of  Karl  Marx,  p.  239;  and  Simkhovitch, 
op.  cit.,  p.  229.     Not  only  is  it  true  that  the  worker  does  not,  under 
modern  conditions,  consume  the  equivalent  of  the  social  product,  but 
neither  does  the  community  at  large.     Professor  David  Friday  points 
out  that  the  excess  of  production  over  consumption  in  the  United 
States  was  approximately  $6,500,000,000  in  1913,  and  that  this  amount 
increased  to  the  enormous  total  of  $22,000,000,000  in  1918.     (See  Sup- 
plement to  The  American  Economic  Review,  March,  1919,  p.  80.) 

72  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  229  et  seq. 

73  See  Simkhovitch,  op.  cit.,  p.   228,  for  statement  from  Engels. 
John  A.  Hobson  traces  industrial  depressions  to  under-consumption, 
the  devotion  of  too  large  a  proportion  of  the  product  of  the  present 
system  to  savings  rather  than  to  consumption,  and  the  failure  "to 
call  forth  exactly  that  amount  of  savings  economically  required  to 
forward  the  progress  of  industry  and  provide  for  the  actual  needs 
of  further  consumption.     He  criticizes  the  present  system  for  vest- 
ing in  the  hands  of  individuals  or  groups  of  individuals  power  "to 
secure  for  themselves  advantages  arising  from  improved  production 
without  regard  for  the  vested  interests  of  other  individuals  or  of 
society  as  a  whole."     (Hobson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism, 
Ch.  XI,  esp.  pp.  307,  316.)     See  also  Hughan,  American  Socialism, 
etc.,  Ch.  VII. 

7*  Kautsky  takes  the  position  that  "  the  regulation  of  production 


114      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Mechanical  Impossibility  of  Capitalism. —  Marxists 
are  often  accused  of  basing  their  belief  in  the  coming  of 
socialism  on  the  social  cataclysm  which  is  bound  to  follow 
one  of  these  industrial  crises.  That  Marx  did  not  preach 
the  mechanical  impossibility  of  the  present  system,  how- 
ever, is  the  contention  of  such  Marxian  students  as  Bou- 
din.  "  He  [Marx]  does  not  say  that  production  under 
the  old  system  must  become  impossible  before  the  revolu- 
tion sets  in,"  declared  Boudin,  "  but  it  is  according  to  his 
theory  sufficient  that  it  becomes  '  fettered.'  "  75  And  that 
the  present  system  of  production  does  become  fettered, 

by  large  syndicates  or  trusts  presupposes  above  all  things  their  con- 
trol of  all  branches  of  industry  and  the  organization  of  these  upon 
an  international  basis  in  all  countries  over  which  the  capitalist  sys- 
tem of  production  extends."  .  .  .  This,  he  declares,  is  difficult  to 
achieve.  "  With  regard  to  overproduction,  the  principal  mission  of 
the  trust  is  not  to  check  it,  but  to  shift  its  evil  consequences  from 
the  shoulders  of  the  capitalists  upon  those  of  the  workmen  and  con- 
sumers." (Kautsky,  The  Clatt  Struggle,  pp.  80-1.)  Boudin  de- 
clares that  the  trusts,  if  they  do  anything  at  all,  "  can  only  affect  the 
form  which  the  crisis  may  assume,  whether  they  should  be  short  or 
acute  as  formerly  or  mild  and  long  drawn-out  as  now,  but  no  more. 
This  is  acknowledged  by  Tugan-Baronowsky  himself."  (Boudin,  op. 
cit.,  p.  238.) 

Engels  also  came  to  the  conclusion  in  the  nineties  that  a  change 
had  been  made  in  the  commercial  crises  from  the  more  acute  to  the 
more  drawn  out  and  chronic  form  and  that  world  trade  had  elimi- 
nated or  strongly  reduced  "  the  old  breeding  grounds  for  crises  and 
opportunities  for  growth  of  crises,"  but,  he  declared,  "  every  element, 
which  works  against  the  repetition  of  the  old  crises,  carries  the  germ 
of  a  far  more  tremendous  future  crisis  in  itself."  (See  note  by 
Engels  in  Marx,  Capital,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  575.)  (See  also  Sanial's  con- 
tention, Hughan,  American  Socialism,  etc.,  p.  86.) 

Boudin  also  argues  at  length  against  the  assumption  made  by 
Tugan-Baranowsky  that  capitalism  has  obtained  a  new  lease  of  life 
by  extending  its  operations  to  other  fields,  declaring  that  capitalism 
thus  merely  extends  into  new  fields  the  competitive  system,  and 
creates  for  itself  further  competitors  in  the  production  of  goods. 
(See  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  pp.  242-3.) 

«  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  253. 


INDUSTRIAL  CRISES  115 

does  hinder  the  productive  forces  of  society,  is,  socialists 
contend,  undoubted.76 

Each  crisis  involves  tremendous  social  loss.  It  also 
generally  leads  industrialists  to  look  for  other  markets 
for  their  goods.  Capitalists  first  find  new  markets  in 
countries  on  a  lower  capitalistic  level  than  themselves, 
and  to  these  they  sell  textiles  and  similar  commodities. 
These  countries  in  turn  develop  to  the  stage  of  ad- 
vanced capitalism,  refuse  longer  to  be  used  as  an 
absorbent,  and  the  capitalist  world  is  thus  forced  to 
create  new  markets,  to  "  manufacture  customers,  as  it 
were  —  by  stimulating  the  development  of  undeveloped 
countries,  *  civilizing '  them,  hot-house  fashion,  by  means 
of  all  sorts  of  *  improvements,'  such  as  railroads,  canals, 
etc."  77 

Coming  of  Imperialism — This  exploitation  creates  a 
demand  for  a  different  kind  of  goods  —  for  steel  and 
iron,  for  means  of  production,  as  contrasted  with  consump- 
tion goods,  and  necessitates  the  adoption  of  a  new  foreign 
policy  —  the  policy  of  imperialism.  For  the  selling  of 
steel  and  iron  involves  more  than  the  selling  of  hats  and 
clothing.  It  compels  the  capitalist  to  organize  com- 
panies, to  obtain  concessions,  and  actually  to  supervise 
the  building  of  railroads,  the  exploitation  of  the  mines 
and  the  running  of  the  factories  in  the  undeveloped  lands. 
These  investments,  however,  are  usually  not  made  unless 
the  home  government  can  give  some  guarantee  as  to  their 
security,  and  that  guarantee  cannot  be  made  without  con- 
trol by  the  home  government  of  the  undeveloped  areas. 
Thus  a  policy  of  imperialism  is  launched  upon ;  the  nation 
comes  into  conflict  with  other  nations  similarly  engaged, 

7«  See  Kautsky,  Class  Struggle,  p.  85;  Boudin,  op.  cit.,  p.  240;  and 
tvpra,  Ch.  I. 

"  Boudin,  Socialism  and  War,  p.  69. 


116      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  this  conflict  in  turn  becomes  a  fruitful  cause  of  modern 
warfare.78 

Conclusion. —  Socialists  thus  attribute  economic  crises 
to  the  inequality  of  wealth  under  the  present  system  and 
to  the  planlessness  of  competitive  production.  They  reaT^ 
ize  that,  with  the  development  of  capitalism,  the  form  of 
the  crisis  has  changed,  although  the  fundamental  contra- 
dictions of  capitalism  remain.  Industrial  crises  lead  to 
the  exportation,  first,  of  consumption  goods,  and,  second, 
of  capital  to  undeveloped  countries.  This,  in  turn,  cre- 
ates a  policy  of  imperialism,  which  is  one  of  the  main 
causes  of  modern  warfare.  The  tremendous  wastes  en- 
tailed in  connection  with  crises,  and  in  the  endeavor  to 

78  Professor  E.  R.  A.  Seligman,  in  his  article  on  "  An  Economic 
Interpretation  of  the  War "  (Problem*  of  Readjustment  After  the 
War,  Ch.  II)  divides  economic  development  in  capitalist  countries 
into  three  stages.  In  the  first  stage,  the  capitalists  concentrate  on 
the  building  up  of  the  national  industry;  in  the  second  stage,  the 
countries  replace  their  export  of  raw  materials  with  the  export  of 
manufactured  commodities.  Thirdly  "there  comes  a  time  when  the 
accumulation  of  industrial  and  commercial  profits  is  such  that  a 
more  lucrative  use  of  the  surplus  can  be  made  abroad  in  the  less 
developed  countries  than  at  home  with  the  lower  rates  usually  found 
in  an  older  industrial  system"  (p.  51). 

"  England  reached  this  stage  a  generation  or  two  ago.  .  .  .  The 
significant  aspect  of  recent  development  is  the  entrance  of  Germany 
upon  this  new  stage  of  development.  The  industrial  progress  of 
Germany  has  been  so  prodigious  and  the  increase  of  her  population 
so  great,  that  with  the  opening  years  of  the  present  century  she 
also  began  on  a  continually  larger  scale  to  export  capital  as  well  as 
goods.  It  was  this  attempt  to  enter  the  preserves  hitherto  chiefly  in 
the  hands  of  Great  Britain  that  really  precipitated  the  trouble.  For 
if  the  growth  of  national  wealth  depends  upon  the  tempo  of  national 
profits,  and  if  the  rate  of  profits  is,  as  has  been  seen,  far  greater  in 
the  application  of  capital  to  industrially  undeveloped  countries,  it 
is  clear  that  the  struggle  for  the  control  of  the  international  indus- 
trial market  is  even  more  important  than  was  the  previous  competi- 
tion for  the  commercial  market"  (pp.  51-3).  See  also  Boudin's 
lucid  statement  in  Socialism  and  War,  Ch.  II;  Hobson,  Imperialitm; 
Howe,  Why  War,  etc. 


THEORIES  OF  VALUE  117 

avoid  crises  indicate  the  truth  of  the  Marxian  contention 
that  capitalism  fetters  production,  and  thus  makes  capi- 
talism historically,  although  perhaps  not  mechanically, 
impossible. 

THEOEY    OF    VALUE 

Meaning  of  Labor  Theory —  Another  theory  long  re- 
garded by  socialists  as  a  cornerstone  of  their  economics  is 
the  theory  of  surplus  value,  derived  from  the  labor  theory 
of  value.79  The  labor  theory  of  value,  as  modified  by 
Marx  from  the  teachings  of  the  earlier  economists,  teaches 
that  the  exchange  value  of  a  commodity  is  determined 
by  the  amount  of  socially  necessary  labor  contained 
therein,  that  is,  the  amount  of  average  human  labor  which 
it^ia  necessary  for  society  to  expend  upon  its  reproduc- 
tion —  not  the  labor  which  might  accidentally  be  embodied 
in  a  particular  commodity  as  a  result  of  some  peculiarity 
under  which  the  laborer  worked.80 

Creation  of  Surplus  Value Marx  placed  human  labor 

power  in  the  same  category  as  other  commodities,  anoTcTe- 

™  Marx  differs  from  modern  economists  in  dividing  value  into  ex- 
change-value and  use-value.  He  regarded  use-value  as  something 
inherent  in  the  nature  of  a  commodity,  not  dependent  on  the  social 
form  of  its  production,  and  as  a  subjective  relation  between  the 
thing  and  the  person  who  uses  it.  When  Marx  used  the  word  value, 
he  referred  to  exchange  value,  which,  in  his  opinion,  was  the  kind  of 
value  peculiar  to  the  capitalist  system.  He  also  differentiated  value 
from  price,  declaring  that  the  former  was  something  possessed  by 
the  commodity  when  it  was  placed  on  the  market  and  prior  to  its 
sale,  while  price  was  that  which  was  paid  on  account  of  this  value. 

8°  Of  late  years  socialists,  while  emphasizing  the  facts  of  surplus 
value,  have  given  decreasingly  less  attention  to  the  Marxian  theory 
of  surplus  value,  and  an  increasing  number  of  socialists  regard  the 
value  and  surplus  value  theories  as  inadequate  and  unessential  parts 
of  the  socialist  plulo-ophy.  (See  Hughan 
the  Present  Day,  Ch.  VI  and  Simkhovitch 
Ch.  I.) 


._     _^_*_^*^ 

\,   American   Socialism   of, 
h,  Marxism  vs.  Socialism!, 


118      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

clared  that,  like  other  commodities,  its  exchange-value  was 
determined  by  the  amount  of  labor  power  necessary  for  it> 
reproduction  under  the  social  conditions  of  production 
existing  at  the  time  it  was  purchased  on  the  market.  In 
other  words,  the  purchaser  of  labor  power  has  to  pay 
for  it  wages  equal  to  the  amount  of  goods  which  the 
laborer  consumes  while  exerting  his  labor  power,  and,  in 
addition,  sufficient  to  allow  him  to  perpetuate  his  kind. 
This  amount  will  vary  according  to  the  quantity  of  labor 
in  general  and  the  standard  of  living  of  the  workingman. 

Under  the  present  form  of  production,  partly  owing 
to  improvements  in  modern  industry,  the  amount  of  labor 
which  the  worker  must  expend  in  order  to  furnish  the 
product  represented  by  his  wage  is  less  than  the  total 
amount  of  labor  which  he  sells  to  his  employer.  In  other 
words,  the  time  required  by  a  worker  to  produce  his  wage 
is  less  than  the  time  for  which  he  was  hired  by  the  payment 
of  these  wages. 

The  amount  of  labor  which  enters  into  the  production 
of  wages  may  be  described  as  "  necessary  "  labor,  and  that 
which  hi-  expends  in  addition  as  "  surplus  "  labor.      The 
product  which  results  from  the  expenditure  of  this  "  nec- 
essary "  labor  maj  be  described  as  "  necessary  "  product 
and  its  value,  "  necessary  "  value,  while  the  product  pro- 
duced in  "  surplus  "  labor  time  may  be  described  as  "  mtr- 
s  "  value.     In  the  "  necessary  "  value  is  included  not 
nly  the  wages  paid  the  workingman,  but  also  that  part 
f  the  capital  which  Marx  called  "  constant  "  —  raw  ma- 
erial,  machinery  charges,  etc.     The  surplus   which   the 
purchaser  of  labor,  or  the  capitalist,  finds  himself  pos- 
sessed of  is  thus  a  surplus  over  and  above  all  his  expendi- 
tures, and  is  a  pure  revenue  or  profit. 

The  surplus  which  appears  in  connection  with  the  com- 
modity as  it  leaves  the  hands  of  the  capitalist  producer 


THEORIES  OF  VALUE  119 

is  added  to  as  it  passes  through  the  hands  of  the  whole- 
sale and  retail  merchants,  and  the  surplus  value  taken  up 
gradually  as  it  is  being  added  to,  share  by  share,  along 
its  course. 

Misconceptions  of  Theory. —  Marxists  are  wont  to  de- 
fend the  economics  of  Marx  against  a  number  of  miscon- 
ceptions. They  declare  that  Marx  never  denied  that  na- 
ture is  a  factor  in  the  production  of  wealth.81  The 
Marxists  contend  that  the  fact  that  a  lump  of  gold,  fall- 
ing as  a  meteor  on  the  land  of  a  proprietor,  or  a  silver 
mine,  accidentally  discovered,  would  have  value,  does  not 
contradict  the  general  laws  of  value  as  laid  down  by 
Marx.  According  to  Marx's  theory,  the  value  of  these 
articles,  like  that  of  all  commodities,  is  the  socially  neces- 
sary labor  which  must  be  spent  in  their  reproduction.  If 
the  particular  lump  of  gold  described  were  lost  or  wasted, 
it  could  not  be  obtained  again  from  the  clouds,  but  would 
have  to  be  reproduced  by  labor,  and  its  value  would  be 
the  socially  necessary  labor  spent  in  its  reproduction.82 

si  See  Boudin,  The  Theoretical  System  of  Karl  Marx,  p.  101  et  seq. 
Marx  used  the  word  wealth  in  the  sense  of  that  which  has  utility, 
rather  than  in  the  sense  of  the  orthodox  economists,  that  which  has 
value. 

82  It  is  here  impossible  to  deal  at  length  with  many  of  the  contro- 
versial points  in  regard  to  the  correctness  of  this  theory.  All  stu- 
dents of  the  subject  should  read  Marx's  analysis  in  Capital,  his 
greatest  work  (this  monumental  work  is  produced  in  three  volumes, 
Vol.  I  published  in  186T,  Vol.  II  in  1885,  and  Vol.  Ill  in  1894),  and 
his  short  pamphlet  on  Value,  Price  and  Profit.  Undoubtedly  the 
best  defense  of  Marxian  economics  published  in  English  is  The 
Theoretical  System  of  Karl  Marx,  by  Louis  B.  Boudin.  Dr.  Hughan, 
in  her  American  Socialism,  etc.,  analyzes  the  position  of  various 
schools  of  thought  on  this  problem,  Edward  Bernstein  in  Evolution- 
ary Socialism  presents  the  criticism  of  the  theory  from  the  revi- 
sionist socialist  point  of  view,  while  Boehm-Bawerk  in  Karl  Marx 
and  the  Close  of  His  System,  and  Simkhovitch,  in  Marxism  vs.  Social- 
ism, Chs.  I  and  XII,  endeavor  to  show  the  inadequacies  of  Marx's 
economic  system.  The  alleged  "  great  contradiction "  in  the  law  of 


120      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Facts  of  Surplus  Value —  As  Dr.  Hughan  brings  out,83 
the  "  socialist  claim  to  the  existence  of  'surplus  value  does 
not  depend  of  necessity  upon  the  Marxian  labor  theory." 
Socialists  point  out  that,  in  this  country  only  a  portion  of 
the  social  product  goes  to  labor.  They  cite,  for  instance, 
the  estimate  of  the  statistician,  Dr.  W.  I.  King  of  the 
University  of  Wisconsin,  that,  in  1910,  but  46.9  per  cent, 
of  the  total  national  income  went  to  wages  and  salaries, 
while  53.1  per  cent,  was  distributed  as  interest,  rent  and 
profits  (16.8  per  cent.,  8.8  per  cent.,  and  27.5  per  cent. 
respectively).84  Expressed  in  money,  Dr.  .King  estimated 
that,  in  1910,  $11,309,900,000  were  distributed  in  wages, 
and  $12,827,100,000  in  rent,  profit  and  interest.  The 
socialist  would,  in  general,  describe  this  53.1  per  cent,  in 
rent,  interest  and  profits,  minus,  perhaps,  that  part  of  the 
profits  which  went  into  insurance  and  wages  of  ability,  as 
surplus  value. 

Is  Private  Capital  Socially  Advantageous?  —  Whether 
or  not  the  above  portion  distributed  in  interest,  rent  and 
/profit  is  looked  upon  as  surplus  value  in  the  Marxian  sense 
depends  on  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  Marxian 
theory  that  labor  has  created  the  whole  of  value.  If 
capital  is  unproductive,  as  Marx  contended,  then  the 
amount  here  termed  surplus  value  would  correspond  with 
the  amount  mulcted  from  labor.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  productivity  theory  is  accepted,  and  capital  is  re- 
garded as  a  creative  agent,  then  the  question  of  the  social- 
ist becomes,  as  Dr.  Hughan  has  again  expressed  it,  "  not, 

surplus  value  is  exposed  at  length  by  Boehm-Bawerk  and  Sim- 
khovitch,  and  answered  by  Boudin,  op.  cit.t  (Ch.  VI).  For  a  de- 
fense of  Marxian  economics  see  also  Cahn,  Capital  To-day;  Haller, 
Why  the  Capitali$t;  Spargo's  Socialitm,  Ch.  VIII. 

ss  Hughan,  op.  cit.,  p.  80. 

«« King,  The  Wealth  and  Income  of  the  People  of  the  United 
Statet,  p.  160. 


THEORIES  OF  VALUE 

*  Is  the  profit  of  the  capitalist  a  surplus  value  extracted 
solely  from  the  product  of  labor?  '  but,  *  Is  there  social 
advantage  in  the  private  ownership  of  capital,  which  has 
the  power  to  create  value  without  exertion  on  the  part  of 
the  owner?  '  "  85  It  is  this  question  which  today  receives^ 
the  chief  attention  from  leading  socialists. 

Summary.  —  According  to  the  Marxian  theory  of  eco- 
nomic advance,,  socialism  is  thus  seen  to  be  the  logical  next 
step  in  economic  development.  The  present  order  gives 
rise  to  industrial  concentration  and  to  periodic  crises. 
It  plunges  large  numbers  of  the  middle  and  upper  classes 
into  the  proletariat.  It  develops  among  the  .workers  a 
spirit  of  solidarity  and  a  will  to  industrial  power.  A 
struggle  between  the  capitalist  class  and  the  proletariat 
for  a  larger  part  of  the  social  product  and  for  industrial 
control  ensues.  This  struggle  can  have  but  one  result  — 
the  socialization  of  industr}'. 

Underlying  this  analysis  is  the  concept  of  the  economic 
interpretation  of  history  and  the  class  struggle.  Al- 
though modern  socialists  have  made  a  number  of  modifi- 
cations in  the  Marxian  sociological  theory,  they  still  ad- 
here in  t^e  ma.m  to  the  fnrvgtnnfi  analysis  Greater  con- 


troversy exists  within  socialist  ranks  regarding  Marx's 
economic  theory  of  surplus  value,  which  many  believe  to 
be  an  unessential  part  of  socialist  theory.  There  is  little 
controversy,  however,  concerning  the  facts  of  surplus 
value. 

85  Hughan,  op.  cit.,  pp.  80-1.  See  also  Murdoch,  Economics  and 
Ethics.  An  attempt  to  show  the  unethical  character  of  those  schools 
of  economic  thought  which  attempt  to  justify  the  private  appropria- 
tion of  interest. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  SOCIALIST  COMMONWEALTH 

The  Aims  of  Socialism. — As  is  the  case  with  every 
other  great  economic,  political  or  religious  movement,  it 
is  impossible  to  convey  to  the  outsider  in  the  space  of  a 
few  sentences  an  adequate  idea  of  the  socialist  ideal.  One 
must  be  a  part  of  the  movement  to  sense  its  real  purport. 

>  Broadly  speaking,  the  socialist  movement  aims  to  bring 
about  a  condition  of  society  under  which  equality  of  op- 
portunity, justice,  freedom,  democracy,  brotherhood  will 
be  the  heritage  of  the  mass  of  mankind.      In  this  it  does 
not  differ  essentially  from  certain  other  great  movi-im-nts. 
It  differs  fundamentally,  however,  in  the  means  proposed 

>  for  realizing  'these  ideals  —  the   abolition  of  the  present 
|  capitalist  system  and  the  substitution  therefor  of  .a.-.sys- 
'  tern  of  collective  1  ownership  and  democratic  management 

I  *  The  words  a  collective  ownership "  usually  imply  ownership  by 
the  organized  community,  by  the  local  and  federal  state,  if  the  word 
44  state "  is  not  used  in  the  Marxist  sense  —  implying  an  instrument 
of  class  rule  —  but  in  the  sense  of  some  machinery  through  which  the 
community  of  consumers  may  be  able  to  express  itself  effectively, 
industrially  and  politically.  To  some  who  call  themselves  socialists 
such  "  collective  ownership "  means  ownership  by  some  organization 
representative  of  the  producers,  as  opposed  to  the  consumers.  Tech- 
nically, however,  this  latter  form  of  ownership  would  be  more  syndi- 
calist than  socialist  in  its  nature.  The  words  "cooperative  owner- 
ship "  are  generally  used  by  socialists  as  interchangeable  with  "  col- 
lective ownership,"  although  cooperative  ownership  in  this  sense  must 
be  distinguished  from  ownership  by  voluntary  cooperative  groups, 
found  in  the  British  and  other  consumers'  cooperative  movements. 

122 


AIMS  OF  SOCIALISM  123 

of  the  socially  necessary.meanz  of  production  and  distri- 
bution; a  system  of  society  under  which  the  exploitation 
of  one  class  by  another  will  cease  and  the  wage  system,  as 
we  know  it  today,  will  be  a  thing  of  the  past ;  under  which 
production  will  be  carried  on  for  use  rather  than  for 
profit ;  under  which  the  producing  class  —  then  the  one 
class  in  society  —  will  control  the  economic  life  of  the 
nation. 

Fear  Utopianism. —  When  asked  to  describe  the  social- 
ist aim  in  greater  detail,  some  socialists  demur  on  the 
ground  that  to  do  so  would  be  to  repeat  the  error  of  the 
early  Utopians ;  that,  inasmuch  as  society  is  a  living  or- 
ganism, not  an  inanimate  mechanism,  it  is  possible  only 
to  predict  certain  general  tendencies.  As  for  details,  they 
must  be  left  to  the  future  citizens  who  will  be  in  a  much 
better  position  to  work  them  out  than  are  the  socialists  of 
today.  "  Never  has  our  party,"  declared  Wilhelm  Lieb- 
knecht,  "  told  the  workingmen  about  a  '  state  of  the  fu- 
ture,' never  in  any  way  than  as  a  mere  Utopia."  2 

There  is  now,  however,  a  general  tendency  on  the  part 
of  scientific  socialists  to  picture  in  the  rough  the  socialist 
society.  The  predictions  are  based  on  known  tendencies 
that  already  exist  in  present  society,  and  on  what  are  be- 
lieved to  be  the  probable  or  inevitable  results  of  a  prole- 
tarian victory.  Karl  Kautsky,  the  leading  theorist  of 
scientific  socialism  abroad,  has  given,  for  instance,  some 
notable  contributions  regarding  a  probable  state  of  the 
future.  His  predictions  are  not  based  on  what  he  would 
like  to  see  result,  but  what  must  inevitably  result,  given  a 
triumphant  producing  class  with  the  education,  discipline, 
organization  and  ideals  which  the  present  working  class  is 
developing. 

2  Quoted  in  Spargo's  Elementt  of  SoctaKtm,  p.  212. 


Socialism  and  Private  Property. —  It  is  perhaps  un- 
necessary to  state  that  socialists  do  not  advocate  the  pub- 
lic  ownership  of  private  property,  of  consumption  goods. 
Houses  actually  used  by  the  owner,  furniture,  wearing 
apparel,  and  other  non-productive  property  will  remain 
under  private  control.  Communists,  not  socialists,  urge 
the  abolition  of  private  property.  When  the  phrase, 
"  abolition  of  private  property,"  appears  in  socialist 
,  '.literature,  its  context  generally  indicates  that  capital,  noF 
consumption  goods,  is  meant.3 

The  1916  Socialist  Party  Platform  in  the  United  States 
made  this  position  especially  plain.  It  declared: 

"  Socialism  would  not  abolish  private  property,  but  greatly 
extend  it.  We  believe  that  every  human  being  should  have 
and  own  all  the  things  that  he  can  use  to  advantage,  for  the 
enrichment  of  his  own  life,  without  imposing  disadvantage 
or  burden  upon  any  other  human  being.  Socialism  admits  the 
private  ownership  and  individual  direction  of  all  things,  tools, 
economic  processes  and  functions  which  are  individualistic  in 
character  and  requires  the  collective  ownership  and  demo- 
cratic control  and  direction  of  those  which  are  social  and  col- 
lectivistic  in  character." 

EXTENT  OF   COLLECTIVE   OWNERSHIP    UNDEE   SOCIALISM 

Socially  Necessary  Industries. —  Some  socialists  con- 
tend that,  while  consumption  goods  will  remain  private  in 
their  nature  under  socialism,  all  industry  will  be  collec- 
tively owned.  The  majority  of  the  leading  socialist  think- 
ers, however,  take  a  different  point  of  view.  They  do  jis- 
sert  that  the  socially  necessary  or  principal  means  of 
production  and  distribution  should  be  owned  by  the  col- 
lectivity. |They  are  generally  agreed  that  capitalism,  the 

»  See  Commwntt  Manifeito  (published  by  Socialist  Literature  Co.), 
p.  36. 


EXTENT  OF  COLLECTIVISM  125 

profit  system  as  such,  should  be  eliminated,  and  that  "  all 
the  social  means  of  transportation  and  communication,  all 
the  extractive  industries  such  as  mining  and  lumbering; 
all  the  public  services  now  controlled  by  corporations,  and 
all  the  principal  manufactures  " 4  should  be  collectively 
owned. 

Nevertheless  they  leave  scope  to  private  and  voluntary 
cooperative  production,  especially  in  handicraft  and  ag- 
ricultural industries  and  in  intellectual  production.  For 
the  aim  of  the  socialists  is  not  primarily  cooperative  own- 
ership, but  the  abolition  of  exploitation,  the  elimination 
of  waste,  and  the  securing  of  the  highest  attainable  so- 
cial welfare.  Public  ownership  is  considered  a  means  to 
that  end.  Whenever  that  end  may  be  attained  without  re- 
sorting to  social  ownership,  then  socialists  are  not  neces- 
sarily committed  to  such  social  control.5 

Handicraft  Industry — Socialists  do  not  necessarily 
advocate  the  social  ownership  of  industries  which  are  still 
in  the  handicraft  stage  of  development,  for  the  tools  here) 
used  are  generally  owned  individually  by  the  worker,  and: 
are  not  objects  of  exploitation.  To  turn  into  social  prop- 
erty the  implements  of  such  industry,  says  Karl  Kautsky, 
would  "  amount  to  nothing  else  than  to  withdraw  them 
from  their  present  owner  and  forthwith  to  give  them  back 
to  him."6 

Most  modern  socialists  do  not  follow  William  Morris  in 
his  dream  of  a  future  state  in  which  the  ugliness  of  ma-i 
chine  production  will  be  again  superseded  by  a  picturesque 
form  of  handicraft  industry.  Nevertheless  they  are  in- 
clined to  the  view  of  Kautsky  that  under  a  cooperative 
system  "  artistic  hand  work  may  receive  a  new  impulse," 

*  Spargo  and  Arner,  Elements  of  Socialism,  p,  231. 
5  See  Simons,  The  American  Farmer,  pp.  203-204. 
«  Kautsky,  The  Socialist  Republic,  p.  32. 


126      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  that  "  it  is  easily  possible  that  under  a  proletarian 
regime  the  number  of  small  businesses  may  increase,"  even 
though  such  industry  "  be  maintained  as  islands  in  the 
ocean  of  great  social  businesses."  7 

Exploitation  as  a  Criterion. —  It  is  evident  from  the 
above  that  the  criterion  in  the  minds  of  many  socialists 
as  to  whether  industry  should  or  should  not  be  socialized 
is :  does  private  ownership  in  this  industry  lead  to  exploita- 
tjon?  There  are  some  socialists  who  give  to  private  in- 
dustry under  socialism  an  even  larger  place,  and  who  make 
the  criterion  of  socialization  that  of  social  welfare  rather 
than  that  of  exploitation. 

While  in  most  cases  it  may  be  argued  that  industries 
which  permit  of  exploitation  are  injurious  to  the  social 
well-being  and  in  the  largest  sense  inefficient,  nevertheless 
this  may  not  be  always  the  case. 

For  instance,  in  any  one  year,  under  a  cooperative 
system  of  industry,  a  score  of  individuals  in  any  large  city 
might  conceive  that  the  public  would  fancy  certain  ma- 
chine-made luxuries.  There  would  probably  be  little  ob- 
jection to  the  manufacture  of  such  commodities  by  a  pri- 
vate company  or  a  voluntary  cooperative  group,  provid- 
ing these  articles  were  not  deemed  to  be  intrinsically  inju- 
rious to  society.  Many  of  the  articles  thus  produced 
would  undoubtedly  prove  to  be  but  passing  fads,  while 
others  would  gain  a  permanent  hold  on  public  taste,  and  a 
demand  for  their  social  ownership  would  follow. 

It  is  true  that,  during  the  transitional  period,  a  slight 
degree  of  exploitation  might  exist,  although  such  exploita- 
tion would  be  reduced  to  a  minimum  by  the  standard  of 
living  set  in  the  public  industries,  and  by  regulatory  acts 
regarding  hours,  sanitation,  wages,  quality  of  goods  pro- 

T  Kautsky,  Social  Revolution,  pp.  164-5;  see  also  Walling,  Social- 
ism at  It  It,  p.  432  ««g. 


EXTENT  OF  COLLECTIVISM  127 

duced,  etc.  The  advantage  accruing  to  the  community 
as  a  result  of  such  private  experimentation,  however, 
would  undoubtedly  counterbalance  any  possible  loss.  It 
is  too  much  to  expect  of  a  community  that  it  would  apply 
its  social  machinery  to  the  production  of  every  commodity 
thought  desirable  by  any  of  its  members.  Yet,  if  it  did 
not  allow  one  or  more  individuals  to  experiment  with  cer- 
tain commodities,  until  their  value  to  the  community  was 
proved,  it  might  discourage  the  establishment  of  many  an 
enterprise  of  great  social  possibilities. 

Dr.  Hughan  is  of  the  opinion  that  under  such  private 
ownership  the  profit  of  the  employer  "  in  the  sense  of  ex- 
ploitation, tends  to  disappear;  for,  as  an  independent 
craftsman  he  continues  to  receive  his  own  entire  product, 
but  he  gains  little  from  his  employees  except  the  advantage 
of  cooperation,  or  possibly  an  opportunity  not  furnished 
by  any  collective  industry  available  to  him  of  exercising 
his  own  productive  skill  as  superintendent." 

Even  where  the  community  undertakes  the  running  of  an 
industry,  many  socialists  feel  that  society  'should  permit, 
and  even  at  times  encourage,  competing  private  ventures, 
as  these  might  be  the  means  of  indicating  the  need  for 
more  efficient  methods  of  production.9 

Voluntary  Cooperation. —  There  would  also  be  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  voluntary  cooperative  industry  under 
a  socialist  regime,  especially  in  "  local  industries  too  in- 
significant or  disorganized  even  for  municipal  opera- 
tion," 10  proper  regulations,  of  course,  being  made  for  the 
protection  of  cooperators  and  consumers. 

Socialists,  therefore,  believe  that  the  principal  industrk-s 

s  In  an  article  by  Dr.  Jessie  W.  Hughan  in  The  Intercollegiate 
Sociali»t,  Dec.-Jan.,  1915-6,  p.  16. 
»  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  p.  229. 
10  Hillquit  and  Ryan,  Socialitm  —  Promise  or  Menace,  pp.  72-3. 


128      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

under  socialism  should  be  socially  owned.  However,* 
socialist  state  would  also  probably  contain  a  certain 
amount  of  voluntary  cooperative  ownership  and  of  indi- 
vidual ownership  of  the  means  of  production. 

COLLECTIVISM    IN    LAND 

Another  field  in  which  private  ownership  may  persist 
to  a  certain  extent  under  socialism  is  that  of  land.  Many 
socialist  platforms  have  advocated  the  complete  socializa- 
tion of  land,  and  the  Soviet  Government  of  Russia,  in 
its  socialist-communist  constitution,  in  July,  1918,  de- 
creed that,  "  for  the  purpose  of  realizing  the  socialization 
of  land,  all  private  property  in  land  is  abolished,  and  the 
^entire  land  is  declared  to  be  national  property." 

However,  other  socialists,  while  declaring  that  the  pri- 
vate title  to  land  should  be  subordinate  to  the  public  claim, 
and  while  insisting  that  speculation  and  exploitation  in 
land  should  be  eliminated,  have  felt  that  there  would  prob- 
ably be  considerable  private  possession  and  use  of  land 
under  an  advanced  cooperative  commonwealth.  Concen- 
tration in  agricultural  land,  they  maintain,  has  not  kept 
pace  with  concentration  in  other  industries,  and  land  is 
consequently  not  so  ripe  for  socialization  as  are  the  manu- 
facturing concerns.  Much  of  the  agricultural  land,  fur- 
thermore, is  tilled  entirely  by  the  owners  without  exploiting 
the  labor  of  others.  A  considerable  amount  of  city  land 
is  also  used  by  owners  for  their  personal  dwellings. 

Opposed  to  Exploitation  and  Speculation. —  The  So- 
cialist Party  of  the  United  States  by  referendum,  in  1909, 
placed  itself  squarely  on  record  in  favor  of  the  private 
possession  of  land  where  there  was  neither  exploitation  nor 
speculation.  The  referendum  reads: 

There  can  be  no  absolute  title  to  land.     All  private  titles, 


COLLECTIVISM  IN  LAND  129 

whether  called  fee  simple  or  otherwise,  are  and  must  be  sub- 
ordinate to  the  public  titles.  The  Socialist  Party  strives  to 
prevent  land  from  being  used  for  the  purpose  of  exploita- 
tion and  speculation.  It  demands  the  collective  possession, 
control,  or  management  of  land  to  whatever  extent  may  be 
necessary  to  attain  that  end.  It  is  not  opposed  to  the  occu- 
pation and  possession  of  land  by  those  using  it  in  a  useful 
and  bona  fide  manner  without  exploitation." 

According  to  this  statement  both  city  and  farm  land 
not  held  out  of  use  for  the  purpose  of  speculation,  and  not 
rented  to  others,  but  utilized  by  the  possessor  for  his  own 
enjoyment,  might  be  retained  by  private  citizens,  although 
the  title  of  the  private  citizen  must  ever  be  considered 
subordinate  to  that  of  the  public,  as  indeed  it  is  today. 

In  amplifying  the  socialist  position  Mr.  Hillquit  de- 
clares : 

"  Land  of  reasonable  dimensions  actually  cultivated  or  used 
by  the  farmer  without  employment  of  hired  help  to  any  ap- 
preciable extent,  is  an  instrument  of  labor  analogous  to  the 
individual  tool,  and  land  used  for  private  dwellings  is  an 
article  of  use  rather  than  an  instrument  of  production.  The 
socialists  are  not  opposed  to  the  exclusive  private  use  and 
occupation  of  such  lands ;  nor  would  they  tax  them  to  the  full 
extent  of  their  value.  But  they  condemn  utterly  the  private 
ownership  and  exclusive  control  of  land  used  for  business  pur- 
poses —  rent  producing  land  —  and  they  insist  that  the  ulti- 
mate title  to  all  land  remain  in  the  state."  ] 

Agricultural  Land. —  Dealing  more  specifically  with 
farm  land,  Kautsky  asserts: 

"  The  proletarian  governmental  power  would  have  abso- 
lutely no  inclination  to  take  over  such  little  businesses.  As 
yet  no  socialist  who  is  taken  seriously  has  ever  dreamed  that 

11  Hillquit  and  Ryan,  op.  cit.,  p.  78. 


130      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  farmers  should  be  expropriated,  or  that  their  goods  should 
'be  confiscated."  12 


Nevertheless  it  is  felt  by  most  socialist  writers  that  the 
community  will  probably  assume  an  ever  greater  control 
over  agriculture,  on  account  of  the  increased  cost  of  farm 
and  equipment  and  the  decreased  opportunity  of  the  aver- 
age farmer  to  own  his  farm  and  machines.  Additional 
arguments  for  public  ownership  are  its  increased  efficiency 
through  the  use  of  the  latest  and  most  scientific  tools  and 
the  employment  of  agricultural  experts ;  the  ability  of  the 
public  to  utilize  the  ground  best  adapted  to  specific  crops, 
to  regulate  more  adequately  than  under  private  industry 

ithe  relative  acreage  to  be  allotted  to  various  crops,  to  co- 
ordinate public  agriculture  with  the  industrial  life  of  the 
nation,  and  to  ensure  the  agrarian  worker  a  better  eco- 
nomic and  social  status  than  under  private  ownership.13 

The  Communist  Labor  Party  of  the  United  States,  or- 
ganized in  September,  1919,  declared  at  its  first  conven- 
tion that  "  all  land  should  be  the  property  of  the  workers ; 
that  only  use  and  occupancy  should  entitle  the  individual 
to  land." 

12  K .nit sky,  op.  cit.,  p.  159. 

is  See  Kautsky,  op.  cit.,  p.  161.  The  National  Administrative 
Council  of  the  Independent  Labor  Party  of  England  recommended 
to  the  party  convention  of  April  21,  1919,  a  resolution  on  the  land, 
in  part  as  follows:  "The  present  system,  which  treats  land  as  pri- 
vate property  and  prevents  free  access  to  it,  hampers  industry, 
checks  production,  crowds  the  towns  by  depopulating  the  country- 
side, obstructs  the  standard  of  public  health,  both  physical  and 
moral,  fetters  the  exercise  of  political,  economic  and  social  freedom, 
makes  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  the  maintenance  of  a  uniform 
standard  of  cultivation,  and  compels  the  workers  to  pay  tribute  for 
the  use  of  that  which  should  belong  equally  to  all. 

"  This  conference,  therefore,  demands  the  socialization  of  the  land 
as  the  very  foundation  of  the  cooperative  commonwealth,  and  calls 
upon  the  government  to  make  it  the  permanent  and  inalienable  pos- 
session of  the  community." 


INTELLECTUAL  PRODUCTION  131 

The  efficiency  and  sociability  that  may  result  from  pub- 
lic management  of  farms  has  been  idealized  by  many  stu- 
dents of  social  problems.14 

INTELLECTUAL    PRODUCTION    UNDER    SOCIALISM 

Nor  do  socialists  advocate  the  public  control  of  all  in- 
tellectual and  artistic  pursuits.  The  educational  system, 
which  requires  much  capital  for  its  maintenance,  will  un- 
doubtedly be  retained  under  the  control  of  the  democratic 
community,  and,  indeed,  be  greatly  extended,  as  only  then 
will  it  be  possible  to  ensure  that  every  youth  is  given  an 
opportunity  for  an  adequate  education.  The  organized 
community,  however,  should  encourage  the  formation  of 
any  private  groups  desirous  of  making  legitimate  experi- 
ments in  educational  methods.  The  community  should 
also  strive,  in  all  of  its  public  instruction,  to  avoid  those 
methods  of  teaching,  so  prevalent  today,  which  seek  to 
mold  the  mind  of  the  child  into  fixed  forms  —  methods 
which  are  having  such  a  disastrous  effect  in  crushing  origi- 
nal thinking. 

The  community  should  likewise  provide  for  its  citizens 
apparatus  needed  in  scientific  research  —  apparatus  which 
are  becoming  ever  more  comprehensive  and  expensive  in 
their  nature. 

Research  and  Education — Educational  and  research 
work  must,  for  the  most  part,  be  conducted  on  a  large 
scale,  and  require  a  considerable  amount  of  capital.  This, 
however,  is  not  the  case  with  such  individualistic  intellec- 
tual pursuits  as  painting,  sculpture  and  literary  work. 
How  will  they  be  conducted  under  a  proletarian  regime? 
Undoubtedly  many  artists  and  writers  will  prefer  to  give 
their  entire  time  to  the  work  of  the  community ;  others  will 
prefer  to  serve  voluntary  cooperative  groups,  while  still 

!*  Wells,  Socialism  and  the  Great  State,  p.  35. 


132      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

others  will  desire  to  do  free  lance  work,  during  part  or  all 
of  their  time,  depending  on  the  community,  on  organized 
groups  of  citizens  or  on  private  individuals  for  the  sale 
of  their  wares.  Their  tools  will  be  under  their  own 
control. 

"  Just  as  little  as  the  needle  and  thimble,"  declares 
Kautsky,  "  will  brush  and  palette,  or  ink  and  pen  belong 
to  those  means  of  production  which  must  under  all  con- 
ditions be  socialized."  15 

Art. —  However,  the  kind  of  commodities  desired  under 
a  socialist  regime  will,  in  all  probability,  be  materially 
changed.  The  private  demand  for  works  of  art  may  be 
lessened,  while  the  demand  on  the  part  of  the  city  and 
state  will  probably  be  greatly  increased.  The  same 
author  continues: 

"  A  proletarian  regime  will  greatly  increase  the  number  of 
public  buildings.  It  will  endeavor  to  make  attractive  every 
place  occupied  by  the  people,  whether  for  labor,  for  consul- 
tation,  or  for  pleasure.  Instead  of  accumulating  statuettes 
and  pictures  that  will  be  thrown  into  a  great  impersonal 
market  from  whence  they  finally  find  a  place  utterly  unknown 
to  the  artist  and  are  used  for  wholly  unthought  of  purposes, 
the  artist  will  work  together  with  the  architect  as  was  the 
case  in  the  Golden  Age  of  art  in  Athens  under  Pericles  and 
in  the  Italian  Renaissance.  One  art  will  support  and  raise 
the  other  and  artistic  labor  will  have  a  definite  social  aim 
so  that  its  products,  its  surroundings  and  its  public  will  not 
be  dependent  on  chance."  18 

Voluntary    Union. —  Where    capitalist    industry    has 
taken  charge  of  intellectual  production,  as  in  the  theaters, 
the  state,  the  municipality  and  free  unions  could  be  sub- 
is  Kautsky,  op.  cit.,  p.  173. 
i«7Wd.,  p.  178. 


INTELLECTUAL  PRODUCTION  133 

stituted  under  a  proletarian  regime  — "  free  unions  which 
will  serve  art  and  science  and  the  public  life  and  advance 
production  in  these  spheres  in  the  most  diverse  ways,  or 
undertake  them  directly  as  even  today  we  have  countless 
unions  which  bring  out  plays,  publish  newspapers,  pur- 
chase artistic  works,  public  writings,  fit  out  scientific  ex- 
peditions, etc."  17 

"  It  is  absolutely  unimportant  for  society,"  continues  Kaut- 
sky,  "  in  what  relations  the  existing  surplus  of  products  and 
labor  powers  are  applied  to  the  individual  fields  of  free  in- 
tellectual creation.  The  exception  to  this  is  the  educational 
system  which  has  its  special  laws.  .  .  .  Society  should  fall 
into  bad  conditions  if  all  the  world  should  set  to  work  at  the 
manufacture  of  one  kind  of  commodities  such,  for  example, 
as  buttons,  and  thereby  direct  too  much  labor  power  to  this, 
so  that  not  enough  was  left  for  the  production  of  others, 
such,  for  example,  as  bread.  On  the  other  hand  the  rela- 
tion between  lyric  poems  and  tragedies,  works  on  Assyriology 
and  Botany  which  are  to  be  produced  is  no  essential  one; 
it  has  neither  maximum  or  minimum  point.  ...  In  this  field 
a  central  direction  of  production  is  not  only  unnecessary,  but 
absolutely  foolish."  18 

A  further  reason  for  the  contention  of  many  socialists 
that  those  engaged  in  artistic  pursuits  should  be  left  free 
to  choose  how  they  can  best  serve  society  is  that  "  art 
springs  from  a  wild  and  anarchic  side  of  human  nature," 
and  that  an  attempt  permanently  to  subject  this  side  to 
orderly  rules  is  likely  to  crush  out  the  impulse  from  which 
art  springs.19  Bertrand  Russell  suggests  that  one  way 
in  which  the  artist  may  be  free  to  express  himself  is  to 
undertake  regular  work  outside  of  his  art,  "  doing  only  a 

"  Ibid.,  p.  176. 
is/Wd.,  p.  182. 
i»  Bertrand  Russell,  Propoted  Roads  to  Freedom,  p.  175. 


134.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

few  hours'  work  a  day  and  receiving  proportionately  less 
pay  than  those  who  do  a  full  day's  work." 

Publications. —  Considerable  attention  has  been  given 
by  socialists  to  the  question  of  the  publication  of  periodi- 
cals and  newspapers.  Many  socialists  dwell  on  the  pos- 
sible danger  to  the  public  should  the  state  monopolize  the 
printing.  Others,  however,  point  to  the  fact  that  modern 
printing,  for  the  most  part,  requires  huge  machines,  and 
expensive  plants,  while  newspapers  need  world-wide  news 
collecting  associations,  and,  if  left  absolutely  to  private 
enterprise,  could  be  used,  as  they  are  at  present,  to  ex- 
ploit the  workers  in  the  plant,  and  mislead  the  public  for 
private  gain. 

While  public  newspaper  plants  are  advocated  by  social- 
ists in  general,  many  socialists  and  radicals  emphasize  the 
importance  of  allowing  voluntary  cooperative  groups,  if 
they  see  fit,  to  engage  in  the  business  of  publication.20 
H.  G.  Wells  feels  that  competing  municipalities  may  be 
depended  on  to  ensure  the  publication  of  divergent 
views.21 

A  further  plan  suggested  is  that  presented  by  L.  G. 
Chiozza  Money,  M.P.,  who  believes  that  the  state  should 
print  the  plain  record  of  happenings  and  that  private 
groups  should  publish  periodicals  of  opinion.22 

It  may  of  course  be  pointed  out  that  the  ability  on  the 
part  of  the  editorial  staff  of  a  public  newspaper  to  ignore 
certain  news  and  play  up  other  items  in  glaring  head- 
lines virtually  makes  that  newspaper  an  organ  of  opinion 
—  even  though  it  has  no  editorial  columns.  Nevertheless 
if  such  a  newspaper  were  constantly  criticized  both  in  re- 
gard to  its  facts  and  its  opinions  by  a  group  of  coopera- 

20  Hillquit  and  Ryan,  op.  rit.,  p.  87. 

21  Wells,  New  Worldt  for  Old,  pp.  279-281. 

22  Wells  and  others,  Socialiim  and  the  Great  State,  pp.  106-7. 


INTELLECTUAL  PRODUCTION  135 

tive  journals,  a  most  wholesome  check  would  be  placed 

*  t  *  91 

upon  its  expressions/13 

Passing  to  the  question  of  book  publication,  Bertrand 
Russell  maintains  that  the  author  should  find  it  possible 
to  pay  for  the  expense  of  printing,  if  the  book  is  not  such 
that  the  state  or  the  guild  is  willing  to  print  it  at  its  own 
expense.  "  It  would  have  to  be  an  absolute  rule,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  that  no  book  should  be  refused,  no  matter  what 
the  nature  of  its  contents  might  be,  if  payment  for  publi- 
cation were  offered  at  the  standard  rate."  24 

Summary. —  It  is  seen  from  the  foregoing  that  the  so- 
cialists believe  that  intellectual  and  artistic  production 
now  carried  on  under  capitalistic  conditions  should,  for 
the  most  part,  be  publicly  controlled  under  socialism ;  that 
such  production  now  conducted  by  individuals  without 
exploitation  should,  to  a  considerable  extent,  remain  pri- 
vate and  that  in  this  general  field,  even  to  a  much  larger 
extent  than  in  the  production  of  material  commodities, 
voluntary  cooperative  and  private  production  should  be 
encouraged.25 

23  For  socialization  of  press  under  temporary  Soviet  government  in 
Munich,  see  The  Nation,  June  28,  1919. 

2*  Russell,  op.  cit.,  p.  180;  see  also  Annie  Besant  in  Fabian  Essays, 
p.  144. 

25  It  is  as  yet  too  early  to  tell  exactly  how  the  Soviet  Government 
of  Russia  has  dealt  with  these  various  intellectual  services,  nor 
would  the  measures  which  the  Russian  Government  adopted  during 
its  first  year  or  two  of  control,  when  besieged  by  enemies  within 
and  without,  be  necessarily  typical  of  the  ideals  of  a  socialist  state. 
The  following  appears  in  the  constitution  in  regard  to  the  press: 

"  For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  freedom  of  expression  to  the 
toiling  masses,  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  abol- 
ishes all  dependence  of  the  press  upon  capital,  and  turns  over  to  the 
working  people  and  the  poorest  peasantry  all  technical  and  material 
means  of  publication  of  newspapers,  pamphlets,  books,  etc.,  and 
guarantees  their  free  circulation  throughout  the  country."  This 
provision  has  evidently  not  as  yet  been  fully  carried  out,  as  the  gov- 


136      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


DEMOCRATIC    MANAGEMENT    UNDER    SOCIALISM 

After  the 'industries  are  socialized,  many  administrative 
problems  will  necessarily  arise.  Here  again  socialists  are 
averse  to  predicting  how  the  details  of  administration  will 
hi-  worked  out.  Such  details  must  In-  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  mass  of  people  when  and  after  socialization  takes 
place,  and  the  final  forms  adopted  will  probably  be  the 
result  of  a  long  series  of  careful  experimentations.  The 
procedure  which  may  prove  desirable  at  one  stage  in  the 
development  of  a  cooperative  system  and  in  one  industry 
may  be  utterly  inadequate  to  meet  the  problems  arising  at 
another  period  or  in  another  industry. 

Insistence  on  Democratic  Management. —  However, 
socialists  have  endeavored,  here  as  elsewhere,  to  suggest 
what,  in  general,  may  be  expected  to  result  from  the  ap- 
plication of  the  principles  of  socialism  to  industry. 

As  a  matter  of  course  they  insist  —  the  criticism  of  the 
non-socialist  notwithstanding  —  that  the  management  of 
industry  be  essentially  democratic  in  its  nature,  as  only  in 
that  way  can  the  evils  of  bureaucracy  be  avoided,  and  can 
adequate  opportunity  be  given  for  the  development  of  the 
personality  of  the  mass  of  the  workers.  Democratic  con- 
trol is  also  a  necessity,  states  Kautsky,  if  social  discipline 
is  to  be  maintained.20 

Differences  in  Details. —  As  Kautsky  intimates,  social- 


eminent  has  temporarily  suppressed  newspapers  which  advocated  an 
open  revolt  against  the  Soviet  regime. 

According  to  the  constitution  the  government  also  "sets  itself  the 
task  of  furnishing  full  and  general  free  education  to  the  workers 
and  the  poorest  peasantry."  Its  early  achievements  in  the  realm  of 
education,  art  and  drama  are  recorded  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 
(See  section  under  "  Russian  Revolution.")  Public,  voluntary,  co- 
operative and  private  ventures  in  this  domain  exist  side  by  side. 

2«  Kautsky,  Social  Revolution,  pp.  126-7 ;  see  also  Cole,  Self  Gov- 
ernment in  Industry,  p.  234. 


DEMOCRATIC  MANAGEMENT  137 

ists  do  not  pretend  to  predict  the  exact  form  the  demo- 
cratic management  of  industry  should  take,  and  an  analy- 
sis of  their  point  of  view  reveals  considerable  differences. 
Some  are  inclined  to  the  syndicalist  position  that  the 
workers  in  particular  industries  should  have  entire  control 
of  all  phases  of  .production.  Others  believe  with_the_na- ; 
tional  guildsmen  that  democratic  groups  of  hand  and 
brain  workers  should  have  entire  control  of  shop  manage- 
ment, but  that  the  state  should  have  a  share  in  the  deter- 1 
mination  of  prices  and  of  the  amount  of  goods  produced.27 
A  third,  and,  prior  to  the  guild  socialist  movement,  the 
most  representative  group,  advocates  joint  boards  repre- 
sentative both  of  the  workers  and  of  the  community-at- 
large,  contending  that  any  system  of  control  which  ex- 
cluded the  community  from  boards  of  control  would  be 
essentially  undemocratic.28 

Selection  of  Officers — Various  methods  for  the  selec- 
tion of  officers  have  been  suggested.  A  number  advocate 
the  direct  election  of  managers  and  foremen  by  the  work- 
ers. Some  favor  such  a  plan,  providing  candidates  for 
certain  offices  have  passed  specified  tests  which  indicate 
the  possession  of  requisite  qualifications.29 

Morris  Hillquit  would  leave  the  appointment  of  the 
manager  to  a  board  of  control  elected  democratically  by 
•the  workers  in  a  particular  industry.  He  declares : 

"It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  in  its  practical  workings 
the  socialist  industrial  democracy  will  be  somewhat  similar 
to  the  forms  of  our  present  political  democracy.  The  workers 

27  See  chapter  on  "  Guild  Socialism  and  Syndicalism." 

28  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  tit.,  p.  233 ;  see  also  section  on  "  Demo- 
cratic Management"  under  "Modern  Tendencies  Toward  Socialism" 
for  a  number  of  schemes  for  democratic  control  by  the  workers;  and 
section  under  "  Hungary.** 

»  Cole,  op.  tit.,  p.  268;  see  also  Besant  in  Fabian  Etsays,  p.  143. 


138      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

in  each  industry  may  periodically  select  the  managing  au- 
thority with  power  to  make  appointments  and  to  fix  rules. 
Such  selected  board  or  body  may  consist  of  shop  representa- 
tives, and  these  would  be  better  judges  of  the  qualifications 
of  the  chief  manager  or  executive  committee  of  the  industry 
than  the  bankers  who  now  control  the  directorates  of  the 
great  corporations."  ! 

Conclusion. —  Others  would  discriminate,  urging  that 
expert  technicians  be  appointed  by  boards  of  control,  but 
that  those  whose  main  job  is  that  of  superintendence  be 
elected  by  the  popular  vote  of  the  workers.31  Socialists, 
lowever,  are  committed  to  no  rigid  formula,  and  the  exact 
rorm  that  the  management  of  industry  will  take  under 
socialism  will  be  determined  not  by  preconceived  ideas  of 
present-day  theorists  but  by  the  actual  results  obtained 
:hrough  experimentation  along  various  lines. 

ASSIGNMENT    OF    TASKS    UNDEE    SOCIALISM 

How  will  work  be  assigned  under  socialism?  To  this 
question  there  is  no  one  universal  answer.  To  most  so- 
cialists who  are  of  the  opinion  that  there  will  be  differ- 
ences of  compensation  under  socialism,  the  answer  appears 
a  simple  one.  Better  conditions  in  regard  to  wages, 
hours,  etc.,  will  be  offered  in  those  industries  in  which  the 
need  for  workers  is  greater.  The  workers  who,  despite 
more  attractive  offers  elsewhere,  prefer  to  remain  in  their 

»o  Hillquit  and  Ryan,  op.  cit.,  pp.  79-80. 

»i  The  Russian  Soviet  Government,  while  decreeing  the  organiza- 
tion of  workshop  committees,  found  it  necessary,  during  the  tran- 
sition period,  to  transfer  the  power  of  selecting  managers  of  public 
plants  from  the  workers'  committees  to  the  Supreme  Council  of 
National  Economy.  A  central  committee  in  Hungary  under  the 
Soviets  also  took  charge  of  such  appointments.  See  The  New  Repub- 
lic, May  24,  1919,  p.  131;  also  section  under  "Hungary.*1 


ASSIGNMENT  OF  TASKS  139 

present  industry,  will  be  perfectly  free  to  do  so.32  This 
method  of  assignment  may  be  depended  on  to  eliminate  the 
necessity  of  an  arbitrary  assignment  of  tasks  by  some 
central  authority.33 

"What  happens  today  when  there  are  too  many  workers 
in  one  branch  of  industry? "  asks  Emile  Vandervelde. 
"  Wages  go  down.  They  go  up,  on  the  contrary,  when  there 
are  too  few.  The  same  sanction  would  exist  under  a  collec- 
tivist  regime:  after  the  necessary  deductions  were  made  and 
the  minimum  wages  paid,  the  share  of  each  one  in  the  sur- 
plus to  be  divided  for  each  branch  of  production  would  be 
smaller  in  proportion  as  the  participants  were  more  numerous. 
Consequently,  the  over-crowded  occupations  would  be  rela- 
tively ill  paid;  the  deserted  occupations,  the  unpleasant  and 
dangerous  tasks,  would  receive  a  more  considerable  reward. 
There  would  be  only  one  difference,  and  quite  in  favor  of 
collectivism,  namely,  that  today  by  reason  of  the  defects  in 
professional  instruction,  the  passage  from  one  branch  of  in- 
dustry to  another  generally  presents  extreme  difficulties,  which 
in  a  socialistic  state  could  in  great  measure  be  avoided."  34 

Variety  of  Suggestions. —  Some  socialists  contend  that 
the  assignments  should  be  left  to  the  free  choice  of  demo- 
cratic groups  of  workers  in  particular  industries  after 
full  explanation  of  social  needs.  Still  others  are  inclined 
to  the  belief  that  certain  central  authorities,  directly  re- 
sponsible to  the  community,  should  be  given  the  power, 
with  proper  safeguards,  to  transfer  groups  of  workers  to 
strategic  industries,  due  consideration  being  given  to  the 
qualifications  and  the  wishes  of  those  transferred. 

82  Shaw  and  Others,  Fabian  Essays,  p.  145. 

a3  Spargo,  Socialism,  pp.  229-30.  General  compulsory  labor  was 
prescribed  in  the  constitution  of  the  temporary  Hungarian  Soviet 
Government  which  likewise  insured  the  right  to  work. 

»*  Vandervelde,  Collectivism,  p.  150. 


140      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Some  socialist  writers  also  urge,  in  connection  with 
this  problem,  the  appointment  of  boards  of  experts  to 
estimate  the  relative  needs  of  various  industries,  and  to 
secure  young  men  and  women  for  particular  industries  as 
a  result  of  examination  and  choice.  While  absolute  free- 
dom  of  choice  would  be  impossible,  since  the  ability  of 
the  applicant  and  the  need  for  his  services  are  factors 
which  must  necessarily  be  considered,  the  average  range  of 
choice  "  would  be  a  thousand  fold  wider  than  now,  and 
iberty  in  this  respect  thus  a  thousand  fold  wider."  8B 

For  the  Disagreeable  Work — To  the  answer  that  it 
would  be  difficult  to  obtain  workers  for  the  more  disagree- 
able tasks,  the  socialist  has  several  replies.  He  states 
first,  as  is  subsequently  indicated,  that  certain  compensa- 
tions could  be  given  to  those  engaging  in  such  tasks,  in  the 
form  of  shorter  hours  and  higher  wages ;  second,  that 
tastes  differ  as  to  which  is  the  most  disagreeable  work. 
Many  there  are  who  prefer  dirty  manual  work  to  a  cleaner 
labor  which  requires  the  constant  use  of  their  mental 
powers.  Much  of  the  "  dirty  "  work  now  involved  in  car- 
rying on  industry  could  be  eliminated  if  society  set  its 
mind  to  the  -task. 

A  scientific  distribution  of  prizes,  and  a  consciously 
directed  movement  for  the  development  of  social  responsi- 
bility could  also  be  relied  on  to  induce  workers  to  enter 
disagreeable  industries. 

It  is  likewise  suggested  by  some  that  special  honor  be 
accorded  those  who  volunteer  to  serve  for  a  certain  time  in 
the  disagreeable  but  necessary  work,  as  we  now  accord 
special  honor  to  those  who  volunteer  for  national  service 
of  destruction.  One  writer  suggests  that  "  the  Great 
State  "  draft  certain  of  its  able  bodied  men  for  a  period 

so  Wells  and  others,  op.  cit.,  p.  129  ««q. 


REMUNERATION 

of  a  year  or  more  for  especially  obnoxious  work,  such  as 
mining,  on  the  ground  that  no  group  of  men,  however  will- 
ing, should  be  condemned  to  the  life  of  a  coal  miner 
throughout  their  lives.36  Fitness  as  well  as  willingness 
to  serve  would  have  to  be  considered  in  any  scheme  of 
this  nature. 

Revolutionize  Present  Method —  But  whatever  will 
prove  -the  final  solution  of  this  question,  all  socialists  are 
agreed  that  the  present  method,  whereby  those  who  con- 
duct the  hardest  and  most  disagreeable  work  get,  gener- 
ally speaking,  the  poorest  pay  and  besides  that  the  con- 
tempt of  great  numbers  in  society,  must  be  a  thing  of  the 
past. 

EEMTINERATION    UNDEB,    SOCIALISM 

Principle  of  Equality — We  have  already  touched  on 
the  question  of  remuneration.  The  early  Utopians  and  a 
few  of  the  present-day  socialists,  including  Bernard  Shaw, 
advocate  equality  of  compensation,  irrespective  of  accom- 
plishments, for  those  actually  participating  in  the  indus- 
tfiallife  of  the  nation.  Various  arguments  have  been  ad- 
vanced in  support  of  this  view.  First,  it  is  claimed  that  / 
all  human  beings  are  products  of  hereditary  and  environ- 
mental conditions,  over  which  they  have  little  control,  and 
that  a  skilled,  intelligent  human  being,  a  product  of  a 
favorable  environment,  does  not  deserve  any  greater  re- 
ward than  his  less  fortunate  brother.  It  is  furthermore 
argued  that  one  kind  of  work  is  just  as  useful  and  neces-  ., 
sary  to  society  as  another;  that  the  workers,  as  a  whole, 
have  essentially  the  same  needs  and  should  obtain  essen- 
tially the  same  pay,  and  that  inequality  of  compensation  J^ 
would  lead  to  the  inauguration  of  another  kind  of  class 

36  Wells  and  others,  Socialism  and  the  Great  State,  pp.  108-9. 


SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

distinction  and  inequality  that  would  prevent  the  fruition 
of  the  ideal  commonwealth.37 

Principle  of  Needs. —  A  second  group  of  socialists, 
small  in  numbers,  have  urged  that  the  communistic  princi- 
ple should  be  applied  —  "  from  each  according  to  his  abil- 
ity, to  each  according  to  his  need."  These  have  likewise 
based  their  argument  largely  on  ethical  grounds.  They 
have  also  pointed  out  that  many  illustrations  of  this  prin- 
ciple exist  in  present-day  society. 

However,  these  principles  of  compensation  have  not 
gained  the  support  of  the  more  representative  in  the  so- 
cialist movement.  Dr.  Hughan  thus  declares: 

"  Equality  of  income,  like  equality  of  nature,  is  a  notion 
relegated  by  modern   socialists  to   their  moments   of  millen- 
nial   reverie.  .  .  .  Present-day   socialists  .  .  .  consign   distri- 
1  bution  according  to  needs,  as  they  consign  equality  of  distri- 
i  bution,  to  the  far-off  communism  that  may  perhaps  develop 
out  of  the  successful  cooperative  commonwealth."  38 

Compensation  According  to  Deeds — Most  socialist 
authorities  believe  that  inequality  of  .compensation  will 

si  See  Bernard  Shaw,  "  The  Case  for  Equality,"  Metropolitan  Mag- 
azine, December,  1913. 

The  Russian  Soviet  Government  adopted  the  principle  of  virtual 
equality  of  compensation,  but  later  found,  in  the  words  of  Lenin, 
that  they  "were  forced  to  make  use  of  the  old  bourgeois  method 
and  agree  to  a  very  high  remuneration  for  the  services  of  the  big- 
gest of  the  bourgeois  specialists.  ...  It  is  clear  that  such  a  measure 
is  a  compromise,  that  it  is  a  defection  from  the  principles  of  the 
Paris  Commune  and  of  any  proletarian  rule,  which  demands  the  re- 
duction of  salaries  to  the  standard  of  remuneration  of  the  average 
workers  —  principles  which  demand  that  'career  hunting'  be  fought 
by  deed,  not  by  words."  (Lenin,  Soviets  at  Work,  p.  15.)  See  also 
discussion  of  Bertram!  Russell,  in  Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom,  Ch. 
IV. 

"  Hughan,  American  Socialism  of  the  Present  Day,  pp.  136,  145. 
See  also  Spargo  and  Arner,  Elements  of  Socialism,  p.  234. 


REMUNERATION  143 

persist  under  -a  cooperative  system  and  that  such  inequal- 
ity will  be  based  partly  on  differences  in  "  skill,  diligence 
and  general  merit," 39  and  partly  on  the  law  of  supply 
and  demand.  The  question  of  needs  and  of  length  of 
service  will  undoubtedly  also  be  considered. 

M.  Vandervelde  thus  sets  forth  this  point  of  view: 

"  To  the  extent  that  it  would  be  socially  useful  from  the 
point  of  view  of  production  to  assign  special  advantages  to 
certain  laborers,  in  order  to  stimulate  their  energy  and  their 
labor  power,  nothing  would  prevent  a  collectivist  society  from 
maintaining  —  allowing  for  changing  circumstances  —  the 
gradation  of  salaries  that  exists  today  in  the  public  services. 
Collectivism  does  not  necessarily  imply  equality  of  income."  *° 

Full  Product  of  Toil —  One  of  the  arguments  for  a  dif- 
ference in  incomes  is  based  on  the  belief  that  the  worker 
is  entitled  to  the  full  product  of  his  toil.  As  this  full 
product  will  differ  with  different  abilities,  the  income  will 
of  necessity  be  unequal.  The  more  thoughtful,  however, 
base  their  advocacy  on  other  grounds.  They  realize  that 
it  is  not  possible  "  to  determine  the  contribution  of  each 
worker  to  the  social  product,  "  41  and  that,  under  a  co- 
operative system,  it  will  be  necessary  to  lay  aside  a  certain 
amount  of  the  industrial  product  for  the  support  of  the 
sick,  the  old  and  others  incapable  of  earning  a  livelihood, 
for  depreciation  on  the  capital  stock  of  the  nation,  for 
future  improvements  in  industry  and  for  educational  and 
social  purposes,  before  the  worker  in  a  productive  industry 
obtains  his  pay. 

Furthermore,  "  individual  labor,"  Rodbertus  well  says, 

3»  Hillquit,  and  Ryan,  op.  cit.,  p.  81. 

<°  Vandervelde,  Collectivism,  p.  149.    See  also  Spargo  and  Arner,     * 
op.  cit.,  p.  234. 
*i  Spargo  and  Arner,  Elements  of  Socialism,  p.  234. 


144      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  is  in  great  part  fruitful  only  through  cooperation. 
Why  should  it  return  to  the  individual  that  which  it  has 
not  created?  The  collectivity  whose  united  efforts  alone 
makes  the  results  useful  has  its  right  to  a  part  of  the  so- 
cial product  which  will  not  be  divided."  42 

The  only  sense  in  which  socialists  can,  in  this  stage  of 
social  production,  claim  that  the  worker  is  entitled  to  the 
full  product  of  his  labor,  is  "  that  the  laborers  taken  to- 
gether ought  to  enjoy  the  entire  fruit  of  social  labor  with- 
out the  possibility  of  any  deduction  being  made  by  any  one 
having  individual  control  of  the  means  of  production."  4S 

Inequality  Assists  in  Assignment. —  Inequality  of  com- 
pensation as  urged  in  the  belief  that  some  material  incen- 
tive will  for  many  years  be  necessary  under  a  cooperative 
system,  if  the  best  results  are  to  be  attained.  Such  dif- 
'erence  is  also  necessary  if  the  state  is  to  secure  an  ade- 
quate number  of  workers  for  different  industries  without 
resorting  in  great  part  to  an  autocratic  industrial  con- 
scription. Such  inequality,  however,  will  not  be  so  great 
is  are  the  present  differences  in  salaries.  With  the 
gradual  adoption  by  the  community  of  different  criteria 
)f  success  than  the  money  criterion,  incomes  are  likely  .to 
approach  approximate  equality. 

Various  Principles  Operative. —  Under  a  complicated 
modern  industrial  state  it  is  improbable  that  any  one  prin- 
ciple of  compensation  can  be  rigidly  adopted  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  all  others.  Compensation  according  to  deed, 
compensation  according  to  need,  equality  of  compensation 
and  compensation  dependent  on  supply  and  demand  will 
each  play  its  part  to  a  greater  or  a  lesser  extent  at  vari- 
ous stages  of  cooperative  development.  It  is  conceivable 
that  society  may  adopt  a  minimum  wage  below  which  no 

«'-•  See  Vandervelde,  Collectvoitm,  p.  143. 
43  Ibid.,  p.  143. 


REMUNERATION  145 

worker  who  does  his  work  honestly  and  faithfully  shall  go, 
even  though  his  product  could  be  shown  to  be  less.44  For 
society  must  not  sacrifice  the  future  of  the  worker's  family 
in  order  that  it  may  follow  any  one  principle  to  its  logical 
conclusion,  nor  must  it  disregard  the  fact  that  men  and 
women  are  born  with  different  talents  and  are  subject  to 
environmental  conditions  from  which  it  is  difficult  for  them 
to  escape.  Victims  of  bad  conditions  must  not  be  dealt 
with  too  harshly. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  might  be  justifiable  for  society  to 
set  a  maximum  salary,  as  many  governments  are  indeed 
doing  at  the  present  time,  beyond  which  the  most  talented 
may  not  go,  for  here  again  it  should  be  recognized  that  the 
talents  of  these  have  been  developed  largely  through  op- 
portunities vouchsafed  by  society,  and  that  it  would  be 
unjust  for  them  to  demand  the  entire  product  of  their 
toil,  even  if  this  could  be  ascertained. 

Money  Under  Socialism — A  problem  of  somewhat 
minor  importance,  and  yet  one  that  has  given  rise  to 
much  discussion  is  the  question  of  the  medium  of  exchange 
under  socialism.  The  Utopian  socialist  and  many  who 
follow  Marx  with  too  great  faithfulness  advocate  the  use 

<*  Bertrand  Russell,  in  fact,  is  of  the  belief  that  "  a  certain  small 
income,  sufficient  for  necessaries,  should  be  secured  to  all,  whether 
they  work  or  not,  and  that  a  larger  income,  as  much  larger  as 
might  be  warranted  by  the  total  amount  of  commodities  produced, 
should  be  given  to  those  who  are  willing  to  engage  in  some  work 
which  the  community  recognizes  as  useful."  (Proposed  Roads  to 
Freedom,  p.  110.)  If  this  income  were  given,  Mr.  Russell  contends, 
the  government  would  not  have  to  compel  its  citizens  to  work  either 
by  the  threat  of  starvation  or  the  operation  of  the  criminal  law.  At 
present  a  small  income  sufficient  to  keep  a  man  from  actual  physical 
want  does  not  usually  lessen  his  incentive  to  work,  and  few  would 
loaf  even  if  the  minimum  necessities  were  guaranteed.  Contrary  to 
Mr.  Russell's  doctrine,  the  Soviet  Government  decreed  a  "  universal 
obligation  to  work,"  proclaiming  as  its  motto,  in  the  spirit  of  St 
Paul,  "  He  shall  not  eat  who  does  not  work." 


146      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  time  labor  checks  to  the  exclusion  of  money.  Bebel 
argued  that  merchandise  in  the  present  sense  of  the  word 
would  not  exist  in  the  cooperative  state,  inasmuch  as 
goods  would  be  produced  for  use  rather  than  for  sale,  and 
inasmuch  as  there  could  be  no  money.45  Rodbertus  took 
the  Marxian  suggestion  of  labor  time,  and  elaborated 
a  system  of  checks  which  would  make  money  unnecessary. 
Inasmuch  as  the  value  of  an  article  is  measured  by  the 
average  number  of  labor  hours  embodied  in  it,  he  main- 
tained, the  natural  payment  would  be  a  check  which 
stated  that  the  laborer  had  worked  a  specified  number 
of  hours.  This  would  be  exchangeable  for  any  commodity 
which  had  embodied  therein  the  same  amount  of  labor.  In 
commenting  on  this  position,  Dr.  Hughan  declares: 

"  Consistently  Marxian  as  the  labor  check  system  may  ap- 
pear, it  labors  under  the  error  of  ascribing  permanency  and 
ethical  force  to  what  Marx  formulated  as  a  law  of  economic 
process  during  the  transitory  capitalist  regime.  For  this 
reason  and  because  of  its  obvious  impracticability,  the  modern 
socialist  has  already  dropped  it  from  his  ultimate  plan."  48 

Hillquit  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  labor  checks  for 
money  is  "  Utopian  and  puerile."  47 

THE    NATUEE    OF    THE    STATE 

Introductory. —  Early  socialists  conceived  the  state 
as  an  instrument  for  the  domination  of  one  class  over 
another.  Socialism,  they  argued,  aims  at  the  suppres- 
sion of  classes,  at  the  development  of  a  classless  society, 

45  Bebel,  Woman  Under  Socialism,  p.  291. 

40  Hughan,  American  Socialitm,  etc.,  p.  147;  see  also  Kautsky, 
Social  Revolution,  p.  129. 

47  Hillquit,  Socialitm  in  Theory  and  Practice,  p.  118;  see  also 
Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  p.  239. 


NATURE  OF  STATE  147 

through  the  socialization  of  the  means  of  production. 
Socialism,  by  ushering  in  this  classless  society,  thus  tends 
to  abolish  the  state.48 

Socialists  have  not  advocated,  however,  the  elimination 
of  organized  government  itself,  but  merely  the  special 
quality  in  present  and  past  states  which  render  them  or- 
gans of  class  rule.49  If  the  word  "  state  "  is  used,  not  in 
the  Marxian  sense,  but  merely  as  "  the  political  machinery 
of  a  government  in  a  community,"  50  the  state  will  un- 
doubtedly continue  to  exist  in  one  form  or  another  under 
a  socialist  system  of  industry. 

Characteristics  of  Socialist  State. —  Prior  to  the  Eu- 
ropean war,  socialists  were  generally  agreed  that  the 
state  under  socialism  should  have  certain  characteris- 
tics.51 (1)  It  would  be  controlled  democratically  by  the 
mass  of  hand  and  brain  workers.  A  state  which  owns  im- 
portant industries,  but  which  is  dominated  by  a  small 
ruling  class  of  capitalists,  aristocrats  or  bureaucrats,  is 
remote  indeed  from  a  socialist  order  of  society. 

Coercion. — (2)  The  state  under  socialism  would  be  far 
less  than  at  present  an  instrument  of  coercion,  and  far 
more  an  instrument  for  constructive  social  ends  —  its 
ideal  the  "  good  life."  52  It  must,  indeed,  have  power  to 
deal  with  crime,  to  prevent  one  individual  from  inf ringin 
on  the  rights  of  others,  to  define  and  enforce  contracts,  t 
administer  justice,  to  collect  taxes,  to  deal  with  forei, 
states,  etc.  However,  as  the  underlying  reason  for  the  us 
of  coercion  would  be  largely  eliminated,  these  purely  gov- 

48  Engels,  Socialism,  Utopian  and  Scientific,  pp.  75-6 ;  Vander- 
velde,  Socialism  versus  the  State,  pp.  126-132;  Deville,  The  State  and 
Socialism,  pp.  4-5;  Bebel,  Woman  Under  Socialism,  p.  128,  etc. 

<»  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  pp.  213-4. 

so  Cole,  Self  Government  in  Industry,  p.  71. 

si  Vandervelde,  op.  cit.,  pp.  208-9. 

52 1 bid.,  p.  224;  Collectivism,  pp.  134-^5. 


148      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ernmental  functions  would  be  of  but  small  importance 
as  compared  with  educational,  health,  recreational  and 
other  activities.63 

(3)  The   machinery   of   tfye   socialist    state   would   be 
thoroughly  democratized,  through  the  initiative,  referen- 
dum, recall,  proportional  representation  and  other  demo- 
cratic measures. 

(4)  The  industrial  state  —  if  it  can  be  called  a  state  — 
would  be  differentiated  from  the  political  state.     Some 
socialists  favored  a  bi-cameral  legislature,  one  branch  to 
represent  primarily  the  political,  and  one  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  country.64     Others  contended,  however, 
that  such  an  arrangement  might  lead  to  legislative  dead- 
locks. 

Decentralization. — (5)  Power,  furthermore,  would  not 
be  centralized  in  the  national  government.  The  city 
would  absorb,  as  against  the  federal  government,  most 
important  governmental  activities.65 

(6)   And,  finally,  individual  rights  would  be  jealously 
safeguarded,  liberty  of  speech,  of  press,  of  religion,  of 
art,  of  science,  and  of  other  lines  of  human  conduct. 
A    The  socialist  conception  of  the  future  state  has  been 
1 1  modified   since   the  beginning  of  the  European  war  by 
ral  schools  of  thought. 

68  See  Russell,  Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom,  p.  121  et  t«q.;  Hill- 
quit,  op.  '•//.,  pp.  93-9;  Spargo,  Applied  Socialism,  p.  135. 

««  "The  political  chamber,"  declared  M.  Malon,  "might  be  elected 
by  universal  suffrage  as  our  present  representative  assemblies;  but 
the  economic  chamber,  the  larger  and  more  important  of  the  two, 
should  be  the  result  of  professional  elections,  with  proper  safeguards 
for  the  special  qualifications  of  the  elected,  so  that  it  should  truly 
represent  the  workers  of  all  categories."  (Malon,  Precise  Social- 
ism, pp.  300- ;  see  also  Vandervelde,  Collectivism,  p.  128;  Socialism 
vs.  the  State,  p.  147). 

»5  See  Hughan,  American  Socialism  of  the  Present  Day,  pp.  156- 
60;  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  pp.  218-9. 


NATURE  OF  STATE  149 

The  Soviet  Idea. —  The  creation  of  the  soviet  state,  in 
which  representation,  at  least  in  the  city  districts,  is  based 
on  occupational,  rather  than  on  territorial  groupings 
has  led  thousands  of  socialists  of  the  left  throughout  the 
world  to  favor  a  state  based  entirely  on  occupational  rep- 
resentation, and  to  urge  the  abolition  of  the  present  Apo- 
litical state,  in  which  citizens  express  their  political  pref- 
erences as  consumers  from  particular  localities,  rather 
than  as  producers,  working  at  a  particular  trade. 

The  application  under  the  soviet  regime,  at  least  in  the 
local  groups,  of  the  principle  of  immediate  recall,  and  the 
holding  of  new  elections  whenever  a  group  becomes  dis- 
satisfied with  the  manner  in  which  its  representative  is 
acting,  has  also  led  many  socialists  to  urge  that  the  so- 
cialist state  incorporate  this  type  of  election.56 

66  It  must  not,  however,  be  assumed  from  the  foregoing  that  the 
Russian  Soviet  Government  has  consciously  adopted  the  principle  of 
occupational  representation  throughout  its  system  of  government. 
It  happened  that  that  kind  of  representation  existed  in  the  Soviets 
in  Petrograd  and  other  large  cities  when,  through  the  Bolshevik  revo- 
lution, all  power  was  transferred  to  the  Soviets.  However,  repre- 
sentation in  the  rural  Soviets,  and  the  representation  of  the  local  in 
the  Provincial  Soviets,  and  of  the  Provincial  Soviets  in  the  All- 
Russian  Congress  is  geographical  rather  than  occupational  in  its 
character.  Until  the  fall  of  1919,  there  was  comparatively  little 
discussion  in  Russia  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of  occupational 
and  territorial  representation.  For  a  further  description  of  the 
Soviet  Government,  see  chapter  on  "  The  Russian  Revolution." 

Numerous  other  features  of  the  present  Soviet  Government  of  a 
more  or  less  temporary  nature,  adopted  by  the  government  during 
the  transitional  period,  have  been  effective  in  modifying  the  concep- 
tion of  many  socialists  —  particularly  of  the  left  —  regarding  the  na- 
ture of  the  future  state.  The  more  moderate  socialists  are  still  in- 
clined to  the  belief  that  place  in  the  future  scheme  of  things  should  be 
given  to  the  neighborhood  as  well  as  occupational  representation,  as 
the  latter,  if  adopted  to  the  exclusion  of  the  former,  has  the  disad- 
vantage, found  in  syndicalist  schemes,  of  failing  to  give  proper  repre- 
sentation to  the  citizen  as  consumer.  (For  a  discussion  of  the  in- 
creasing part  that  is  being  played  by  the  occupational  group  in  soci- 


150      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

National  Quildsmen  and  the  State. —  Another  stream 
of  thought  that  has  recently  affected  the  socialist  concep- 
tion of  the  state  comes  from  the  national  guildsmen. 
Their  philosophy  is  described  in  the  next  chapter.  jSriefly 
they  look  upon  the  state  as  the  instrument  through  which 
the  citizen  as  consumer  can  best  express  his  wishes,  an 
"  instrument  for  the  execution  of  those  purposes  which 
men  have  in  common  by  reason  of  '  neighborhood,'  "  and 
its  sphere,  "  those  public  matters  which,  broadly  speak- 
ing, affect  all  the  citizens  equally  and  in  the  same  way, 
that  is,  affect  them  as  citizens,"  57  such,  for  instance,  as 
education,  health,  housing,  the  maintenance  of  roads,  in- 
ternational relations,  the  administration  of  laws,  and, 
jointly  with  the  producers,  the  fixing  of  prices,  the  de- 
termination of  the  amount  of  production  and  similar  serv- 
ices. Representation  to  the  councils  of  the  state  would 
be  on  the  basis  of  neighborhood  or  inhabitancy,  as  at 
present.  On  the  other  hand,  the  control  of  industry  would 
be  given  over  to  an  organization  of  producers,  which  the 
guildsmen  designate  the  national  guilds,  and  which  would 
bt-  based  ou  occupational  #roii|»in^s.  I 'ndi-rlving  the 
conception  of  the  national  guildsmen  is  the  idea  of  or- 
ganization by  function,  the  theory  that  that  group  should 
be  entrusted  with  the  performance  of  a  function  who,  by 
training  and  knowledge,  is  best  adapted  to  undertake 
that  activity.  Some  of  the  national  guildsmen  also  stress 
the  theory  of  dual  sovereignty,  and  emphasize  the  neces- 
sity of  equality  between  economic  and  political  power  un- 
der the  guild  system,  Co-le  maintaining  that,  "  if  the  indi- 

ety,  and  the  danger  of  over-emphasis,  read  Follett,  The  New  State, 
Ch.  XXIII.     For  a  scheme  presented  by  the  socialists  of  the  left  in 
Germany  to  incorporate  the  soviet  idea  into  the  German  constitu- 
tion, see  The  Nation,  International  Section,  July  IS,  1919,  p.  56.) 
"  Cole,  op.  cit.,  p.  78. 


NATURE  OF  STATE  151 

vidual  is  not  to  be  a  mere  pigmy  in  the  hands  of  a  colossal 
social  organism,  there  must  be  such  a  division  of  social 
powers  as  will  preserve  individual  freedom  by  balancing 
one  social  organism  so  nicely  against  another  that  the  in- 
dividual may  still  count."  58  Other  guildsmen,  however, 
do  not  consider  dual  sovereignty  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
guild  system.59 

The  attitude  of  the  guild  socialist  toward  the  inade- 
quacies, on  the  one  hand,  of  the  bureaucratic  state  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  of  the  syndicalist  society  is  "similar  to, 
if  not  identical  with,  the  position  held  before  the  war  by 
the  majority  of  the  political  socialists  throughout  the 
world,  including  those  of  the  American  socialist  movement. 
Guildsmen  and  socialists  agree  that  both  consumers  and 
producers  should  have  an  adequate  means  of  expression, 
and  that  both  territorial  and  occupational  representation 
should  be  incorporated  in  the  future  society.  Socialists' 
are  perhaps  not  so  inclined  as  are  the  guildsmen  to  limit 
the  concept  of  the  state  to  that  of  an  organization  rep- 
resentative of  consumers  and  enjoyers,  and  to  exclude 
from  that  concept  the  machinery  through  which  the  pro- 
ducers express  themselves.  At  the  same  time  they  in 
sist,  as  has  been  stated,  on  the  separation  of  the  "  gov 
eminent-state  "  from  the  "  industrial  state." 

Organization  by  Function —  The  theory  of  organiza- 
tion by  function,  moreover,  while  implicit  in  many  of  the 
socialist  discussions,  is  not  so  explicit  as  it  is  in  the  guild 
socialist  propaganda,  nor  has  there  been  any  discussion 
of  moment  in  the  organized  socialist  movement  of  the  prob- 

ss  Ibid.,  p.  91. 

B»  Hobson,  in  National  Guilds,  p.  133,  declares:  "We  remain  so- 
cialists because  we  believe  that  in  the  final  analysis  the  state,  repre- 
senting the  community  at  large,  must  be  the  final  arbiter." 

«o  Vandervelde,  Socialism  vs.  the  State,  p.  147. 


152      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

lem  of  dual  sovereignty  enunciated  by  some  of  the  guilds- 
men.  The  problems  raised  by  the  new  school,  however, 
are  bound  to  have  a  very  distinct  influence  on  socialist 
thought  in  general.61 

The  war  has  led  to  other  currents  of  thought  in  the 
socialist  world  of  a  somewhat  conflicting  nature.  On  the 
one  hand  the  adoption  by  such  working  class  governments 
as  that  in  Russia  of  the  system  of  conscription,  and  their 
resort,  particularly  after  Allied  intervention,  to  certain 
measures  of  suppression,  have  led  many  socialists  of  the 
left  to  justify  the  assumption  by  the  proletarian  state 
during  the  transitional  period  of  very  large  powers  over 
the  individual  citizen  and  to  defend  a  temporary  dictator- 
ship of  a  militant  conscious  minority  of  the  proletariat  in 
the  interest  of  the  immense  majority.62 

State  Sovereignty — On  the  other  hand,  the  concen- 
tration of  enormous  industrial  and  military  powers  in  the 
hands  of  the  capitalist  state  during  war  time,  the  whole- 
sale suppression  of  minority  opinion,  and  the  claim  of  the 
state  over  the  direction  of  the  whole  range  of  activities  of 
its  citizens  have  caused  many  socialists  to  analyze  anew 
the  problems  of  state  sovereignty,  the  rights  of  the  state 
over  the  individual,  and  the  relative  claim  of  various 
groups  on  the  loyalty  of  the  citizens  of  a  country.  Many, 
as  a  result,  have  adopted  the  viewpoint  of  such  political 
scientists  as  Harold  Laski,  as  regards  not  only  the  cap- 

«iOne  of  the  few  discussions  on  the  subject  has  been  that  in  The 
Intercollegiate  Socialist  between  Dr.  Jessie  W.  Hughan  and  Mr. 
Ordway  Tead,  in  which  the  former  argues  against  the  idea  of  dual 
sovereignty,  declaring,  "  decentralization,  the  devices  of  political  de- 
mocracy, the  capacity  for  passive  resistance  to  unjust  law  —  these 
seem  to  me  better  safeguards  than  a  dual  government  against  the 
evils  of  absolute  sovereignty."  (7.  8.,  Feb.-Mar.,  1919.) 

"The  socialists  at  the  Berne  International  Socialist  Conference 
in  February,  1919,  attacked  this  position  —  see  section  under  "Berne 
Conference." 


NATURE  OF  STATE  153 

italist,  but  also  the  socialist  state,  "  that  the  allegiance 
of  man  to  the  state  is  secondary  to  his  allegiance  to  what 
he  may  conceive  to  be  his  duty  to  society  as  a  whole  " ; 
and  that  "  the  need  for  safeguards  demands  the  erection 
of  alternative  loyalties  which  may,  in  any  synthesis,  op- 
pose their  wills  to  that  of  the  state."63 

With  Mr.  Norman  Thomas,  they  are  increasingly  agree- 
ing: 

"  We  are  citizens  not  only  of  the  state,  but  of  the  com- 
monwealth, of  art,  education,  science,  and  of  letters;  of  the 
churches  of  our  God,  of  the  great  world-wide  brotherhood 
which  ministers  to  us  in  body,  mind  and  spirit.  Ours  is  the 
spiritual  relation  to  society  which  can  never  be  perfectly  satis- 
fied by  bowing  down  before  the  state  and  offering  to  it  our 
blind  service.  The  state  is  no  metaphysical  entity,  it  is 
simply  one  form  of  organization  of  men.  Its  powers  should 
be  increased  only  insofar  as  such  an  increase  makes  it  pos- 
sible for  larger  multitudes  of  people  to  fulfil  the  glory  of 
personality,  to  love,  to  hope,  to  dream,  to  work  together  as 
comrades,  each  bearing  his  fair  share  of  the  common  burdens 
of  life."  64 

Conflict  Regarding  Transition  Stage. —  The  next  few 
years  are  destined  to  witness  a  definite  clash  between  those 
socialists  who  believe  that  it  is  necessary  during  the  tran- 
sition period  for  a  proletarian  government  to  use  drastic 
measures  against  its  opponent,  so  that  the  transition 
might  become  a  more  rapid  one,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
those  who,  even  at  first,  would  greatly  minimize  the  coer- 
cive powers  of  the  state,  on  the  ground  that  the  temporary 
assumption  of  such  powers  is  bound  to  prove  more  last- 

«3  Laski,  Authority  in  the  Modern  States,  p.  122-  see  also  Norman 
Angell,  The  British  Revolution  and  American  Democracy,  Pi.  Ill, 
for  the  necessity  of  freedom  for  the  minority  under  a  democracy. 

««  The  Intercollegiate  Socialist,  December-January,  1917-18. 


154.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ing  than  is  at  first  anticipated ;  that  unethical  means  are 
likely  to  obscure  ethical  ideals,  and  that  more  effective 
means  for  securing  social  cohesion  are  at  hand.65 

Summary —  Socialists  have  thus,  for  many  years  past, 
maintained  that  the  state,  under  socialism,  must  be  con- 
trolled by  the  mass  of  the  people;  that  it  must  become 
less  and  less  a  "  government  of  men  "  and  ever  more  an 
instrument  for  constructive  social  endeavor,  that  it  must 
hi-  democratized  in  all  of  its  parts,  that  it  must  provide  an 
administrative  machinery  through  which  both  consumer 
and  producer  might  adequately  express  themselves;  that 
it  must  scrupulously  avoid  a  regimentation  of  its  citizens, 
and  that  it  must  consistently  apply  the  principle  of  decen- 
tralization. 

The  war  has  brought  renewed  prominence  to  the  prob- 
lems of  occupational  representation,  of  organization  by 
unction,  of  dual  sovereignty,  and  the  relative  claim  of 
tate  and  other  social  groups  over  the  activities  of  the 
individual.     A  reconstruction  of  socialist  thought,  as  a 
result  of  recent  developments,  is  now  in  process.06 

KELJGION  AND  SOCIALISM 

Attitude  of  Socialists. —  Passing  from  the  industrial 

«» The  extremists  are  at  present  writing  inclined  to  call  them- 
selves Communist  Socialists  or  Communists,  to  differentiate  themselves 
from  the  more  moderate  socialists.  Marx,  it  may  be  remembered, 
called  the  early  socialists  "  communists  "  in  his  Communist  Manifesto. 
The  word  communist  was  formerly  used  to  designate  that  compara- 
tively small  group  in  society  who  believe  in  the  common  ownership 
of  private  property.  The  communist-socialists  and  present-day  com- 
munists do  not  hold  such  belief. 

••  See  also,  among  the  recent  literature  on  the  state  which  is  mold- 
ing socialist  thought,  Follett,  The  New  State;  Laski,  Studieg  in  the 
Problem  of  Sovereignty;  Russell,  Political  Ideals;  Belloc,  The 
Servile  State;  De  Maeztu,  Authority,  Liberty  and  Function;  Cannan, 
Freedom,  etc. 


RELIGION  155 

and  political  features  of  the  socialist  state,  let  us  consider 
some  of  its  social  features.  What,  for  instance,  will  be  the 
status  of  religion  under  socialism? 

Many  of  the  opponents  and  even  some  of  the  adherents 
of  socialism  contend  that  socialism  is  opposed  to  religion. 
This  position  is  based  primarily  on  two  premises :  first, 
that  many  socialists  have  opposed  organized  religion ;  sec- 
ond, that  the  philosophy  of  socialism  is  itself  diametrically 
opposed  to  the  principles  of  revealed  religion. 

It  is  -true  that  many  of  the  pioneers  of  socialism,  as 
well  as  many  of  its  modern  exponents,  have  denied  the  va- 
lidity of  religious  tenets.  This  attitude  may  be  explained 
on  several  grounds.  The  philosophy  of  socialism  was 
formulated  at  about  the  same  time  that  the  scientific  facts 
of  evolution  were  first  given  to  the  world.  The  organ- 
ized church  in  practically  every  country  took  the  position 
at  that  time  that  these  truths  were  in  conflict  with  the 
teachings  of  the  Bible,  and  that  those  who  accepted  them 
must  be  considered  outside  the  religious  pale.  The  so- 
cialists embraced  the  new  scientific  truths,  and  certain  of 
their  leaders  declared  themselves  against  that  religion 
which  both  they  and  its  supporters  believed  to  be  incom- 
patible with  true  science.67 

The  Church  and  Democracy. —  Furthermore,  the  or- 
ganized church,  in  many  of  the  countries  where  socialism 
gained  its  first  foothold,  was  a  state  church.  As  such, 
it  generally  fought  on  the  side  of  an  autocratic  state 
whenever  there  was  a  conflict  of  interest  between  the  state 
and  the  people.  The  workers,  therefore,  found  the  church 
lined  up  with  their  enemies  in  most  battles  for  democracy. 
And  even  where  the  church  and  the  state  were  not  one 
and  where  the  state  no  longer  could  be  regarded  as  auto- 

*i  See  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  p.  361. 


156      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

cratic,  the  workers  frequently  felt  that  the  former  was  too 
largely  influenced  by  commercial  and  industrial  interests 
which  supported  it.  The  Bible  was  too  frequently 
quoted  to  prove  the  Tightness  of  things  as  they  were,  and 
the  wickedness  of  proletarian  agitation.  The  result  of 
this  attack  was  a  counter  attack  by  the  workers,  within 
and  without  the  socialist  movement.  Nor  did  the  social- 
ists and  others  in  their  attitude  always  nicely  discrim- 
inate between  certain  forms  of  "  churchianity  "  and  re- 
ligion generally.  When  socialists,  embittered  by  clerical 
opposition  abroad,  migrated  to  other  countries,  they 
frequently  continued  their  opposition,  even  though  the 
reason  for  that  opposition  might  have  largely  disap- 
peared. 

Neutrality. —  However,  the  socialists  as  a  body  have 
time  and  again  declared  their  neutrality  on  the  subject  of 
religion  in  their  conventions  and  elsewhere.  "  The  So- 
cialist Party,''  reads  the  resolution  passed  at  the  1908 
convention  of  the  American  movement,  "  is  primarily  an 
economic  and  political  movement.  It  is  not  concerned 
with  matters  of  religious  belief." 

Socialists  in  this  country  represent  every  denomina- 
tional creed.  There  is  a  Christian  Socialist  movement 
containing  hundreds  who  believe  that  the  logical  appli- 
cation of  Christianity  to  industrial  life  would  lead  to 
socialism,  and  some  of  the  most  eminent  religious  teachers 
in  the  country  proclaim  themselves  adherents  of  the  social- 
ist philosophy.68  In  Great  Britain  the  chief  leaders  in 
the  Independent  Labor  Party  are  ardent  members  of  the 

«8  See  also  Hughan,  American  Socialism  of  the  Present  Day,  p.  161. 
At  a  state  convention  of  the  Michigan  socialists  in  1919,  speakers 
were  instructed  to  explain  the  socialist  stand  on  religion.  This  or- 
ganization was  subsequently  expelled  from  the  Socialist  Party  and 
induced  the  Communist  Party  to  adopt  a  similar  resolution. 


RELIGION  157 

conformist  and  non-conformist  churches,  while  the  Church 
Socialist  League,  with  its  large  following  among  the  clergy, 
is  extremely  active  in  the  movement.69 

Theism  and  Economic  Determinism. —  It  is  also  conji 
tended  that  the  acceptance  of  the  belief  in  the  economic 
interpretation  of  history  precludes  the  acceptance  of  ret 
ligious  belief.  The  reasons  for  this  position  are  various. 
First,  it  is  maintained  that  the  economic  interpretation  of 
history,  promulgated  by  the  early  socialists,  excludes  a 
belief  that  ethical  forces  influence  history  in  any  way ; 
therefore  such  a  belief  is  materialistic.  But,  as  Profes- 
sor Seligman  so  well  expressed  it, 

"the  economic  interpretation  of  history,  in  the  reasonable 
and  modern  sense  of  the  term,  does  not  for  a  moment  sub- 
ordinate the  ethical  life  to  the  economic  life;  it  does  not  even 
maintain  that  in  any  single  individual  there  is  a  necessary 
connection  between  his  moral  impulses  and  his  economic  wel- 
fare; above  all  it  does  not  deny  an  interpenetration  of  eco- 
nomic institutions  by  ethical  and  religious  influences.  It  en- 
deavors only  to  show  that  in  the  records  of  the  past  the  moral 
uplift  of  humanity  has  been  closely  connected  with  its  so- 
cial and  economic  progress,  and  that  the  ethical  ideals  of  the 
community,  which  can  alone  bring  about  any  lasting  advance  in 
civilization,  have  been  erected  on,  and  rendered  possible  by, 
the  solid  foundation  of  material  prosperity.  In  short,  the 
economic  interpretation  of  history  properly  interpreted,  does 
not  neglect  the  spiritual  forces  in  history;  it  seeks  only  to 
point  out  the  terms  on  which  the  spiritual  life  has  been  able 
to  find  its  fullest  fruition."  70 

eo  In  Germany,  of  the  110  members  of  the  Reichstag  in  1912,  22 
belonged  to  the  established  Protestant  churches,  17  to  other  Protes- 
tant churches,  4  to  the  Catholic  church,  while  7  were  Jews.  Fifty- 
eight,  on  the  other  hand,  belonged  to  no  church,  6  declared  that 
they  had  no  religion  whatever,  and  2  were  non-committal.  (Walling, 
Stokes,  Hughan  and  Laidler,  The  Socialism  of  Today,  p.  30.) 

70  Seligman,  Economic  Interpretation  of  History,  pp.  133-4. 


158      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Second,  it  is  assumed  that  unless  one  believes  that  hu- 
man progress  has  been  primarily  the  result  of  the  influ- 
ence of  spiritual  and  ideological  forces,  as  contrasted  with 
economic  forces,  one  denies  the  omniscience  of  the  God- 
heffoMn  the  development  of  human  society.  The  socialist's 
reply  is  that  it  is  just  as  reasonable  to  assume  that  an  In- 
finite Power  designed  that  the  world  evolve  primarily 
through  the  conflict  of  economic  forces  as  to  assume  that 
He  expressed  His  will  in  the  world  only  through  spiritual 
forces.71  To  acknowledge  the  efficacy  of  the  law  of  grav- 
itation and  other  physical  laws  in  the  universe,  the  socialist 
maintains,  is  by  no  means  to  deny  the  presence  of  the  De- 
ity. The  economic  interpretation  of  history  does  not 
deal  with  ultimate  causes. 

The  confusion  between  the  economic  interpretation  of 
history  and  the  materialistic  philosophy  of  life  is  due 
partly  to  the  fact  that  the  socialists  first  termed  their 
philosophy  the  "  materialistic  philosophy  of  history,"  and 
partly  because  those  who  formulated  the  theory  were  them- 
selves philosophic  materialists  with  a  desire  to  connect 
their  philosophy  of  economic  development  with  their  gen- 
eral world  philosophy,  and  to  make  of  it  a  Weltan- 
gchauung.  The  followers  of  the  socialist  fathers,  desiring 
to  be  no  less  "  scientific  "  than  were  their  teachers,  were 
no  more  discriminating,  and  accepted  both  philosophies 
as  parts  of  a  whole. 

Of  course,  materialism  was  not  monopolized  by  the  early 
socialists.  As  Rauschenbusch  declares :  "  The  socialist 
faith  was  formulated  by  its  intellectual  leaders  at  a  time 
when  naturalism  and  materialism  was  the  popular  philoso- 
phy of  the  intellectuals,  and  these  elements  were  woven  into 
the  dogma  of  the  new  movement.  Great  movements  al- 

7i  See  Spargo,  Marxian  Socialism  and  Religion. 


RELIGION  159 

ways  perpetuate  the  ideas  current  at  the  time  that  they 
are  in  their  formative  and  fluid  stage."  T2 

Conclusion.  —  It  is  therefore  seen  that  the  premises  on 
which  the  assertion  is  made  that  religion  will  have  no 
'  place  under  socialism  are  ill-founded.  The  socialist  is  not 
necessarily  opposed  to  religion.  Growing  thousands  of 
religious  men  and  women  are  embracing  the  socialist  faith 
every  year,  because  of  the  ethical  teachings  in  their  reli-» 
gion.  Furthermore,  there  is  no  necessary  conflict  be-i 
tween  the  socialist  philosophy  and  a  theistic  belief. 

With  greater  leisure,  with  greater  educational  oppor- 
tunities, with  a  better  chance  to  lead  a  life  in  accordance 
with  the  highest  ethics,  the  great  mass  of  humanity  will 
find  it  possible  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion to  develop  the  ethical  and  the  spiritual.73 

THE    FAMILY    AND    SOCIALISM 

Introduction.  —  Another  important  institution  of  pres- 
ent-day society  is  the  family.  What  will  be  the  form  of 
family  life  under  socialism?  Many  opponents  accuse  so- 
cialists of  aiming  at  the  destruction  of  this  institution. 
This  claim  is  based  on  several  grounds. 

Criticism.  —  It  is  stated  that  a  number  of  leading  so- 
cialists, for  instance,  Bebel,  Carpenter  and  Bax,  have  un- 
orthodox views  regarding  the  reorganization  of  family  life. 
To  this  socialists  reply  that  the  movement  as  such  has 
never  officially  taken  any  stand  on  this  subject,  that  the 
vast  majority  of  members  believe  ardently  in  the  institu- 
tion of  marriage,  and  that  it  is  unfair  to  hold  a  move- 


72  Rauschenbusch,  Christianizing  the  Social  Order,  p.  110. 

73  See   Hunter,   Why    We  Fail   as  Christians,  Ch.   VIII;   Scudder, 
Socialism    and    Character;    Vedder,    Socialism    and    the    Ethics    of 
Jesus,   Chs.   VIII-XII;    Hillquit   and    Ryan,  Socialism,  Promise   or 
Menace,  Chs.  V  and  VI;  Spargo,  Spiritual  Significance  of  Modern 
Socialism;  Ward,  The  Gospel  for  the  Working  World. 


160      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ment  which  counts  its  millions  responsible  for  the  views  of 
a  small  minority  of  its  membership.  Furthermore,  many 
of  the  quotations  taken  from  the  works  of  socialists,  pur- 
porting to  indicate  opposition  to  the  family  as  such, 
merely  indicate,  when  read  in  connection  with  their  con- 
texts, an  opposition  to  a  perverted,  commercialized  status 
of  family  life  witnessed  too  often  in  the  present  system.74 

Relation  to  Private  Property — In  the  second  place, 
the  anti-socialist  is  prone  to  declare  that  family  life  came 
into  existence  with  the  beginnings  of  private  property,  and 
will  therefore  disappear  when  private  property  is  elim- 
inated. This  statement  assumes,  first,  that  the  social- 
ists are  opposed  to  private  property,  when  what  they  op- 
pose is  the  system  of  private  capital  and,  in  the  second 
place,  that  an  institution  that  comes  into  being  as  the  re- 
sult of  the  growth  of  a  particular  relationship  will  neces- 
sarily disappear  when  that  relationship  ceases  to  exist  — 
an  assumption  that  does  not  always  hold  true. 

And  even  if  socialists  did  contemplate  the  abolition  of 
rivate  ownership  in  consumption  goods,  they  contend  that 
here  would  be  many  spiritual  reasons  making  for  a  mono- 
amic  family. 

The  advocacy  by  many  socialists  of  the  economic  in- 
dependence of  women  provides  another  angle  of  attack. 
But  the  socialist  replies  with  Engels :  "  remove  the  eco- 
nomic considerations  which  now  force  women  to  submit 
to  the  customary  disloyalty  of  men,  and  you  will  place 
women  on  an  equal  footing  with  men.  All  present  experi- 
ences prove  that  this  will  tend  much  more  strongly  to  make 
men  truly  monogamous,  than  to  make  women  polyan- 
drous."75 

T«  Such  a  case,  for  instance,  is  the  perversion  of  the  statement  of 
Marx  and  Engels  in  the  Commtmitt  Manifetto,  p.  39. 
75  Engels,  Origin  of  the  Family,  p.  99. 


TRANSITION  TO  SOCIALISM  161 

In  fact  socialists  believe  that  the  present  system  of 
capitalism,  as  has  been  indicated,76  with  its  low  standard 
of  living,  its  long  hours  of  toil,  its  ignorance,  its  over- 
crowding, its  uncertainty  of  employment,  and  its  many 
moral  defects,  make  a  genuine  family  life  for  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  workers  impossible,  and  that  socialism,  by  fur- 
nishing a  better  economic  and  intellectual  foundation  for 
the  mass  of  men  and  women,  will  make  it  possible,  for  the 
first  time  in  civilization,  for  the  burden  bearers  of  the 
world  to  realize  the  possibilities  of  genuine  home  life.77 

TRANSITION    TO    SOCIALISM 

History  of  Controversy — How  will  the  transition  to 
socialism  be  effected?  Socialists  are  loath  to  predict,  as- 
serting that  the  methods  adopted  will  depend  largely  on 
the  temper  of  the  people  at  the  time  of  socialization,  and 
on  the  peculiar  characteristics  —  economic,  political,  na- 
tional, racial,  etc. —  of  particular  communities.  Most  so- 
cialists, however,  have  very  distinct  views  as  to  the  meth- 
ods which,  in  their  opinion,  the  workers  should  pursue  in 
their  onward  march  toward  socialism. 

These  views  have,  throughout  the  history  of  the  move- 
ment, divided  socialists  into  separate  camps.  In  the  days 
of  the  first  International,  the  question  of  tactics  gave  rise 
to  a  heated  controversy  between  the  Marxists,  who  de- 
pended on  political  and  industrial  action,  and  the  anarch- 
ists under  Bakounin  who  inclined  toward  violent  methods. 
Later,  in  Germany  and  elsewhere,  controversy  waged  over 
the  relative  desirability  of  the  opportunistic  tactics  of 
Bernstein  and  his  Revisionist  School,  and  the  "  no  com- 
promise "  tactics  of  Liebknecht,  Kautsky  and  others. 

76  See  Chapter  II,  p.  35. 

11  See  Hillquit  and  Ryan,  op.  cit.t  pp.  163-3;  Spargo  and  Arner, 
op.  cit.,  p.  250. 


162      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Then  came  the  syndicalist  wave,  with  its  emphasis  on  in- 
dustrial action,  and  its  scorn  of  parliamentarianism.  Of 
recent  years,  with  the  outbreak  of  the  Russian  revolution, 
and  the  development  of  the  soviet  state,  there  has  appeared 
throughout  the  world  a  wide  cleavage  on  tactical  grounds 
between  the  moderate  socialists  who  were  largely  repre- 
sented at  the  International  Socialist  Conference  at  Berne, 
and  the  socialists  of  the  left  wing,  who  are  inclined  to  give 
their  adherence  to  the  so-called  third  International, 
formed  at  Moscow  in  the  Spring  of  1919. 

Tactics  of  the  Extremist  Left. —  The  latter  and  more 
extreme  school  of  socialists,  the  socialists  of  the  extreme 
left,  who  sometimes  refer  to  themselves  as  communist-so- 
cialists or  communists,  suggest  the  following  line  of  tac- 
tics: 

The  workers,  they  assert,  should  organize  themselves 
primarily  on  the  industrial  field.  They  should  not  ignore 
politics,  but  should  look  upon  political  parties  not  as  in- 
struments for  the  attainment  of  the  socialized  state,  but 
merely  as  educational  forces  to  be  used  in  reaching  the 
public  with  their  propaganda.  If  socialists  are  elected 
to  office,  they  should  not  waste  their  time  in  parliamentary 
debates  over  measures  for  -social  amelioration,  but  should 
use  the  legislature  as  a  means  "  of  keeping  alive  the  burn- 
ing ideals  of  revolution  in  the  hearts  of  the  people."  78 

is  The  word  "  revolution,"  as  used  in  most  socialist  literature, 
does  not  connote  a  violent  overthrow,  hut  merely  a  change  from  one 
system  to  another.  The  recent  revolutions  in  Russia,  Hungary,  Ger- 
many and  Austria,  brought  about  not  by  political  methods,  but  as  a 
result  of  mass  action,  were  also  effected  with  the  expenditure  of 
little  actual  violence.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  at  a  time  when 
many  socialists  of  the  left  are  despairing  of  the  efficacy  of  political 
action,  except  as  a  propaganda  weapon,  the  French  General  Confed- 
eration of  Labor,  long  looked  upon  as  the  center  of  syndicalist,  anti- 
parliamentary  activity,  definitely  decided  to  cooperate  with  the 
Socialist  Party  in  waging  political  battles. 


TRANSITION  TO  SOCIALISM  163 

On  the  economic  field,  socialists  should  strive  to  organize 
the  workers  into  industrial  unions,  as  opposed  to  trade 
unions,  and  should  particularly  agitate  in  the  "  key  "  in- 
dustries. They  should  constantly  educate  the  workers  in 
the  value  of  "  mass  action,"  79  and  should  especially  stress 
the  power  of  mass  demonstrations  and  general  strikes. 

Dictatorship  of  Proletariat —  The  workers,  tbe  ex- 
treme  left  insist,  should  also  form  local  and  national  work- 
ingmen's  councils  or  Soviets.  When  the  psychological  mo- 
ment arrives,  they  should  seize  the  industrial  and  political 
machinery,  transfer  the  power  from  the  bourgeois  political 
state  to  the  proletarian  state  formed  on  the  basis  of  work- 
ingmen's  councils,  set  up  a  temporary  "  dictatorship  of 
the  proletariat,"  80  permit  only  those  engaged  in  useful 

™  Here  again  the  words  "  mass  action,"  or  "  revolutionary  mass 
action,"  or  "  direct  action,"  as  ordinarily  used  in  socialist  literature, 
have  no  necessary  connection  with  violence,  although  they  do  involve, 
of  course,  the  use  of  economic  or  moral  pressure.  The  general 
strike,  for  instance,  constitutes  a  form  of  passive  resistance,  and 
may  consist  merely  of  the  "  folding  of  hands."  In  fact,  many  general 
strikes,  such  as  the  Seattle  and  Winnipeg  strikes  of  1919,  were 
attended  with  little  or  no  violence.  In  Seattle,  and,  during  the 
Belgian  strike  of  a  few  years  ago,  in  Belgium,  less  crime  was  re- 
ported during  the  strike  than  in  ordinary  times. 

Louis  Fraina,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  extreme  left  in  the  United 
States,  declares:  "It  is  the  great  fact  and  hope  of  the  machine 
proletariat  that,  during  the  great  strikes  of  the  unskilled,  in  which 
men  and  women  speaking  dozens  of  languages  participated,  there 
was  no  violence  on  their  part,  no  hysteria  of  despair,  but  there  was 
determination,  solidarity,  the  aggressive  spirit  of  the  revolution  in 
action.  The  proletarian  revolution  is  not  fostered  by  violence,  but 
it  makes  use  of  industrial  power  and  organized  force."  (Fraina, 
Revolutionary  Socialism,  p.  136.) 

In  fact,  Professor  Herbert  Ellsworth  Cory  contends  that,  with  the 
progress  of  the  labor  movement,  the  direct  action  of  the  workers 
tends  to  become  ever  less  violent,  contrary  to  the  direct  action  of 
the  capitalists.  (See  also  article  by  Bertrand  Russell  in  The  Dial 
on  "Democracy  and  Direct  Action,"  May  3,  1919.) 

so  The  word  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat"  is  used  in  many 
senses.  Marx  and  others  undoubtedly  meant  by  It  that,  when  the 


164      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

work  to  have  any  voice  in  the  management  of  the  newly 
formed  state,  arm  the  workers  and  suppress  the  bour- 
geoisie. 

r»~~The  proletariat  should  then  proceed  to  develop  a 
workers'  control  of  industry,  expropriate  the  banks,  con- 
fiscate the  railroads  and  all  large  organizations  of  in- 
dustry —  providing,  possibly,  for  small  investors, —  and 
then  advance  in  the  direction  of  a  complete  communist-so- 
cialism. When  that  condition  of  society  will  have  been 
attained,  all  citizens  will  be  producers,  classes  will  have  dis- 
appeared, the  dictatorship  and  coercive  measures  will  have 
ceased,  and  the  political  state  (used  in  the  Marxian  sense) 
;  will  have  passed  into  memory. 

Tactics  of  Moderate  Socialists. —  On  the  other  hand, 
the  moderate81  socialists  feel  that  the  workers  should 
adopt  a  different  line  of  tactics : 

They  should  organize  into  independent  parties  of  work- 
ers by  hand  and  brain,  into  trade  and  industrial  unions 
and  into  working  class  cooperatives.  On  the  political 

proletariat  movement  — "  the  self-conscious,  independent  movement 
of  the  immense  majority" — comes  into  power,  it  should  conduct  the 
government  in  the  interest  of  labor,  as  the  government  in  many 
cases  had  formerly  been  conducted  in  the  interest  of  capital.  Others 
believe  that,  as  in  Russia,  the  proletarians  should,  when  they  gain 
control,  disfranchise  all  non-producers,  and  give  the  vote  only  to 
those  doing  what  is  deemed  to  be  useful  work.  When  the  socializa- 
tion of  industry  is  complete,  they  claim,  all  would  be  producers,  and 
the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat  would  thus  automatically  became 
a  dictatorship  of  the  whole  people.  Iu  the  meanwhile  any  who  wish 
to  vote  in  the  Soviets  might  do  so  by  becoming  a  worker.  Another 
group  using  this  term  regard  such  a  dictatorship  as  a  dictatorship 
of  a  "  militant,  advanced  minority  "  of  the  proletariat,  who,  through 
their  control  of  strategic  industries,  and  their  advanced  spirit  of 
solidarity,  can  gain  possession  of  the  state  and  control  it  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  indifferent  majority  during  the  transition  period. 

•i  The  word  "  moderate  "  socialist  is  used,  not  in  the  technical  sense 
used  by  the  left  wing  socialists  of  the  United  States,  but  merely  to 
differentiate  the  less  extreme  from  the  extreme  left. 


TRANSITION  TO  SOCIALISM  165 

field  they  should  join  a  workingman's  party  connected  with 
the  international  socialist  and  labor  movement  and  work 
persistently  for  the  success  of  the  political  movement  of 
the  workers.  Socialists  who  are  elected  to  office  should 
fight  for  measures  calculated  to  give  the  workers  more 
power  and  physical  and  intellectual  strength,  to  the  end 
that  the  mass  of  producers  may  become  more  effective  in 
their  fight  for  a  higher  civilization.  At  the  same  time, 
and  primarily,  legislators  should  use  their  vantage  ground 
to  educate  the  people  in  the  principles  of  socialism  and 
should  beware  of  concentrating  their  main  effort  on 
small  reforms  which  it  is  the  interest  of  non-socialist  re- 
formers to  advance.  The  workers  should  continue  their 
struggle  at  the  ballot  box  for  the  control  of  the  machin- 
ery of  government,  until  their  aims  are  achieved. 

In  the  meanwhile,  socialists  should,  wherever  possible, 
strengthen  the  economic  wing  of  the  labor  movement  — 
the  trade  and  industrial  union  82 —  and  should  conduct  an 
educational  campaign  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the 
workers  of  the  advantages  of  close  cooperation  between 
existing  unions,  and,  particularly,  of  the  necessity  of  in- 
dustrial unionism.  They  should  urge  the  producers  to 
fight  not  only  for  higher  wages  and  shorter  hours,  but 
for  a  larger  share  in  the  management  of  shop  conditions, 
for  a  new  statu§_in  industry,  and  for  complete  industrial 
democracy.  They  should  also  teach  the  value  of  the  gen- 
eral strike,  and  other  legitimate  mass  movements  for  po- 
litical and  social  ends,  when  these  movements  are  properly 
planned  and  timed. 

Socialists  and  workers  generally  should  do  their  part 
in  the  development  of  the  cooperative  movement.  Co- 

82  The  word  worker  in  the  socialist  movement  usually  connotes  not 
only  the  manual  worker,  but  also  the  "  intellectual  proletariat,"  or,  as 
the  British  Labor  Party  has  it,  the  a  worker  by  hand  and  brain." 


166      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

operation  provides  a  valuable  training  ground  in  indus- 
trial management,  decreases  the  profits  of  the  middlemen, 
and  oftentimes  is  of  great  assistance  during  strikes  and 
during  the  transition  stages.  In  connection  with  all  of 
these  activities,  furthermore,  a  strong  educational  work 
should  be  conducted.  All  of  these  movements  will  give  to 
the  workers,  during  their  period  of  struggle,  a  training 
in  industrial  and  political  citizenship  which  will  prove  in- 
valuable to  them  when  they  finally  secure  control  of  the 
government  of  the  country.83 

Transition  State. —  After  obtaining  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment through  the  vote  of  the  electorate,  the  socialist 
movement  should  see  to  it  that  the  political  machinery  is 
made  as  responsive  as  possible  to  the  desires  of  all  of  the 
people,  and,  most  moderates  claim,  should  insist  on  uni- 
versal, equal  and  secret  ballot,  and  on  other  democratic 
safeguards.  A  minority  would  favor  methods  more  akin 
to  the  soviet  idea.  The  movement  should  then  proceed 
to  the  socialization  of  industry.  All  industry  cannot,  of 
course,  be  socialized  at  once.  Even  the  Russian  Soviet 
Government  after  it  had  issued  numerous  decrees  for  the 
nationalization  of  industries,  deemed  it  necessary  to  call  a 

88  The  plan  of  the  moderates  does  not  involve  a  resort  to  violence, 
although  contemplating  the  use  of  political  and  economic  pressure. 
The  majority  of  moderates  look  on  the  question  of  violence  as  a 
matter  of  expediency,  and  argue  that,  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
permanent  interests  of  the  working  class,  concentration  on  political 
and  economic  action  and  on  general  educational  propaganda  will 
hring  out  the  best  results.  (See  Kautsky,  Social  Revolution,  p.  89.) 
Whether  the  great  change  will  be  brought  about,  in  countries  not  yet 
socialized,  by  violent  or  peaceful  methods,  will,  they  claim,  depend 
largely  on  whether  the  ruling  class  opposes,  by  violence,  the  regis- 
tered will  of  the  people.  Such  mass  actions  as  the  general  strike  are 
not  regarded  as  violent  measures.  A  minority  of  the  moderate  so- 
cialists oppose  the  use  of  violence  under  any  circumstances  as  un- 
ethical 


TRANSITION  TO  SOCIALISM  167 

halt  on  the  further  process  of  socialization  until  certain 
questions  of  management  were  worked  out.84 

While  it  is  thus  impossible  to  socialize  all  industry  at 
once,  the  moderates  believe  that  industry  should  be  taken 
over  as  rapidly  as  it  is  possible  to  provide  adequate  ad- 
ministrative machinery  therefor,  and  are  of  the  belief  that, 
when  the  consciously  directed  will  of  the  community  is  di- 

.  _.  ._  i        M        i  •* 

rected  toward  a  social  end,  progress  can  not  only  be  rapid, 
but  safe  as  well.85  While  they  are  divided  regarding  the 
procedure  for  the  socialization  of  industry,  the  majority 
are  inclined  to  the  belief  that,  if  socialization  occurs  dur^ 
ing  times  of  comparative  quiet,  some  form  of  compensatioq 
will  probably  be  devised.86  On  this  question  there  has 
been  a  shift  to  the  left  during  the  past  few  years. 

8*  "  Were  we  to  attempt  now  to  continue  the  expropriation  of  capi- 
tal with  the  same  intensity  as  heretofore,  we  would  surely  be  de- 
feated, for  our  work  of  the  organization  of  proletarian  accounting 
and  control  has  —  it  is  clear  and  obvious  to  every  thinking  person  — 
not  kept  pace  with  the  work  of  the  direct  '  expropriation  of  the  ex- 
propriators.' "  Lenin,  Soviets  at  Work,  p.  12. 

Karl  Kautsky,  in  his  address  read  before  the  Congress  of  German 
Workers',  Soldiers'  and  Peasants'  Councils,  held  in  Berlin  on  April 
8,  1919,  declared  that  headlong  socialization  had  dangers  no  less 
than  the  continuation  of  capitalistic  economy  itself,  and  that  three 
factors  must  cooperate  in  the  socialized  state,  the  workers,  con- 
sumers and  the  technical  scientific  experts.  "  Socialization,"  he  de- 
clared, "  does  not  mean  simply  the  expropriation  of  capitalism  and 
of  the  great  landed  proprietors,  but  also  a  reorganization  of  the 
entire  economic  life.  .  .  .  This  cannot  be  achieved  in  a  summary 
way  for  all  branches  of  industry,  or  without  preparation.  It  must 
proceed  step  by  step,  and  it  will  take  years  to  carry  it  out  in  full." 
(See  The  Nation,  International  Relations  Section,  July  12,  1919, 
p.  56.) 

ss  See  Hobson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Society,  p.  402. 

8«  Most  socialist  leaders  prior  to  the  war  advised  compensation  of 
one  form  or  another  in  the  taking  over  of  industry,  not  so  much  as 
a  matter  of  right,  but  as  a  matter  of  expediency.  Those  who  be- 
lieve that  industries  should  be  confiscated  declare  that  the  capi- 
talists have  confiscated  the  earnings  of  the  workers  and  the  products 


168      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Thus,  industries  will  be  steadily  socialized,  one  after  an- 
other, until  the  cooperative  commonwealth  is  attained. 

Conflict  of  Views.—  The  foregoing  analysis  thus  shows 
the  existence  of  two  distinct  wings  in  the  general  socialist 
movement.  Both  wings  have  as  their  ideal  some  form  of 
industrial  democracy ;  both  believe  that  the  workers  should 
use  both  political  and  industrial  weapons  to  attain  their 
ends.  The  left  wing,  or  communist-socialist  or  commun- 
ist group,  as  it  calls  itself,  regards  politics  merely  as  a 
means  of  propaganda,  scorns  the  immediate  demands  in 
the  socialist  platform,  expects  that  the  transition  from 

N  of  the  soil  for  years,  and  that  confiscation  would  simply  mean  "  the 
expropriation  of  the  expropriators."  (See  Hillquit  and  Ryan, 
Socialism,  Promi»e  or  Menace,  p.  75.) 

Marx  is  constantly  quoted,  however,  as  declaring  that  "  it  [compen- 
sation] would  really  be  the  cheapest  way  of  relieving  ourselves  "  of 
the  capitalist  group.  (Quoted  in  Vandervelde,  Collectivism,  p.  155.) 
Different  forms  of  compensation  are  suggested.  Some  socialists 
favor  giving  the  capitalists  an  annuity  terminable  within  a  reason- 
able period;  others  favor  the  issuance  of  bonds  with  a  decreasing 
rate  of  interest,  and  with  the  ultimate  repudiation  of  the  principal 
or  the  payment  of  such  principals  in  instalments  (Hughan,  Ameri- 
can Socialism  of  the  Pregent  Day,  p.  126),  while  still  others  advo- 
cate compensation  based  on  the  real  value  of  the  property,  relieved 
of  its  water  (See  The  Intercollegiate  Socialist,  Spring-Summer, 
1913,  p.  10).  Most  socialists  contend  that  the  government,  on  trans- 
ferring industry  from  private  to  public  ownership,  should  raise  as 
much  money  as  possible  from  such  forms  of  direct  taxation  as  the 
inheritance,  income,  and  land  values  taxes.  (Vandervelde,  op.  cit., 
pp.  159-60;  see  also  Kautsky,  Social  Revolution,  p.  123.)  Kautsky 
dwells  on  the  difficulty  of  evading  taxation  on  incomes  under  a  sys- 
tem where  the  government  has  issued  bonds  to  private  owners.  For 
other  discussions  on  the  subject  see  Jaures,  Studies  in  Socialism, 
p.  89;  Spargo  and  Arner,  op.  cit.,  p.  350. 

Some  socialists  also  advise  among  other  plans  that  the  government 
build  its  own  plants,  that  it  purchase  stocks  in  private  corporations 
until  it  secures  the  majority  of  shares,  and  that  it  compel  the  re- 
versal of  utilities  to  the  public  as  a  result  of  certain  penalties  and 
franchise  provisions.  The  adoption  by  Russia  of  a  policy  of  whole- 
sale confiscation  has  probably  inclined  many  socialists  to  reconsider 
this  method  in  other  countries. 


TRANSITION  TO  SOCIALISM  169 

capitalist  to  proletarian  control  will  come  as  a  result  of 
industrial  rather  than  of  political  action,  and  argues  for 
the  establishment  of  Soviets,  for  the  suppression  of  the  po- 
litical forms  of  the  bourgeois  state,  when  the  workers  ob- 
tain power,  for  the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat,  and  for 
the  confiscation  of  private  capital. 

The  so-called  moderate  socialists,  on  the  other  hand, 
while  encouraging  various  forms  of  working  class 
activity  —  political,  economic  and  cooperative  —  believe 
that  the  workers  will  be  able,  through  political  action,  in 
countries  where  universal  and  equal  suffrage  prevails,  to 
vote  themselves  into  power;  and  that,  when  the  control  of 
government  is  thus  obtained,  the  machinery  of  political 
democracy  should  be  preserved  and  further  democratized. 
In  socializing  industry,  they  incline  to  the  belief  that  com- 
pensation in  some  form,  rather  than  confiscation,  would  be 
the  more  expedient  method.  There  is  also  a  certain  dif- 
ference of  opinion  between  the  two  groups  regarding  the 
expediency  and  ethics  of  the  use  of  violence,  and  regard- 
ing the  belief  held  by  many  that  "  the  ends  justify  the 
means."  These  differences  are  bound  to  be  fought  out 
from  every  angle  in  the  next  few  years.87 

87  There  are,  of  course,  numerous  gradations  of  opinion  between 
the  two  groups  just  described.  In  the  United  States  the  left  wing 
view  is  held  by  the  Communist  and  Communist  Labor  Parties,  formed 
in  September,  1919,  and  the  moderate  view  to  a  considerable  extent 
by  the  Socialist  Party.  Many  members  of  the  Socialist  Party,  while 
believing  in  the  effectiveness  of  parliamentary  action,  lay  greater 
emphasis  on  "  direct  action  "  as  a  means  to  the  attainment  of  a  new 
social  order. 


CHAPTER  VI 
GUILD  SOCIALISM  AND  SYNDICALISM 

GUILD    SOCIALISM 

Origin  of  Theory. —  In  the  previous  chapter  we  have 
referred  to  guild  socialism  and  its  relation  to  the  socialist 
state.  The  theory  of  guild  socialism  has  been  recently 
developed  in  England  by  a  group  of  writers  centering 
around  the  English  weekly,  The  New  Age.  In  1907  A.  J. 
Penty,  in  The  Restoration  of  the  Guild  System,  first  en- 
deavored to  apply  to  modern  social  problems  something 
of  the  spirit  of  the  mediaeval  guild,  a  cardinal  principle  of 
which  WHS  that  "  din/ft  management  and  control  NJiould  be 
in  the  hands  of  the  producers  under  a  system  of  regulation 
in  the  common  interest."  The  idea  was  soon  developed 
into  a  constructive  theory  of  the  national  guilds,  first  by 
A.  R.  Orage  and  S.  G.  Hobson,2  and  later  by  G.  D.  H. 
Cole  and  other  writers  and  speakers  of  the  National  Guilds 
League  (formed  in  1915).3 

Composition  of   Movement. —  The  theory  of  the  na- 

1  Renard,  Guilds  in  the  Middle  A  get,  p.  xii. 

2  Orage,  National  Guilds  (1913). 

»  A  most  important  contribution  on  the  subject  has  recently  been 
made  by  Mr.  Cole,  in  his  book,  Self  Government  in  Industry  (1918). 
Other  literature  on  the  subject  Is  Reckitt  and  Bechhofer,  The  Mean- 
iny   of   National   Guildt    (1919);    Hobson,    Guild   Principle   in    War 
and  Peace  (1918);  Penty,  Old  World*  for  New  (1917);  Russell,  Pro- 
posed Roadt   to   Freedom,  and   articles  in    The   New  Age,  and   the 
'  literature  of  the  National  Guilds  League,  17  Acacia  Road,  St.  John's 
1  Wood,  N.W.  8,  London,  England. 

170 


l\ 


GUILD  SOCIALISM  171 

tional  guildsmen  arose  in  part  as  a  reaction  against  the 
bureaucratic  collectivism  advocated  by  many  groups  in 
English  life,4  and,  in  part,  as  a  protest  against  the  inad- 
equacies of  syndicalism,  and  an  endeavor  to  find  a  happy 
medium  between  bureaucratic  collectivist  and  the  syndi- 
calist philosophy.  It  also  contains  numerous  other  cur- 
rents of  thought.  As  Reckitt  and  Bechhofer  have  ex- 
pressed it: 

"  We  should  find  the  craftsmen's  challenge  and  the  blazing 
democracy  of  William  Morris ;  the  warning  of  Mr.  Belloc 
against  the  huge  shadow  of  the  servile  state  and,  perhaps, 
something  also  of  his  claim  for  the  individual's  control  over 
property;  the  insistence  of  Mr.  Penty  on  the  evils  of  indus- 
trialism and  its  large  scale  organization,  and  his  recovery  and 
bequest  to  us  of  the  significant  and  unique  word  '  guild.' 
We  should  find  something  of  French  syndicalism,  with  its 
championship  of  the  producer;  something  of  American  indus- 
trial unionism,  with  its  clear  vision  of  the  need  for  indus- 
trial organization ;  and  something  of  Marxian  socialism  with 
its  unsparing  analysis  of  the  wage-system  by  which  capital- 
ism exalts  itself  and  enslaves  the  mass  of  men."  5 

The  Wage  System. —  Negatively,  national  guildsmen, 
as  they  prefer  to  call  themselves  —  contend,  together  with 
the  majority  of  organized  socialists  throughout  the  world, 
that  the  main  drive  against  capitalism  should  not  be  a 
drive  against  poverty,  but  for  the  abolition  of  the  wage 
system.  Positively  they  maintain  that  the  chief  aim  of 
the  new  social  order  should  be  the  development  of  person- 

•»  The  guildsmen  have  been  wont  to  hurl  their  shafts  of  ridicule 
against  the  alleged  bureaucratic  collectivism  advocated  by  Sidney 
and  Beatrice  Webb,  and  other  members  of  the  Fabian  Society.  While 
their  criticisms  undoubtedly  contained  some  truth,  many  of  their  at- 
tacks have  been  decidedly  unfair. 

o  Reckitt  and  Bechhofer,  op.  cit.,  pp.  xm-xiv. 


172      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ality,  not  mere  industrial  efficiency,  and  that  the  worker 
should  be  assured,  at  least,  the  following  things : 

"  1.  Recognition  and  payment  as  a  human  being,  and  not 
merely  as  the  mortal  tenement  of  so  much  labor  power  for 
which  any  efficient  demand  exists. 

"  2.  Consequently,  payment  in  employment  and  in  unem- 
ployment, in  sickness  and  in  health  alike. 

"  3.  Control  of  the  organization  of  production  in  coopera- 
tion with  his  fellows. 

"  4.  A  claim  upon  the  product  of  his  work,  also  exercised  in 
cooperation  with  his  fellows."  e 

National  guildsmen  also  emphasize,  as  has  been  stated, 
something  of  the  ideal  of  William  Morris  and  other  so- 
cialists, the  development  of  joy  in  labor,  the  bringing  of 
beauty  and  art  into  the  common  work  of  the  world.  Only 
through  giving  the  worker  an  opportunity  for  self-expres- 
sion can  this  ideal  be  attained.  Says  Cole  again : 

"  Freedom  for  self-expression,  freedom  at  work  as  well  as 
at  leisure,  freedom  to  serve  as  well  as  to  enjoy  —  that  is  the 
guiding  principle  of  his  [Morris']  life.  That,  too,  is  the 
guiding  principle  of  national  guilds.  We  can  only  destroy 
the  tyranny  of  machinery  —  which  is  not  the  same  as  destroy- 
ing machinery  itself  —  by  giving  into  the  hands  of  the  workers 
the  control  of  their  life  and  work,  by  freeing  them  to  choose 
whether  they  will  make  well  or  ill,  whether  they  will  do  the 
work  of  slaves  or  of  free  men."  7 

State  Ownership  and  Guild  Management. —  Underly- 
ing much  of  their  concrete  proposals  are  the  principles, 
enunciated  in  the  foregoing  chapter,8  of  organization  by 

•Cole,  op.  cit.,  p.  155. 
1  Ibid.,  pp.  121-2. 

"See  tupra,  section  on  "The  Nature  of  the  State  Under  Social- 
Ism,"  p.  150. 


GUILD  SOCIALISM  173 

function  and  dual  sovereignty.  Their  criticisms  of  the 
present  system  and  their  ideal  of  the  good  life  of  the  fu- 
ture have  led  guildsmen  specifically  to  advocate  the  owner- 
ship of  industry  by  the  state,  but  the  management  of  in- 
dustry by  democratic  groups  of  hand  and  brain  workers 
—  including  all  of  the  producers  in  industry  —  organized 
into  local,  sectional  and  national  guilds. 

Organization  of  Consumers. —  As  has  been  stated,  the 
guildsmen  believe  that,  in  a  democratic  society,  the  con- 
sumers should  organize  in  a  geographical  association, 
the  state,  for  the  purpose  of  executing  those  purposes 
which  affect  all  citizen-consumers  equally  and  in  the  same 
way  —  such,  for  instance,  as  the  maintenance  of  parks, 
roads,  houses,  water  and  other  public  utilities,  education, 
health,  the  relations  with  other  states,  etc.  On  the  other 
hand,  producers  should  organize  in  a  group  that  repre- 
sents them  and  which  is  best  fitted  to  give  expression  to 
the  economic  relationship  between  man  and  man. 

Details  of  Democratic  Management. —  It  is  impossible, 
the  guildsman  declares,  to  picture  the  exact  workings  of 
the  guild  under  the  ideal  order.  Mr.  Cole,  however,  sug- 
gests possible  lines  of  development.  He  sees  the  national 
guild,  the  supreme  council  of  the  producers,  composed  of 
a  number  of  works,  corresponding  roughly  to  the  corpor- 
ation of  today,  and  each  works  containing  a  number  of 
shops.  The  workers  in  each  shop,  he  believes,  should  elect 
a  shop  committee  to  act  as  a  counterpoise,  where  one  is 
needed,  to  the  authority  of  the  foreman,  and  to  serve  as 
an  intelligence  bureau  and  executive  of  the  shop.  A  works 
committee  also  should  be  chosen,  consisting  of  representa- 
tives from  each  shop,  elected,  perhaps,  by  direct  ballot. 
There  should  likewise  be  a  district  committee  to  coordi- 
nate production  in  the  various  works,  and  to  arrange  for 
the  supplying  of  commodities  to  the  municipalities  and 


174      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

other  guilds.  Representatives  should  be  elected  to  this  dis- 
trict committee  from  each  works  and  from  each  craft  in 
the  district.  Finally  should  come  the  national  guild,  made 
up  of  representatives  from  each  district  and  from  each 
craft.  Each  worker  should  have  the  privilege  of  casting 
two  votes,  one  from  his  district  and  one  from  his  craft. 
In  addition  to  the  national  executive,  there  should  be  a 
national  delegates'  meeting,  made  up  of  representatives 
from  each  district,  and  from  each  craft  in  that  district, 
which  would,  to  all  intents,  serve  as  a  final  court  of 
appeal. 

Selection  of  Officers. —  Guildsmen  should  elect  not  only 
committees  of  management,  but  also  officers.  Foremen 
should  be  elected  directly  by  the  workers  in  the  shops,  and 
heads  of  clerical  departments,  by  the  ballots  of  all  the 
members  of  their  respective  departments.  The  works  man- 
ager, who  deals  with  production,  should  be  elected  by  the 
workers  in  the  manipulative  side  of  the  works ;  the  man- 
ager of  the  clerical  department,  by  the  clerical  workers; 
the  general  manager,  by  the  works  committee.  Experts 
should  be  chosen  by  the  various  committees,  subject  to 
qualifying  examinations.  Such  examinations  should,  in 
fact,  play  an  important  role  in  all  elections.  Tenure  of 
office  for  lower  officials  might  be  for  one  year;  for  higher 
officials,  for  a  longer  period;  for  experts,  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  committee.  Sovereignty  should  reside  in  the  rep- 
resentative body,  or,  in  the  last  analysis,  in  the  whole  mass 
of  members. 

In  production,  the  local  units  should  be  self-governing. 
The  organization  of  exchange,  however,  should  be  carried 
on  by  a  national  authority  in  cooperation  with  the  local 
authorities.  The  various  works  would  supply  their  prod- 
ucts to  the  district  committees,  which  committees  would 


GUILD  SOCIALISM  175 

pay  the  works  according  to  price  lists  prepared  by  the  na- 
tional guilds,  quality  as  well  as  quantity  being  considered, 
and  would  take  charge  of  the  task  of  distribution. 

Safeguarding  the  Consumer. —  The  consumer  should 
be  properly  safeguarded  against  extortionate  prices. 
This  could  be  accomplished,  if  the  state  were  given  the 
power  to  collect  a  rent  from  each  guild  for  government 
expenses,  the  rent  being  apportioned  according  to  ability 
to  pay.  If  a  guild  asked  a  monopoly  price,  it  would 
thus  be  charged  a  higher  rent,  and  "  the  state  would  thus 
receive  in  revenue  what  the  consumer  paid  in  enhanced 
prices."  As  price  fixing  is  a  social  function,  it  would 
probably  be  left  to  a  joint  congress  equally  representative 
of  the  state  (or  the  consumers)  and  the  guilds  (or  the 
producers).  The  state  should  also  have  a  say  in  the 
determination  of  the  amount  of  commodities  to  be  pro- 
duced. 

Contribution  of  Quildsmen. —  Although  many  of  the 
suggestions  of  Mr.  Cole  will  probably  be  modified  and  do 
not  represent  in  toto  the  mature  thought  of  all  of  the 
guildsmen,  they  nevertheless  are  valuable  as  giving  a  con- 
cept of  the  kind  of  system  the  guildsmen  have  in  mind. 

The  guildsmen's  opposition  to  the  wage  system  and 
to  bureaucratic  collectivism,  their  acceptance  of  the 
principle  of  ownership  of  industry  by  a  democratic  com- 
munity,  their  insistence  on  personality  as  the  goal  of  social 
effort,  their  demand  for  democratic  management,  and 
tlu'ir  belief  that  the  consumers  should  share  in  the  fixing 
of  prices  and  the  amount  of  the  product  are  all  in  line  with 
the  teachings  of  the  organized  socialist  movement  here 
and  abroad. 

Their  insistence  on  organization  by  function  and  on  the 
necessity  of  thinking  through  the  details  of  democratic 


176      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

control  are  new  and  welcome  notes  in  the  socialist  and 
labor  movement.* 

Socialists  and  Guildsmen. —  A  number  of  socialists,  to- 
gether with  some  of  the  guildsmen,  are  not  convinced  of 
the  correctness  of  the  doctrine  of  dual  sovereignty  em- 
phasized by  Cole.  With  Philip  Snowden,  some  socialists 
fear  that  the  guildsmen  "  exalt  too  highly  the  importance 
of  mere  production  by  placing  it  in  a  position  co-equal  if 
not  superior  to  the  social  organization  for  the  satisfaction 
of  the  individual's  every  need."  They  contend  that  "  pro- 
duction is  not  an  end  in  itself.  It  is  merely  a  means  to  the 
satisfaction  of  man's  varied  requirements  and  needs  which 
go  to  make  up  the  fully  developed  life  in  a  civilized  com- 
munity." They  fear  to  see  even  under  socialism  "  the 
minds  and  efforts  of  all  workmen  too  much  devoted  to  the 
organization  of  production,"  on  the  ground  that  it  would 
lessen  the  workers'  interest  in  and  their  leisure  for  mat- 
ters of  far  greater  importance.  For  "  it  is  as  a  consumer 
'in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word,"  they  claim,  that  the 
I  worker  "will  realize  his  individuality  and  enjoy  his  free- 
dom." 10 

Some  socialists  are  as  yet  unconvinced  that  the  guild 
organization  as  worked  out  is  absolutely  necessary  for  se- 
curing the  freedom  which  will  satisfy  the  legitimate  claims 
of  workers,  and  some  prefer  joint  boards  of  manage- 
ment, consisting  of  representatives  both  of  the  community 
and  of  the  workmen,  to  exclusive  control  by  the  workers. 
Others,  including  John  A.  Hobson,  declare  that  the  polit- 
ical and  industrial  systems  are  bound  in  the  future  la  be 
far  more  interwoven  than  at  present,  and  that  it  is^im- 

•  Some  socialists,  however,  feel  that  much  of  this  attempt  to  pic- 
ture the  working  out  of  the  guild  system  is  but  a  reversal  to  uto- 
pianism. 

»o  Philip  Snowden,  in  "State  Socialism  and  the  National  Guilds," 
The  Socialitt  Review  (British),  April-June,  1919. 


GUILD  SOCIALISM  177 

possible  to  separate  them  in  the  manner  proposed  by 
guild  socialists.11  Other  criticisms  have  to  do  not  with 
the  guildsmen's  proposals,  but  with  their  pessimism  con- 
cerning the  efficacy  of  political  action.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  the  left  wing  of  the  socialist  movement  may  be 
found  those  who  complain  that  the  guildsmen  have  not 
relegated  the  state  to  a  sufficiently  obscure  position. 

Conclusion. —  The  criticisms,  however,  are  far  more  in 
difference  of  emphasis  than  in  difference  of  principle,  and 
the  vast  majority  of  the  organized  socialists  are  grateful 
to  this  movement  for  its  vital  and  important  contribu- 
tions. 

SYNDICALISM 

Introductory. —  As  guild  socialism  represents  a  com- 
promise between  the  political  socialist  and  the  syndicalist 
ideal,  so  syndicalism  represents  a  cross  between  socialism 
and  anarchism.  With  the  philosophic  anarchists,  syndi- 
calists believe  in  the  abolition  of  the  political  state.12 
They  are  convinced  that  the  reconstruction  of  society 
will  take  place,  not  through  political  means,  but  through 
economic  means  — "  direct  action,"  the  general  strike,  and 
that,  under  the  new  order,  the  ownership  and  control  of 
industry  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  producers,  as 
opposed  to  the  consumers. 

Origin  of  Movement —  The  syndicalist  philosophy  had 
its  birth  in  France,  the  home  of  small  scale  production 
and  of  revolutionary  upheavals,  where  it  captured  the  im- 
agination of  the  French  labor  leaders.13  It  has  gained 

11  Hobson,  Democracy  After  the  War,  pp.  181-2. 

12  Anarchists  are  opposed  to  every  kind  of  forcible  government. 
Anarchist  communism   advocates   the  communal  ownership   of  land 
and  capital,  and  the  management  of  industry  by  free  unions. 

18  The  syndicalist  movement  in  France  has  had  an  interesting  his- 
tory.    In   1884   a   national   Federation  of  Trade  Councils   arose   in 


178      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

considerable  foothold  in  Italy,  and  among  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World  in  the  United  States  and  the  ef- 
fects of  its  teaching  can  be  found  to  a  greater  or  less 

France,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Marxians.  The  socialists 
tried  to  make  the  federation  a  mere  adjunct  to  the  Socialist  Party, 
and  for  this  reason,  and  because  of  the  purely  local  nature  of  the 
trade  union  movement,  little  progress  was  made.  In  1887,  to  fill 
the  needs  of  the  local  units,  the  Paris  Bourse  du  Travail  was  formed, 
as  a  center  of  the  trade  union  bodies  of  the  district.  The  bourse 
soon  became  a  center  of  revolutionary  activity,  and  other  bourses 
sprang  into  existence  throughout  the  country.  Six  years  later  these 
bourses  formed  a  Federation  of  Bourses  du  Travail  and,  the  fol- 
lowing year,  absorbed  the  National  Federation  of  Trade  Unions. 
Fernand  Pelloutier,  a  communist-anarchist,  became  secretary  of  the 
Federation,  and,  under  his  guidance,  the  bourses  increased  from  34 
in  1894  to  96  in  1902.  Pelloutier,  during  these  years,  worked  not 
only  for  an  increase  in  membership,  but  spread  his  ideal  of  free 
association  of  producers  among  the  members,  enthusing  them  with 
the  syndicalist  philosophy.  The  insistence  of  syndicalism,  as  first 
formulated,  on  the  control  of  industry  by  the  local  groups,  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  "  conscious  minority,"  and  on  the  abolition  of  the 
political  state  was  the  inevitable  result  of  the  formation  of  syndical- 
ism under  the  foregoing  circumstances. 

In  1895  the  new  General  Confederation  of  Labor  was  organized  in 
France,  and  seven  years  later,  this  organization  fused  with  the 
bourses.  At  first,  the  bourses  exerted  an  overwhelming  influence  on 
the  policy  of  the  confederation.  Owing  to  the  fact,  however,  that 
the  municipalities  gradually  discontinued  their  subsidies  from  the 
bourses,  these  local  units  soon  began  to  decline  in  numbers  and  in- 
fluence. The  national  organizations  became  proportionally  more 
potent.  As  a  result  of  this  new  development,  syndicalists  are  urging 
that,  under  their  proposed  system,  ownership  be  not  vested  entirely 
in  local  bourses,  as  they  formerly  urged,  but,  partly  at  least,  in 
national  trade  unions  or  federations.  Few,  however,  have  reexamined 
ltheir  position  in  terras  of  modern  developments,  and  syndicalism 
"is,  at  the  present  time,  even  for  France,  something  of  a  back  num- 
ber." (See  Cole,  Self  Government  in  Industry,  p.  319.)  The  Indus- 
trial Workers  of  the  World  in  the  United  States,  however,  have 
worked  out  a  plan  more  along  national  lines,  with  its  various  de- 
partments of  agriculture,  mining,  transportation,  etc.  (See  Pre- 
amble and  Constitution  of  the  I.  W.  W.)  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  the  French  General  Confederation  of  Labor,  in  1918,  decided  to 
give  up  their  policy  of  aloofness  from  political  organizations,  and 
for  a  while  cooperated  extensively  with  the  socialist  movement. 


SYNDICALISM  179 

extent  in  the  socialist  movements  of  every  country.  The 
name  is  derived  from  syndicat,  the  French  name  for  trade 
union. 

Briefly  the  syndicalist  philosophy  is  as  follows : 14 
The  Class  Struggle. —  The  fundamental  idea  of  syn- 
dicalism is  the  class  struggle,  an  idea  also  fundamental  in 
the  socialist  philogopjfry-  Modern  industrial  society  is 
divided  into  two  classes  —  the  owners  and  workers.  Be- 
tween these  classes,  there  is  a  constant  struggle.  This 
struggle  gradually  develops  a  feeling  of  class  solidarity 
and  strengthens  the  moral  fiber  of  the  workers.  The  syn- 
dicat, an  association  of  workmen  of  the  same  or  similar 
trades,  is  the  best  organization  to  aid  in  this  development. 
Political  parties  have  such  a  heterogeneous  composition, 
consisting  as  they  do  of  men  and  women  from  all  strata  of 
society  —  and  this  is  true  even  of  the  Socialist  Party  — 
that  they  tend  to  blur  the  struggle,  and  merge  all  classes 
into  one.  In  the  syndicat,  the  workingmen  forget  the 
things  that  divide  them  and  are  made  to  feel  their  solid^ 
arity  with  each  other  as  well  as  the  fundamental  conflict 
between  them  and  the  employing  class.  They  develop  a 
self-imposed  discipline,  an  ability  to  organize  and  a 
knowledge  of  the  problems  of  the  day.  Industrial  syndi- 
cats  are  preferable  to  craft  unions,  as  the  former  develop 
a  class,  rather  than  a  corporate  solidarity. 

Direct  Action. —  The  syndicats  are  also  the  instru- 
ments with  which  the  workingmen  can  enter  into  a  direct 
struggle  with  employers.  "  Direct  "  action  consists  of , the 
•trike,  the  boycott,  the  label,  and  sabotage.  The  strike 
is  the  most  effective  method  of  waging  the  class  struggle. 
All  strikes  have  revolutionary  significance.  Strikes,  how- 

i*  The  best  book  on  the  subject  is  Dr.  Louis  Levine's  Syndicalism 
in  France.  The  following  analysis  is  largely  a  summary  of  Dr. 
Levine's  exposition. 


180      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ever,  in  which  the  workers  rely  on  their  treasury  are  likely 

to   degenerate  into   mere   struggles   of  strength  between 

"  two  money  bags,'*  that  of  the  employer  and  that  of  the 

syndicat.     For  the  purpose  of  developing  class  solidarity, 

it  is  better  to  ignore  financial  considerations  and  to  secure 

money  in  support  of  strikes  from  workers  in  other  trades 

and  localities.     Sympathetic  strikes  are  often  of  value. 

j  Strikes  have  a  valuable  educational  effect,  outside  of  the 

(immediate  gains  in  hours  and  wages,  for  they  demonstrate 

•  lithe  power  and  importance  of  the  workers  in  their  capacity 

,j  as  producers.     The  use  of  the  label  and  boycott  show  as 

well  the  workers'  power  as  consumers. 

Sabotage. —  Sabotage-is  also  a  weapon  relied  on  by  syn- 
dicalists. Sabotage  is  used  to  cover  many  acts.  It  may 
consist  in  "  giving  an  unfair  day's  work  for  an  unfair  day's 
>ay,"  in  "  loafing  on  the  job,"  in  becoming  "  a  conscien- 
ious  objector  to  efficiency,"  as  a  retaliation  for  injustice 
inflicted  by  employers.  This  form  is  summarized  in  the 
Scotch  expression,  Ca  Canny,  and  in  the  French,  a  mau- 
\vais  paye  mauvais  travail.  Sabotage  at  times  consists  in 
obeying  all  of  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  industry, 
without  applying  discretion.  Sometimes  it  takes  a  more 
active  form  to  the  detriment  of  the  service  or  commodity, 
when,  for  instance,  baggage  or  perishable  goods  are  mis- 
directed by  railroad  hands.  At  still  other  times  it  may 
consist  in  the  temporary  "  chloroforming "  or  disabling 
of  machines,  such  as  in  removal  of  screws,  etc.,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preventing  employers  from  carrying  on  production 
with  the  use  of  strikebreakers.  "The  syndicalists 
strongly  condemn  any  act  of  sabotage  which  may  result 
in  the  loss  of  life." 

The  War  Against  the  State. —  The  war  of  the  syndi- 
calists is  directed  not  only  against  the  capitalist  class  as 
such,  but  also  against  the  state,  which  they  regard  as  the 


SYNDICALISM  181 

political  organization  of  the  capitalist  class,  used  — 
whether  monarchical  or  republican  in  form  —  to  protect 
property  against  the  demands  of  the  workers.  In  their 
fight  for  freedom,  therefore,  the  workers  must  seek  to 
abolish  the  state. 

Struggle  Against  the  State. —  This  struggle  against 
the  state  must  also  be  carried  on  by  "  direct  "  methods. 
The  syndicats  must  not  engage  in  parliamentary  or  polit- 
ical campaign  activities,  for  parliamentary  activities  are 
opposed  to  the  principles  of  "  direct  action."  The  work-j  / 
ers  can  derive  no  benefit  therefrom.  The  parliamentary 
system  breeds  petty,  self-seeking  politicians,  corrupts  the 
better  elements  that  enter  into  it  and  is  a  source  of  in- 
trigues and  "  wire-pulling."  The  so-called  representatives 
of  the  workingmen  do  not  and  can  not  avoid  the  contag- 
ious influence  of  parliament.  Their  policy  degenerates 
into  bargaining,  compromising  and  collaboration  with  the 
bourgeois  political  parties  and  weakens  the  class-struggle. 
The  syndicats,  therefore,  if  not  hostile,  must  remain  at 
least  indifferent  to  parliamentary  methods  and  indepen- 
dent of  political  parties.-5 

This  fact,  however,  does  not  exclude  the  unions  from 
exerting  pressure  on  political  institutions.  Pressure 
should  be  exerted,  but  directly,  through  mass  meetings, 
manifestoes,  the  press,  demonstrations  and  the  like.  Ac- 
tual social  reforms  secured  through  these  means  are  the 
only  reforms  worth  having  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
working  class.  All  others  are  dead  letters.  Labor  laws 
pushed  through  wholly  as  a  result  of  the  efforts  of  the 
democratic  legislators,  such  as  laws  relating  to  arbitration 
and  conciliation,  are  devised  to  weaken  the  revolutionary 
fervor  and  strength  of  the  workers.  For  they  suggest  an 

IB  Levine,  Syndicalism  in  France,  p.  130. 


183      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

unreality,  namely,  class  harmony,  and  blind  the  workers  to 
the  real  antagonisms. 

Patriotism. —  Syndicalists,  prior  to  the  war,  also 
claimed  that  "  patriotism  "  was  used  by  the  state  for  the 
purpose  of  blurring  the  lines  of  the  class  struggle. 

"  The  workingman's  country,"  they  maintained,  "  is  where 
he  finds  work.  In  search  of  work  he  leaves  his  native  land 
and  wanders  from  place  to  place.  He  has  no  fatherland 
(patrie)  in  any  real  meaning  of  the  term.  Ties  of  tradition, 
of  a  common  intellectual  and  moral  heritage  do  not  exist  for 
him.  In  his  experience  as  workingman  he  finds  that  there 
is  but  one  real  tie  of  economic  interest  which  binds  him  to 
all  the  workingmen  of  the  world,  and  separates  him  at  the 
same  time  from  all  the  capitalists  of  the  world."  1<J 

The  state  uses  not  only  ideological  forces  in  suppress- 
ing the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  workers,  but  also  ma- 
terial forces.  These  include  the  judiciary,  administrative 
machinery,  and,  particularly,  the  army.  The  last  named 
is  effective  in  crushing  strikes,  in  robbing  the  workers  of 
their  feelings  of  independence,  and  in  promoting  militar- 
ism. It  is  the  duty  of  the  syndicalists  to  fight  militarism, 
especially  in  the  army.  Here  the  soldiers  should  be  shown 
their  class  interests  and  be  made  to  realize  that,  after  they 
leave  the  ranks,  they  themselves  will  be  a  part  of  the  work- 
ing class. 

Prior  to  the  decisive  battle  —  the  general  strike  —  the 
workers,  through  "  direct  action,"  will  be  able  to  wrest 
certain  reforms  from  the  employers  and  the  state.  These 
reforms  will  not  satisfy  them,  inasmuch  as  they  will  not 
fundamentally  change  the  conditions  of  the  wage-system, 
but  will  strengthen  labor's  hands,  and  place  the  workers 
in  a  better  position  for  the  final  conflict.  This  conflict  is 

i«  Ibid.,  p.  131. 


SYNDICALISM  183 

not  coming  as  a  bolt  from  heaven.     It  will  come  as  a  re- 
sult of  years  of  careful  preparation. 

The  Militant  Minority — This  preparation  will  be  the 
result  of  the  agitation  of  a  conscious,  militant,  intelligent 
minority,  ardently  devoted  to  the  interests  of  their  class, 
rather  than  of  a  majority  of  workers.  In  parliament, 
the  minority  who  rule  have  a  vitiating  effect  on  society, 
because  they  desire  to  maintain  their  mastery  over  the 
masses,  and  to  do  this  they  must  keep  the  masses  submis- 
sive. The  conscious  minority  in  the  syndicalist  movement, 
however,  are  the  vanguard  of  the  working-class,  the  van- 
guard of  progress.  Their  success  depends  on  their  back- 
ing by  the  mass  of  workers,  and  that  support  will  only 
come  if  those  workers  develop  in  energy  and  alertness. 
The  idea  of  the  "  conscious  minority  "  is  opposed  to  ma- 
jority rule,  but  majority  rule  in  politics,  operating 
through  universal  suffrage,  "  is  a  clumsy,  mechanical  de- 
vice, which  brings  together  a  number  of  disconnected  units 
and  makes  them  act  without  proper  understanding  of  the 
things  they  are  about." 

The  syndicat,  which  is  leading  the  struggle  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  workers,  is  organized  by  the  able, 
aggressive  minority.  It  may  never  include  the  majority 
of  workers.  As,  by  the  sacrifices  of  its  members,  it  ob- 
tains better  conditions  for  the  workers  as  a  whole  and 
embodies  their  highest  ideals,  it  has  the  right  to  assume 
labor's  leadership.  It  is  this  militant  minority  group 
that  is  preparing  the  way  for  the  general  strike  and  for 
the  new  and  free  society. 

The  Syndicalist  Ideal. —  The  political  state,  as  we  know 
it*  will  be  abolished.  Industry  will  be  owned  collectively 
by  the  industrial  organizations.  The  cell  of  the  syndi- 
calist society  will  be  the  local  trade  union  or  syndicat. 
The  producers  of  the  same  trade,  joined  in  this  syndicat, 


184      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

will  control  their  means  of  production.  No  syndicat  will 
be  the  exclusive  owner  of  any  portion  of  the  collective 
property,  but  merely  a  user  of  it,  with  the  consent  of 
society  as  a  whole. 

The  syndicat  will  connect  itself  with  the  rest  of  society 
through  three  main  associations  — (1)  the  national  federa- 
tion of  that  particular  trade,  (2)  the  bourse  du  travail, 
the  central  union  of  a  locality,  which  will  federate  the 
syndicat  of  several  trades,  and  (3)  the  general  federa- 
tion, the  national  grouping  of  all  syndicats.  The  least 
important  of  the  three  groups  will  be  the  national  federa- 
tion of  a  particular  trade,  and  the  relations  between  the 
syndicat  and  its  national  body  will  be  merely  technical. 
The  relation  of  the  syndicat  to  the  general  federation  will 
be  chiefly  indirect,  the  local  bourse  du  travail  being  the 
mediator.  The  most  important  of  the  relationships,  will, 
of  course,  be  that  between  the  syndicat  and  the  bourse  du 
travail. 

The  bourse  du  travail  will  take  charge  of  all  local  inter- 
ests and  serve  as  a  connecting  link  between  a  locality  and 
the  rest  of  the  world.  It  will  collect  necessary  economic 
statistical  data;  arrange  for  the  proper  distribution  of 
products ;  facilitate  the  exchange  of  products  between  lo- 
cality and  locality  and  provide  for  the  introduction  of  raw 
materials  from  outside.  "  In  a  word,  the  bourse  will  com- 
bine in  its  organization  the  character  both  of  local  and 
industrial  autonomy.  It  will  destroy  the  centralized  po- 
litical system  of  the  present  state  and  will  counterbalance 
the  centralizing  tendencies  of  industry."17 

Only  services  of  national  importance  will  be  left  to  the 
general  federation,  and  even  here  its  managerial  power  will 
be  but  secondary,  that  of  the  bourses  and  national  federa- 

« Ibid.,  p.  135. 


SYNDICALISM  185 

tions  being  of  primary  importance.  The  general  federa- 
tion will  act  as  the  representative  of  the  people  in  inter- 
national relations;  will  give  needed  information  to  the 
various  industrial  units,  and  will  have  general  powers  of 
supervision. 

The  state,  which  imposes  arbitrary  and  oppressive  rules 
from  without,  will  be  sloughed  off.  The  bourses  will  per- 
form any  needed  local  administration. 

Syndicalists  have  done  comparatively  little  speculating 
concerning  the  future  state,  as  they  are  convinced  that 
workingmen  will  find  in  themselves  sufficient  creative  power, 
when  the  time  comes,  to  remake  society.18 

Socialists  vs.  Syndicalists — Socialists  have  acknowl- 
edged the  vitalizing  influence  of  the  syndicalist  movement, 
and  its  value  in  pointing  out  the  dangers  of  bureaucratic 
control  of  industry  and  opportunistic  parliamentarianism. 
The  syndicalist  philosophy  of  industrial,  as  opposed  to 
political  action,  and  of  producers',  as  opposed  to  com-! 
munity  ownership  and  control  of  industry,  has  been  acH 
cepted  in  part  by  the  left  wing  of  the  socialist  movement.] 
On  the  other  hand,  syndicalism  has  been  vigorously  crit- 
icized by  the  less  extreme  socialists  on  the  ground  that,  in 
ignoring  politics,  it  is  failing  to  utilize  an  important 
weapon  for  social  progress,  and  in  preaching  control  by  a 
minority  of  the  population,  even  though  by  a  minority 
oftlie  advanced  proletariat,  it  is  striking  a  blow  at  the 

is  Among  the  important  books  on  this  subject  may  be  found  Dr. 
Louis  Levine's  Syndicalism  in  France  (1913);  Brissenden,  The  I.  W. 
W. —  A  Study  of  American  Syndicalism  (1919);  Brooks,  American 
Syndicalism  (1913);  Cole,  Self -Government  in  Industry,  Appendix  A 
(1918);  Scott,  Syndicalism  and  Philosophic  Realism  (1919);  John 
Spargo,  Syndicalism,  Socialism  and  Industrial  Unionism  (1913);  J. 
Ramsay  Macdonald,  Syndicalism  (1912)  ;  G.  Sorel,  Reflexions  sur  la 
violence  (1910);  Warner  Sombart,  Socialism  and  the  Social  Move- 
ment (1909);  Andre  Tridon,  The  New  Unionism  (1913);  Russe 
Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom,  Cb.  Ill  (1919). 


186      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

socialist  conception  of  true  democracy.  Many  socialists 
o  deprecate  the  use  of  certain  forms  of  sabotage  as  in- 
jurious to  the  morale  of  the  workers. 

Furthermore,  syndicalism  would  eliminate  the  state, 
which  has  many  legitimate  social  functions  to  perform  as 
the  representative  of  the  consumers.  Syndicalism  would 
also  concentrate  in  the  hands  of  producers  all  economic 
power,  and  would  give  a  dangerous  weapon  to  the  workers 
in  strategic  industries. 


CHAPTER  VII 
TENDENCIES  TOWARD  SOCIALISM 

MANY  movements  and  institutions  are  observable  to- 
day which,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  are  preparing  the 
economic  soil  for  socialism,  for  the  more  complete  and 
democratic  control  by  the  community  of  their  own  indus- 
trial life. 

THE    CORPORATION 

In  the  business  world,  the  development  toward  the 
corporation  has  been  considered  by  many  "  as  the  first 
step  toward  socialism."  The  reasons  for  this  contention 
are,  in  part,  as  follows: 

Lessons  from  Corporations. —  The  corporation  tends 
to  eliminate  competition  between  industrial  concerns  by 
providing  for  the  pooling  of  large  numbers  of  small  cap- 
itals —  which  might  otherwise  be  used  in  competing  in- 
dustries. This  cooperation,  although  for  private  gain, 
provides  a  practical  demonstration  of  the  economic  sav- 
ings possible  under  a  more  advanced  cooperative  system 
and  renders  the  transition  from  private  to  public  owner- 
ship an  easier  process  than  would  otherwise  be  the  case.1 

The  corporation  proves  the  socialist  contention  that  ii 
is  possible,  through  improved  methods  of  accounting  anc 
administration,  to  conduct  business  on  a  national  scale 
It  develops  a  type  of  administrator  who  has  little  or  nc 
stake  in  the  profits  of  the  concern,  but  who  depends  for 

1Steinmetz,  America  and  the  New  Epoch,  p.  166. 

187 


his  incentive  primarily  on  his  salary.  It  dissociates  the 
owner  from  any  necessary  function  in  industry  outside  of 
that  of  investing,  occasionally  attending  stockholders' 
meetings,  and  clipping  dividends.  These  functions  can  be 
easily  absorbed  by  the  community  and  the  private  cap- 
italist can  thus  be  eliminated  without  any  loss  to  society. 
Finally,  by  massing  huge  bodies  of  workers  under  one 
roof,  by  concentrating  industrial  control  into  a  few  hands, 
by  fostering,  in  many  instances,  monopoly  prices  and 
corrupt  political  practices,  the  corporation  arouses  a 
spirit  of  solidarity  among  producers  and  consumers,  and 
an  increasing  demand  for  collective  as  opposed  to  private 
ownership  of  essential  industries.2 

SOCIAL    REFORMS 

Extent  of  Labor  Legislation —  The  general  enactment 
of  social  reform  legislation  is  regarded  by  many  socialists 
as  a  further  tendency  toward  a  socialist  society.  During 
the  last  generation,  hundreds  of  labor  laws  have  been 
placed  on  the  statute  books  in  every  industrial  nation  — 
laws  for  the  prohibition  of  child  labor,  for  a  minimum 
wage,  for  reasonable  hours  of  employment,  for  social  in- 
surance against  accident,  sickness,  old  age  and  unemploy- 
ment and  for  better  working  conditions  generally.  The 
community  has  interfered  with  the  accumulation  of  un- 
limited profits  through  the  taxation  of  incomes,  inheri- 
tances and  excess-profits.  It  has  extensively  regulated 
private  industry  through  factory  and  housing  legislation, 
through  weights  and  measures  and  adulteration  laws, 
through  laws  for  the  evaluation  of  property,  for  the  fixing 
of  prices  on  certain  commodities  and  services  and  for  the 
keeping  of  standard  accounts,  etc.3  Most  of  these  laws 

2  See  also  Kirkup,  Inquiry  Into  Socialitm,  pp.  190-3. 

s  In  dealing  with  the  extent  of  governmental  regulation  prior  to 


SOCIAL  REFORMS  189 

—  to  the  extent  that  they  are  enforced  —  limit  the  private 
capitalist  in  the  management  of  his  business,  and  give  to 
the  state  an  ever  increasing  control  over  the  actual  con- 
duct of  industry. 

Criticism  of  Reforms — It  is  true  that  some  social- 
ists believe  that  these  social  reform  measures  as  a  whole 
have  more  of  a  tendency  to  retard  than  to  advance  the 
cause  of  socialism.  These  socialists  maintain  that,  to  the 
extent  that  these  measures  actually  ameliorate  the  condi- 
tions of  the  working  class,  they  assuage  the  discontent  of 
the  workers,  and  make  the  proletariat  less  militant  in 
their  opposition  to  capitalism.  Conditions  must  growi 
worse  before  they  grow  better.  Only  when  the  working 
class  sees  the  utter  impossibility  of  living  under  the  pres- 
ent system  will  it  voice  an  effective  demand  for  another 
social  order. 

It  is  of  course  a  fact  that  many  non-socialist  reform- 
ers take  the  same  point  of  view,  and  advocate  social  leg- 
islation as  a  means  of  averting  the  revolution.  Some 
enlightened  capitalists  have  also  urged  measures  of  social 
reform  in  order  to  obtain  a  more  efficient  group  of  work- 
ers, while  autocratic  countries  have  adopted  these  mea- 
sures for  the  purpose  of  developing  a  more  loyal  working 
class  and  a  more  effective  army. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  certain  social  reforms  do 
lessen  discontent  with  the  present  system.  If  inaugurated 

the  war  over  the  railroads  of  the  country,  Professor  W.  H.  Hamilton 
declared:  "We  have  created  a  system  of  regulations  which  involves 
supervising  accounts,  evaluating  property,  fixing  rates,  and  standard- 
izing property;  which  threatens  supervision  of  expenditures  and  in- 
vestment; and  which  tends  to  limit  the  railroad  to  a  definite  guaran- 
teed return  on  its  investment  Control  is  very  rapidly  passing  into 
the  hands  of  the  state.  The  step  to  the  formal  assumption  of  man- 
agement is  but  a  short  one."  (Hamilton,  Current  Economic  Prob- 
lems, p.  345.)  See  also  Parmalee,  Poverty  and  Progress,  Pt.  Ill, 
and  Commons  and  Andrews,  Principles  of  Labor  Legislation. 


190      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  enforced  by  the  middle  or  capitalist  class  without  the 
effective  urge  of  the  workers,  they  have  a  tendency  to 
induce  the  workers  to  depend  on  others,  not  on  their  own 
solidarity,  for  improved  conditions.  Certain  reforms 
which  make  the  workers  more  secure  in  the  enjoyment  of 
special  privileges,  as  does  much  of  our  agrarian  legisla- 
tion, develop  a  group  of  small  proprietors  opposed  to 
revolutionary  change.  And,  social  reforms,  if  the  govern- 
ment is  in  the  hands  of  an  oligarchy,  may  actually  be  used 
in  behalf  of  aggressive  nationalism. 

Advantages  of  Reforms. —  A  majority  of  socialists, 
however,  believe  that,  on  the  whole,  social  reforms  bring  the 
goal  of  socialism  nearer.  For  these  measures  have  a  tend- 
ency to  undermine  the  power  of  the  capitalist ;  to  whet 
society's  appetite  for  further  and  more  effective  control 
over  their  industrial  life;  to  give  to  the  public  servants 
valuable  experience  in  the  control  of  industrial  functions, 
and  to  strengthen  the  working  class  physically  and  intel- 
lectually, so  that  they  may  become  ever  more  powerful  in 
their  fight  for  emancipation.4 

THE    VOLUNTARY    COOPERATIVE    MOVEMENT 

Origin  of  Cooperation. —  Voluntary  cooperation  con- 
stitutes another  undermining  influence~oTr  the  competitive 
system.  In  1843,  in  Toad  Lane,  Rochdale,  England,  a 
small  band  of  weavers  combined  their  savings  and  opened 
a  cooperative  store,  controlled  by  working  class  consum- 
ers. The  conduct  of  the  store  differed  from  that  of  pri- 
vate ventures  by  virtue  of  the  fact  that  every  member 
who  paid  his  initial  fee  possessed  one  vote  in  the  deter- 
mination of  the  policies  of  the  store  and  one  vote  only,  and 
that  members  secured  returns  in  proportion  to  the  amount 

« See  Hillquit,  Sonatum  in  Theory  and  Practice,  Pt  II;  Ghent, 
Socialism  and  Succett,  Ch.  II. 


COOPERATION  191 

of  purchases  made.  The  store  was  thus  an  experiment 
in  the  running  of  industry  for  service,  not  for  profit,  and 
in  the  democratic  management  of  industry  by  the  con- 
sumer. 

The  movement  steadily  grew,  and  by  1916  the  one 
store  had  evolved  in  the  United  Kingdom  into  1,362  dis- 
tributive societies;  the  number  of  members,  from  18  to 
3,520,227;  the  share  and  loan  capital,  from  some  £30 
to  £53,323,352;  the  business,  from  a  few  pounds  a 
week,  to  £121,628,550  a  year ;  the  net  profit,  a  large  part 
of  which  was  returned  to  the  purchasing  members,  from  a 
negligible  quantity  to  £16,335,079,  and  the  number  of  em- 
ployees, from  two  volunteer  workers  to  11 5,65 1.5 

From  Retail  to  Wholesale. —  The  cooperatives  also 
went  into  the  wholesale  business,  into  manufacturing,  into 
farming,  into  insurance  and  into  the  banking  business. 
By  1910,  the  cooperatives  had  developed  into  one  of  the 
largest  buyers  of  produce  from  England  on  the  New 
York  Produce  Exchange,  and  the  largest  shipper  of 
butter  from  Ireland;  they  possessed  forty  to  fifty  fac- 
tories, including  the  largest  shoe  factory  of  Great  Britain ; 
they  were  the  most  extensive  flour  millers  in  Great  Britain, 
and  owned  30,000  acres  of  farm  land  in  England  and  10,- 
000  acres  of  Canadian  wheat  land.  They  possessed  tea 
estates  in  India  and  Ceylon  of  nearly  18,000  acres  and 
large  concessions  in  West  Africa;  their  banking  depart- 
ment had  deposits  and  withdrawals  of  more  than  a  billio 
dollars  a  year;  they  had  their  agents  in  dozens  of  coun 
tries  and  were  spending  annually  tens  of  thousands  of  dol- 
lars for  educational  purposes,  were  growing  several  times 
as  fast  as  the  British  population,  and  were  proving  such 
a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  the  British  merchant  class  that,  a 

5  TA*  Labor  Year  Book,  1919,  p.  332. 


192      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


a  recent  convention  in  Glasgow,  the  cooperatives  were  de- 
scribed as  "  the  devil  let  loose  upon  trade."  6 

On  the  Continent. —  The  cooperative  movement  has 
also  taken  root  in  continental  Europe,  in  Belgium,  Ger- 
many, Russia,  France,  Italy,  Denmark  and  practically 
every  other  industrialized  country,  and,  in  1914,  it  was 
estimated  that  there  were  twenty-four  wholesale  societies 
scattered  all  over  Europe,  five  of  which  had  an  annual  busi- 
ness of  over  $40,000,000. 

In  fact,  in  1914,  since  which  time  the  cooperatives  in 
many  countries,  despite  enormous  difficulties,  have  in- 
creased steadily  in  business  and  influence,  the  status  of  the 
European  cooperative  movement  was  estimated  to  be  as 
follows : 

DISTRIBUTIVE  SOCIETIES  1914 


Land 

British   Isles    .  .  . 

Number 
of 
Societies 
1.385 

Number 
of          < 
Members 
by  Thou- 
sands       1 
3,054 

Number  of 
3ooperators 
in  Each 
Thousand 
[nhabitants 
264 

Sales  in 
Millions 
of  Francs 

2,200 

Germany     

2,375 

2,000? 

121 

700? 

Russia     

.  .  .     13,000 

1,500 

34 

800 

France     

3,261 

881 

90 

321 

Austria     

.  .  .       1,471 

500? 

70 

180? 

Italy     

UM8 

450? 

51 

170? 

396 

276 

290 

144 

Denmark     

1,560 

250 

350 

150 

Hungary     

1,750 

200? 

40 

80? 

Belgium    

205 

170 

90 

48 

Sweden     

606 

153 

108 

61 

Holland     

135 

108 

72 

26 

Finland     

512 

100 

120 

63 

Poland    

950 

96 

33 

42 

Spain     

200 

40 

30 

16? 

Norway 

172 

39 

42 

23 

Professor  Gide  asserts  that  "  if  to  the  table  be  added  the 
«  See  Laidler,  Britith  Cooperative  Movement. 


COOPERATION  193 

societies  in  the  Balkan  States,  Portugal,  the  United  States, 
Canada,  Japan,  the  Cape,  India  and  the  West  Indies,  there 
would  be  thirty  thousand  more  societies  and  ten  million 
members,  each  representing  a  family,  and  with  sales  of  five 
milliards  of  francs.  This  means  that  a  population  of 
from  forty  to  fifty  millions  of  people  are  actively  inter- 
ested in  distributive  cooperation.  Furthermore,  in  prac- 
tically every  country  there  has  been  a  remarkable  increase 
in  cooperative  sales  since  the  beginning  of  the  war.7 

Nor  does  this  table  include  the  innumerable  building  and 
loan,  agricultural,  credit  and  productive  cooperative  so- 
cieties. It  must  be  remembered  that  there  are  more  than 
10,000  building  and  loan  cooperatives  in  the  United  States 
alone;  at  least  twenty-thousand  agricultural  coopera- 
tives in  the  world  and  50,000  to  60,000  credit  "  coops.'*' 

Recently  also  the  movement  has  made  remarkable  strides 
in  the  United  States,  particularly  among  the  Illinois  min- 
ers, the  organized  workers  in  Seattle  and  around  Pitts- 
burgh, the  Finns  of  New  England  and  the  Middle  West, 
and  other  groups.8 

Contribution  of  Movement. —  Many  socialists  contend 
that  little  can  be  expected  of  the  voluntary  cooperative 
movement  as  a  means  of  advancing  the  cause  of  industrial 
democracy.  The  movement,  they  claim,  absorbs  the  ener- 
gies of  thousands  who  would  otherwise  be  engaged  in  more 
fundamental  propaganda,  and  creates  among  the  workers 
a  "  petit  bourgeoise  "  psychology,  while  it  gives  to  the 
majority  of  its  members  no  further  conception  of  the 
value  of  workers'  control  of  industry  than  they  obtain 
from  the  receipt  of  the  "  dividends  "  or  return-savings  at 
the  end  of  the  quarter. 

7  Harris,  Cooperation  the  Hope  of  the  Consumer,  p.  250. 
s  See  Perky,  Cooperation  in  the  United  States,  and  literature  of  the 
Cooperative  League  of  America,  2  W.  13th  St,  N.  Y.  City. 


194      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


The  majority  of  organized  socialists  in 
ever,  have  consistently  supported  the  cooperative  move- 
ment. They  admit  many  of  its  shortcomings.  TKey 
nevertheless  believe  that  the  cooperatives  provide  an  excel- 
lent training  school  for  industrial  management;  that,  by 
eliminating  the  profits  of  the  middleman,  they  increase  the 
physical  well-being  of  thousands  of  workers  and  make  them 
more  capable  of  effective  work  in  behalf  of  a  more  complete 
industrial  democracy  ;  that  they  afford  food  and  financial 
support  to  labor  during  strikes  and  periods  of  unemploy- 
ment, and  provide  valuable  educational  facilities  for  the 
working  class. 

The  cooperatives,  furthermore,  furnish  a  practical  illus- 
tration of  the  economic  superiority  of  cooperation  over 
competition.  They  give  an  additional  proof  that  other  in- 
centives besides  the  profit  incentive  can  be  depended  on  to 
induce  administrative  officers  to  do  their  best  work.  These 
proofs  of  the  correctness  of  many  of  the  socialists'  conten- 
tions, as  well  as  the  physical  and  intellectual  advantages 
which  accrue  to  the  working  class  through  the  cooperative 
movement,  are  thus  distinct  aids  to  the  intellectual  and 
manual  workers  in  their  march  toward  a  more  complete 
economic  democracy.9 

»  Both  the  Socialist  Party  and  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United 
States  indorsed  the  cooperative  movement  in  their  conventions  of  Sep- 
tember, 1919.  For  further  information  on  this  subject  see  Harri-, 
Cooperation  the  Hope  of  the  Contwner  (1918);  the  Supplement  to 
The  Nev>  Statetman,  for  May  30,  1914,  on  The  Cooperative  Movement, 
prepared  by  the  Committee  of  the  Fabian  Research  Department  on 
the  Control  of  Industry;  The  Hutory  of  Cooperation  by  George  Jacob 
Holyoke  (1907);  and  pamphlets  published  by  the  Cooperative  League 
of  America,  2  West  13th  Street,  New  York  City,  aud~4»y  the  Inter- 
national Cooperative  Alliance,  14  Great  Smith  Street,  Westminster, 
London,  S.  W.,  England. 


PUBLIC  OWNERSHIP  195 


PUBLIC    OWNERSHIP 

Extent  of  Ownership — A_further^  development  away 
from  individualism  has  been  the  world-wide  trend  toward 
government  ownership  of  public  utilities  and  other  indus- 
tries  and  services^  This  process  has  been  evidenced  chiefly 
ifTthe  realm  of  communication,  transportation  and  educa- 
tion and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  in  the  domain  of  natural  re- 
sources, Jn«u»eerconimeTc'e~  and  manufacture.10 

The  industry  of  communication  and  transportation,  the 
largest  of  all  businesses,  "  is  steadily  and  increasingly, 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  passing  into  one  or  other 
form  of  government  organization."  n  The  delivery  of 
mail  is  now  a  public  service  in  practically  every  civilized 
country.  The  telephone  and  telegraph  services  are 
largely  under  public  control.  In  1914  one-fifth  of  the 
cable-mileage  of  the  world  was  publicly  managed.  In  that 
year,  "  out  of  nearly  seventy  governments,  large  or  small, 
having  railways  at  all,"  according  to  the  Fabian  Depart- 
ment, there  were  fifty  in  which  government  administration 
prevailed  either  wholly  or  with  small  exceptions.  Great 
progress  toward  municipal  ownership  has  been  evidenced 
in  the  case  of  the  municipal  tramway  systems.  Numerous 
shipping  lines  are  now  run  by  European  governments. 

In  the  realm  of  natural  resources,  the  larger  part  of  the 
forests  of  civilized  countries  are  under  government  con- 
trol. Many  governments  own  vast  mineral  resources. 
Water-falls  are  steadily  coming  under  public  supervision 

i»  A  state  of  society  in  which  large  numbers  of  fundamental  indus- 
tries are  owned  by  the  government,  but  in  which  a  small  class 
dominates  the  government  has  been  variously  referred  to  as  "  state 
capitalism  "  or  "  state  socialism." 

11  Fabian  Research  Department  on  the  Control  of  Industry,  Slot*  , 
and  Municipal  Enterprise,  Supplement  to  the  New  Statesman,  pp.  -\ 
12-13. 


196      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

in  most  of  the  European  countries.  In  the  domain  of  fi- 
nance, through  the  postal  savings  banks  and  other  public 
agencies,  governmental  banking  is  invading  the  field  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  postmaster  general  in  each  of  the  lead- 
ing countries  is  now  considered  the  largest  banker  in  his 
respective  community.  The  advance  in  governmental  in- 
surance has  of  late  been  particularly  marked.  Govern- 
ments have  also'undertaken  regular  commercial  enterprises 
more  extensively  than  is  generally  realized. 

"  We  have  on  a  larger  or  smaller  scale,"  declared  the  Fa- 
bian Research  Department,  "  government  mines  and  quarries 
and  brickworks;  government  iron  and  steel  and  tin  and  cop- 
per works;  government  tanneries  and  saw  mills  and  leather 
and  wood  works ;  government  flour  mills  and  bakeries  and 
slaughter  houses  and  distilleries  and  breweries;  government 
clothing  factories  and  saddlery  and  bootmaking  establish- 
ments; government  furniture  factories  and  scientific  instru- 
ment workshops,  and  the  manufacture,  in  one  place  or  an- 
other, of  every  conceivable  commodity,  directly  under  the 
control,  and  for  the  use  of,  the  consumer  himself."  12 

Education  and  Health. —  If  we  consider  those  services 
which  directly  affect  the  mind  and  body  of  the  citizen  of 
the  country,  we  find  a  similar  development.  "  Nearly  the 
whole  industry  [of  education]  has,  within  a  century, 
passed  from  being,  for  the  most  part,  a  profit-making  ven- 
ture of  individualist  capitalist  school-masters,  into  a  serv- 
ice almost  entirely  conducted  not  for  profit  but  for  use." 
In  the  realm  of  recreation,  art,  and  literature,  we  find 
an  astounding  development  of  public  parks,  zoological 
gardens,  gymnasiums,  golf  links,  libraries,  art  galleries, 
reading  and  lecture  rooms,  theaters,  opera  houses,  dance 
halls,  tourists'  bureaus,  watering  places,  and  other  recrea- 
tional and  educational  agencies.  Many  governments  have 

12  Ibid.,  p.  11. 


PUBLIC  OWNERSHIP  197 

also  become  quite  the  largest  publishers  of  books  and  other 
educational  matter.  So  extensively  have  many  public 
bodies  engaged  in  the  fight  against  disease  that  "  a  ma- 
jority of  all  of  the  medical  practitioners  have  been  brought 
into  governmental  pay  in  one  form  or  another."  There 
has  of  late  been  a  marked  increase  in  public  housing  and 
lighting  schemes.  During  the  war  public  control  and 
ownership  increased  to  a  remarkable  extent.  It  is  as  yet 
impossible  to  judge  how  much  of  this  collectivism  will  re- 
main public,  how  much  will  return  to  private  hands. 

In  estimating,  prior  to  the  war,  the  future  developments 
of  this  trend,  the  Fabian  Department  again  maintained : 

"  Even  if  no  more  were  accomplished  within  the  next 
thirty  years  than  in  bringing  under  the  public  administra- 
tion, in  all  the  countries  of  the  civilized  world,  those  indus- 
tries and  services  which  are  today  already  governmentally 
administered  in  one  or  other  of  the  countries,  the  aggregate 
volume  of  state  and  municipal  capital  and  employment  would 
be  increased  probably  five  or  six  fold.  .  .  .  Such  an  increase, 
without  adding  a  single  fresh  industry  or  service  to  those  al- 
ready successfully  nationalized  or  municipalized  in  one  coun- 
try or  another,  would  probably  bring  into  the  direct  employ- 
ment of  the  national  or  local  government  an  actual  majority 
of  the  adult  population;  and  along  with  the  parallel  expan- 
sion of  the  cooperative  or  voluntary  association  of  consum- 
ers in  their  own  sphere,  would  mean  that  probably  three- 
fourths  of  all  the  world's  industrial  capital  would  be  under 
collective  or  non-capitalistic  administration,  whilst  three- 
fourths  of  all  the  households  might  be  enjoying  the  perma- 
nence, the  social  dignity,  the  security  and  the  incomes  deliber- 
ately adjusted  to  the  cost  of  living  that  mark  the  best  ex- 
ample of  state  employment."  13 

Developments  in  Russia  and  other  countries  under  pro- 
is  Fabian  Research  Department,  op.  cvt.,  p.  32. 


198      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

letarian  control  and  war-collectivism  in  non-socialist  coun- 
tries have  greatly  augmented  these  tendencies.14 

Limitations  of  Government  Ownership. —  Government 
ownership  as  we  see  it  today  in  capitalist  countries  must 
not  be  confused  with  the  public  ownership  and  democratic 
management  which  is  the  ideal  of  the  socialist  movement. 
It  has,  from  the  standpoint  of  a  socialist,  a  number  of  vital 
defects  and  contains  a  number  of  dangers,  which,  if  un- 
checked, might  seriously  retard  the  democratic  movement. 
At  times  it  has  given  to  a  small  ruling  government  class  a 
dangerous  power  of  coercion  over  large  numbers  of  public 
employees.  It  has  ensured  to  a  bureaucracy  a  revenue 
for  governmental  purposes  which  has  made  governments 
more  or  less  independent  of  legislative  appropriations. 
Certain  government  industries  have  served,  not  as  a  means 
of  giving  better  or  cheaper  services  to  the  community,  but 
of  securing  a  profit  to  be  used  in  governmental  expendi- 
tures, to  the  end  that  the  rates  of  taxation  on  the  well- 
to-do  might  be  reduced.  The  purpose  of  nationalizing 
other  industries  was  clearly  to  secure  for  stockholders  re- 
ceiving uncertain  dividends  from  private  concerns  a  regu- 
lar, though  moderate,  income  from  government  bonds. 
Little  democratic  management  has  been  in  evidence  in 
most  of  the  government  industries.  Workers  ha've~Bc8r'_ 
treated  too  much  as  automata.  In  but  few  cases  has  the 
political  machinery  of  government  been  adjusted  ade- 
quately to  the  new  industrial  functions  that  the  govern- 
ment is  constantly  assuming. 

i*  For  an  analysis  of  this  tendency  toward  "  state  socialism "  or 
1  state  capitalism,"  see  Davies,  The  Collectiviit  State  in  the  Making; 
Walling  and  Laidler,  State  Sociatitm —  Pro  and  Con;  Laidler,  Pub- 
lic  Ownerthip   Throughout   the    World,  etc.     The   manner  in   which 
ivrrnmrnt-  have  taken  charge  of  industries  during  the  war  is  de- 
bribed  in  Gray,  War  Time  Control  of  Induttry,  and  Laidler,  Public 
erihip. 


PUBLIC  OWNERSHIP  199 

If  a  nation  enters  into  war  for  the  aggrandizement  of  a 
ruling  class,  the  control  of  government  industries  at  times 
renders  that  ruling  class  more  effective  in  their  plans  of 
aggressive  nationalism.  When,  therefore,  the  government 
is  in  the  hands  of  a  small  ruling  group,  and  the  working 
class  has  little  power  industrially  or  politically,  govern- 
ment ownership  is  by  no  means  an  unmixed  blessing  to  the 
mass  of  workers.  It  is  for  that  reason  that  sQcmli&tft-have| 
contended  that  the  first  step  should  be  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment by  the  producing  class;  the  second  step,  the  SO-M 
cialization  nf  ^^"gt^y  1 5 

A  Step  Toward  Industrial  Democracy. —  On  the  other 
hand,  government  ownership,  particularly  where  the 
workers  —  though  not  in  control  —  constitute  a  strong 
and  well  organized  minority,  prepares  the  soil  in  certain 
ways  for  a  more  democratic  collectivism.  It  gives  to  pub- 
lie  servants  a  training  in  the  control  of  industrial  life  t 
makes  them  ever  more  capable  of  managing  further  enter- 
prises. It  demonstrates  how  the  waste  of  competition 
be  eliminated.  It  frequently  provides  better  services  to  » 
the  consumer.  "  Taking  all  things  into  account,"  main- 
tains the  Fabian  group,  "  the  government  products  are 
more  certainly  reliable  in  quality,  more  certainly  continu- 
ous in  supply,  and,  on  the  whole,  .  .  .  more  economical  in 
cost  and  cheaper  in  price  than  those  supplied  by  capital- 
ism ;  whilst  the  gain  in  being  sure  that  there  will  be  neither 
adulteration  nor  short  weight,  neither  cheating  nor  taking 
advantage  of  the  necessities  of  the  more  ignorant  or  weaker 
buyers,  or  of  periods  of  scarcity,  is,  in  some  departments, 
beyond  all  computation."  16 

15  See  Vandervelde,  Socialism  vs.  the  State,  Pt.  II;  see  particu- 
larly p.  208;  for  the  dangers  of  state  socialism  see  also  Angell,  The 
British  Revolution  and  the  American  Democracy,  Pt.  Ill,  Ch.  I; 
Hillquit,  Socialism  in  Theory  and  Practice,  pp.  284—8. 

i«  Fabian  Research  Department,  State  and  Municipal  Enterprise, 
p.  31. 


It  indicates,  as  does  voluntary  cooperation,   that  in- 
dustry may  be  run  without  the  profit  motive.     It  assists 


the  cause  of  democracy  by  taking  away  from  the  govern- 
ment the  corrupting  and  autocratic  pressure  of  big  busi- 
ness ;  by  decreasing  the  high  salaries  found  in  private  con- 
cerns, and  raising,  to  some  extent,  the  standards  of  the 
ordinary  worker;  by  giving  the  mass  of  people  an  addi- 
tional incentive  to  fight  for  the  control  of  the  government 
machinery,  and  by  augmenting  the  importance  of  the  in- 
dustrial as  against  the  coercive  political  functions  of  gov- 
ernment. 

To  the  extent  that  capital  is  nationalized,  to  that  ex- 
tent is  the  government  relieved  from  the  pressure  brought 
to  bear  under  private  ownership  to  safeguard  private  in- 
vestments in  undeveloped  countries  even  at  the  point  of 
the  sword. 

For  the  mass  of  clerical  workers  and  the  skilled  workers, 

5  government  ownership  has  generally  meant  greater  secur- 
ity of  employment,  a  higher  standard  of  wages  and  fewer 
hours  of  work  than  in  private  industry,  and  it  is  thus  pos- 
sible for  them  to  concentrate  on  the  more  fundamental 
struggle  for  democratic  management.17  For  the  unskilled 
worker,  while  there  has  been  a  slight  tendency,  in  the  few 
years  prior  to  the  war,  to  give  to  him  more  economic  se- 
curity, this  tendency  has  not  been  marked. 

Centralization    Not    a    Necessary    Accompaniment. — 

Nor  has  this  trend  toward  public  ownership  meant  the 
concentration  of  industry  in  the  hands  of  the  nation  as 
opposed  to  the  local  municipal  bodies. 

"  On  the  contrary,  there  is  in  practice,  by  the  rapid  growth 
of  autonomous  municipal  enterprises,  in  every  country  a  vast 
multiplication  of  separate  employers,  in  contrast  with  the 

IT  Cole,  Self-Oovernm«nt  in  Induttry,  p.  209. 


THE  LABOR  UNION  201 

rapidly  growing  supremacy  in  capitalist  enterprise  of  the 
colossal  national  trust  or  combine;  .  .  .  there  is  every  reason 
to  infer  that,  in  comparison  with  joint-stock  capitalism,  gov- 
ernment management  of  industry  means,  ultimately,  in  this 
way,  a  larger  number  of  independent  employers  and  an  in- 
crease in  local  control."  18 

It  gradually  produces  within  certain  spheres  of  the  in- 
dustrial life  a  new  ethics  of  "  each  for  all  and  all  for 
each,"  for  the  ethics,  "  each  for  himself  and  the  devil  take 
the  hind-most." 

And,  finally,  when  the  workers  obtain  control  of  gov- 
ernment, they  find  their  task  half  performed.  National- 
ization has  already  taken  place.  The  one  task  remaining 
is  that  of  so  transforming  the  machinery  of  government 
that  it  may  be  used  for  democratic  and  international  ends 
and  subserve  the  interests  of  the  entire  community. 

THE    LABOR    UNION 

Extent  of  Trade  Unionism. —  OLmarked  significance  in 
the  progress  toward  industrial  democracy  is  the  organiza- 
tion of  labor  on  the  economic'  field.  Such  organization  has 
taken  place  in  every  country  where  the  capitalist  system 
of  production  has  taken  root.  In  the  United  States,  in 
1910,  5.5  per  cent,  of  those  gainfully  employed  in  indus- 
try, 7.7  per  cent,  of  those  included  in  the  wage-earning 
population,  and  18.4  per  cent,  of  the  army  of  producers 
who  may  be  regarded  as  the  potential  trade  union  member- 
ship, had  organized  in  the  trade  union  movement.19 

In  the  advanced  European  countries,  a  much  larger 
number  of  workers  had  joined  labor  unions,  and  immedi- 


is  Fabian  Research  Department,  op.  cit.,  p. 
1°  See  article  by 
1916-17,  pp.  54-59. 


See  article  by  Dr.  Leo  Wolman,  American  Labor  Year  Book, 


202      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ately  prior  to  the  war,  the  trade  union  membership  of  the 
important  countries  was  estimated  as  follows : 

TRADE  UNION  MEMBERSHIP,  1914 

Austria  748,760  New  Zealand  71,544 

Belgium  202,746  Norway  64,108 

Denmark  152,787  Sweden  97,252 

France  1,026,302  Switzerland  (1912)  131,380 

German  Empire  3,835,660  United  Kingdom  20  3,928,191 

Hungary  97,000  United  States  2,604,701 

Italy   (1912)  971,667  Other  countries  (1912)       237,165 

Netherlands  220,275  Total  14^89,538 

Criticism  of  Organized  Labor. —  It  is  true  that  many 
of  the  labor  unions  as  organized  today  are  not  consciously 
directed  toward  the  attainment  of  a  cooperative  system ; 
on  the  contrary  that  they  are  used,  in  many  instances,  as 
a  retarding  force  against  revolutionary  change.  Many 
trade  unions  develop  a  craft,  rather  than  a  class  conscious- 
ness. They  accentuate  differences  between  skilled  and  un- 
skilled workers,  between  native  born  and  foreign  workers, 
and  between  workers  of  different  races.  They  are  at  times 
used  to  advance  the  cause  of  selfish  nationalism.  They 
concentrate  their  attention  too  exclusively  on  immediate 
improvements  in  wages  and  hours,  and  give  little  atten- 
tion to  the  larger  social  goal.  By  high  initiation  fees  and 
other  conditions,  they  frequently  exclude  from  their  mem- 
bership those  who  need  their  aid  the  most.  They  are  often 
led  by  time-servers  and  job-hunters. 

Toward  Socialism. —  However,  they  have  proved  on  the 

whole  a  great  force  in  the  direction  of  a  more  democratic 

economic    system.     They    have    reduced    the    number    of 

/working  hours,  increased  wages,  improved  shop  conditions, 

I  made  shop  management  more  democratic,  and,  in  many  in  - 

/  «o  In  1916,  the  trade  union  membership  in  Great  Britain  was  esti- 
,  mated  at  4,399,696.  The  membership  in  the  American  Federation  of 
(\  Labor  alone  was  reported  at  its  June,  1919,  convention  to  be  3,260,068. 


THE  LABOR  UNION  203 

stances,  obtained  for  the  workers  a  larger  share  in  the 
total  product.  These  gains  have  whetted  the  appetite  of 
the  workers  for  still  better  conditions  and  a  higher  status. 

Unions  have  developed  among  the  workers  a  spirit  of 
solidarity.  This  spirit  often  extends  merely  to  the  limits 
of  the  craft.  However,  the  development  of  alliances  be- 
tween the  craft  unions,  the  growth  of  the  industrial  union 
idea,  the  break-up  of  the  old  time  trades,  the  increase  in 
the  ranks  of  the  unskilled  and  the  ever  present  challenge 
of  the  huge  corporation  are  constantly  broadening  and 
strengthening  this  spirit  of  working  class  solidarity,  and 
developing  among  the  producers  an  increasing  demand  for 
a  socialist  order  of  society. 

Through  labor  organizations  the  workers  are  also  gain- 
ing a  valuable  training  in  industrial  citizenship  and  in  the 
control  of  workshop  conditions.  In  the  eyes  of  many  so- 
cialists these  groupings  on  the  economic  field  are  destined 
to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  overthrow  of  capitalism,  and 
in  the  control  of  industry  after  the  new  system  is  in- 
augurated. 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  the  labo"r  unions,  by  improving 
labor  conditions,  by  developing  a  spirit  of  solidarity,  by 
training  thejworkersJnJthe  larger  citizenship,  and  by  lay- 
ing  the  foundation  for  democratic  control,  are  making  a 
genuine  contribution  to  the  socialist  advance.21 

21  See  Kellogg  and  Gleason,  British  Labor  and  the  War;  Cole,  The 
World  of  Labor,  Self -Government  in  Industry,  Ch.  V;  Hillquit, 
Socialism  in  Theory  anti  Practice,  pp.  236-12;  Lloyd,  Trade  Union- 
ism; Webb,  The  History  of  Trade  Unionism;  Groat,  Organized 
Labor  in  America;  Marot,  American  Labor  Unions;  Commons  and 
associates,  History  of  Labor  in  the  United  States;  Brissenden,  The 
I.  W.  W.;  Fraina,  Revolutionary  Socialism,  Ch.  XI;  Tridon,  Th*  , 
N«v>  Unionism*  etc.  See  also  discussion  under  "  Syndicalism." 


204      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


DEMOCRATIC    MANAGEMENT 

Socialists  have  ever  coupled  with  their  demand  for  col- 
lective ownership,  as  has  been  indicated,  a  demand  for  the 
democratic,  management  of  industry.  This  demand  was 
for  years  scoffed  at  as  utopian  by  the  business  world. 
Prior  to  the  war  the  trade  union  movement  had  gradually 
extended  its  control  over  shop  conditions  in  numerous  in- 
dustries, as  is  indicated  in  the  extensive  agreements  made 
periodically  with  the  employer  in  the  printing,  the  rail- 
road, the  garment  industries  (under  the  protocol)  22  and 
in  other  lines.  Noteworthy  also  were  the  beginnings  of 
democratic  control  in  a  section  of  the  public  printing  in- 
dustry in  France,38  in  the  cooperative  movement  in  Ger- 
many,24 in  some  of  the  municipal  industries  in  England, 
and  in  such  private  businesses  as  the  Filene  Department 
stores  in  the  United  States. 

Advance  Since  1914 — Since  August,  1914,  the  ad- 
vance in  that  direction  has  been  marked.  The  war  con- 
centrated great  power  in  the  hands  of  state  officials.  The 
possession  of  this  power  led  to  its  abuse,  and  this  abuse 
in  turn  to  an  even  greater  demand  by  the  workers  for  a 
share  in  the  control  of  shop  conditions.  These  demands 
the  government  and  the  private  employers  were  compelled 
in  part  to  heed,  partly  on  account  of  the  labor  shortage, 
and  partly  because  of  the  prime  need  for  sustained  and 
efficient  workmanship.  Scores  of  proposals  for  some 
measure  of  workers'  control  soon  followed.  In  England, 

*z  Cohen,  Law  and  Order  in  Industry. 

«»  Fabian  Research  Department,  State  and  Municipal  Enterprise, 
pp.  24-^. 

a*  Fabian  Research  Department,  The  Cooperative  Movement,  pp. 
11,  22,  28-30. 


DEMOCRATIC  MANAGEMENT  205 

the  most  famous  of  these  are  the  Whitley  Report  —  which 
has  been  adopted  by  the  government,  and  is  now  being 
followed  in  many  of  the  industries  —  the  proposals  of  the 
Garton  Foundation,  of  the  manufacturer  Renold,  of  the 
Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers,  of  the  British  miners, 
of  the  national  guildsmen  and  of  numerous  shop  steward 
committees.  In  the  United  States  there  have  developed 
the  "  Plumb  "  plan  for  the  management  of  the  railroads, 
endorsed  by  the  railroad  workers,  the  proposal  of  the 
miners,  the  agreements  of  the  National  War  Labor  Board 
and  of  the  various  other  labor  adjustment  boards  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  more  paternalistic  plans  of  the 
International  Harvester  Company  and  other  corporations. 
And  in  other  countries  this  movement  for  an  entirely  new 
status  for  the  worker  is  growing  apace.  While  some  of 
these  plans  have  as  their  object  the  prevention  of  revolu- 
tionary change,  and  the  increase  of  the  efficiency  of  the 
workers,  many  of  them  are  frankly  but  the  beginnings  of  a 
complete  democratic  control,  and  their  adoption  is  bound 
to  have  an  educational  and  moral  value  of  great  im- 
portance to  the  whole  movement  toward  a  more  complete 
industrial  democracy.25 

Other  Tendencies. —  In  addition  to  these  movements 
and  institutions  —  the  corporation,  social  reform  legisla- 
tion, voluntary  cooperation,  public  ownership,  labor  union- 
ism and  the  movement  toward  democratic  management  — 
there  are  the  political  socialist  movement,  which  is  de- 
scribed elsewhere  in  this  book,  and  the  less  tangible,  but 
none  the  less  important,  intellectual,  aesthetic  and  ethical 

25  See  Kellogg  and  Gleason,  British  Labor  and  the  War,  Pt.  IV; 
Stoddard,  The  Shop  Committee;  Renold,  Workshop  Committees; 
Tead,  British  Reconstruction  Programs;  Reports  of  British  Coal 
Commissions;  Johnson,  The  New  Spirit  in  Industry,  Ch.  IV. 


206      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

forces  which  are  insistingly  challenging  the  present  system 
of  autocratic  industrial  control,  and  bringing  in  a  more 
democratic  and  more  equitable  economic  structure.26 

z«  For  further  description  of  these  tendencies  see  Kirkup,  An  In- 
quiry Into  Socialism,  Ch.  VIII;  Melvin,  Socialism  at  the  Sociological 
Ideal,  Chs.  IV,  V. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
OBJECTIONS  TO  SOCIALISM 

Narrowing  of  Objections. —  The  philosophy  of  social- 
ism has  been  attacked  during  the  past  few  generations 
from  almost  every  conceivable  angle.  Many  objections 
formerly  seriously  urged  against  this  challenging  philoso- 
phy have  now  been  discarded  by  intelligent  critics.  Dr. 
John  A.  Ryan,  an  ardent  opponent  of  socialism,  in  dealing 
with  outgrown  anti-socialist  objections,  says: 

"  Those  objections  against  socialism  which  are  based  on 
the  assumption  that  the  scheme  would  involve  collective  owner- 
ship of  all,  even  the  smallest  instruments  of  production,  have 
ceased  to  be  pertinent  or  effective.  Antiquated  likewise  are 
the  objections  directed  against  complete  confiscation  of  all 
private  capital;  collective  ownership  of  all  homes;  compul- 
sory assignment  of  occupations;  and  the  use  of  labor-checks 
instead  of  money.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  none  of  these  pro- 
posals is  now  regarded  by  authoritative  socialists  as  essential. 

"  Other  criticisms  of  doubtful  validity  assume  the  impos- 
sibility of  forecasting  the  social  demand  for  commodities  and 
of  managing  Industries  of  national  magnitude.  In  some  man- 
ner both  of  these  difficulties  have  been  met  by  the  great  trusts, 
such  as  the  Standard  Oil  Company  and  the  United  States 
Steel  Corporation."  1 

INCENTIVE 
Certain  objections,  however,  are  still  urged.     Perhaps 

i  Hiilquit  and  Ryan,  Socialism.    Promise  or  Menace,  pp.  51-2. 

207 


208      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

none  is  voiced  so  strongly  as  thejobjectipn  that  socialism 
will  stifle  the  incentive.2 

Basis  of  Criticism. — An  analysis  of  the  reasons  ad- 
iVanced  for  the  contention  that  socialism  would  fail  to  pro- 
jvide  adequate  incentives  to  the  ordinary  worker  and  to  the 
ladministrator  generally  indicates  a  belief  that  absolute 
i  equality  of  compensation  would  exist  under  socialism,  irre- 
spective of  industry  or  accomplishment,  and  that  discharge 
would  be  impossible.  "  Slackness,  indifference  and  the 
lazy  stroke  "  would  thus  be  the  inevitable  result.  It  has 
already  been  shown,  however,  that  equality  of  compensa- 
tion is  not  a  necessary  part  of  the.  socialist  philosophy,3 
and  that  difference  of  compensation  and  any  other  mate- 
rial incentives  that  might  be  deemed  necessary  could  be 
brought  into  play  under  socialism.  Nor  is  there  anything 
to  prevent  discharge  under  proper  safeguards,  if  that 
/form  of  punishment  were  deemed  necessary  for  the  public 
good,  although  many  socialists  are  of  the  opinion  that  the 
positive  incentives  provided  under  a  cooperative  system 
would  render  such  penalties  largely  unnecessary.4 

Inefficiency  of  Present  System. — The  fear  that  social- 
ism might  produce  "  slackness,  indifference  and  the  lazy 


2  See,  among  other  works,  Taussig,  Principles  of  Economics,  Vol. 
II,  p.  462. 

»  See  tupra,  Ch.  V,  "  Remuneration  Under  Socialism." 
*  Little  appears  in  the  socialist  literature  directly  bearing  on  the 
question  of  discharge  under  socialism.  Several  writers  believe  that 
it  will  be  available  as  a  penalty  in  case  of  need.  (Fabian  Essays, 
p.  151;  Spargo,  Applied  Socialism,  p.  205.)  There  should,  of  course, 
be  an  attempt  made  prior  to  discharge  to  find  for  the  worker  other 
employment  more  adapted  to  him.  He  should  be  given  a  fair  trial  by 
fellow  workers  and  others,  and  provided  with  other  safeguards. 
Discharge,  however,  would  not  mean  that  the  worker  would  be  out- 
side the  pale  of  economic  life,  inasmuch  as  there  would  not  only  be 
national  industries,  but  numerous  local  industries  conducted  by 
municipalities,  and  voluntary  cooperative  and  private  ventures. 
Blacklisting,  of  course,  should  be  absolutely  forbidden. 


THE  INCENTIVE  209 

stroke,"  socialists  further  contend,  is  somewhat  amusing 
in  this  age  of  sabotage,  strikes  and  industrial  wastes  due 
to  the  failure  of  present-day  industry  to  provide  adequate 
incentives3  and  particularly  at  a  time  when  enlightened 
private  owners  see  as  the  only  remedy  for  this  "  loafing  on 
the  j  ob  "  an  increased  share  by  the  workers  in  the  manage- 
ment and  ownership  of  industry  and  in  the  social  product 
—  half-way  measures  to  the  socialist  goal.  In  fact  con-l 
ditions  have  become  such  that  John  A.  Hobson  is  led  to 
state  that  nine-tenths  of  present-day  labor-power  remains 
under  the  present  system  unextracted.5 

Greater  Incentive  for  Average  Worker. —  Positively, 
socialists  contend  that  the  conditions  of  socialist  industry 
would  be  such  as  ta  develop  in  the  ordinary  worker  a  far 
greater  interest  in  his  work  than  at  present  exists.  The 
worker  would  enter  industrial  life  better  equipped,  physic- 
ally and  intellectually,  than  at  present,  and  with  a  higher 
conception  of  social  service.  Prior  to  entering  a  trade,  he 
would  be  afforded  by  the  community  adequate  opportuni- 
ties of  finding  out  the  line  for  which  his  tastes  and  abilities 
had  best  adapted  him.  He  would  realize  that  he  was  a 
joint  owner  of  the  industrial  structure  with  the  rest  of  his 
fellow  workers  and  of  the  community ;  that  his  voice 
counted  in  the  conduct  of  the  plant,  and  that  he  was  toil- 
ing, not  for  the  enrichment  of  an  idle  class,  but  for  the 
welfare  of  himself,  his  family  and  the  community  of  pro- 
ducers.6 His  hours  of  employment  would  ordinarily  be 
less  than  at  present,  and  his  business  surroundings  more 
pleasant.  He  would  be  kept  at  his  task  by  a  social 
power  greater  than  can  at  present  be  exerted.  For 

s  Hobson,  Work  and  Wealth,  p.  325 ;  for  an  analysis  of  some  of  \ 
the  forces  affecting  present  day  workers  see  Instincts  of  Industry  \ 
by  Ordway  Tead. 

«  See  Cole,  Self-Government  in  Industry,  p.  235. 


210      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  it  must  be  remembered,"  as  John  Stuart  Mill  pointed 
out,  "  that  in  a  socialist  farm  or  manufactory,  each 
laborer  would  be  under  the  eye  not  of  one  master,  but  of 
the  whole  community."  7 

Furthermore,  as  Kautsky  maintains,  tt  when  once  labor 
loses  its  repulsive  character  and  when  the  hours  of  labor 
are  reduced  in  a  reasonable  degree,  custom  alone  will  suf- 
fice to  hold  the  majority  of  workers  in  regular  work  in 
factories  and  mines."  8 

Material  Incentives — Then,  to  stimulate  efficient  en- 
deavor to  a  further  extent,  full  opportunity  should  be 
given  the  worker  to  develop  his  initiative,  his  creative  im- 
pulse.9 To  this  end  it  would  be  possible  to  work  out 
in^i  scientific  manner  a  system  of  material  incentives  in 
the  form  of  higher  pay  and  special  honors  for  individuals, 
departmental,  or  plant  accomplishments. 

As  a  result  of  these  material  rewards  and  psychological 
forces,  the  ordinary  citizen  under  socialism  could  be  de- 
pended on  to  do  far  better  work  than  under  the  present 
system. 

Incentive  and  the  Administrator. —  As  far  as  the  aver- 
age worker  is  concerned,  therefore,  socialism  will  increase, 
not  diminish  his  incentive  for  worthy  endeavor.  But  how 
about  the  administrator,  the  director  of  industry?  His 
efforts,  we  are  told,  are  commensurate  with  his  income. 
Under  capitalism,  if  successful,  he  is  rewarded  with  large 
profits  and  high  salaries.  The  possibility  of  big  gains 
spurs  him  on  to  maximum  endeavor.  Under  socialism  his 
income  would  be  greatly  curtailed.  Such  curtailment 
would  inhibit  his  efforts,  and  society  would  be  the  loser. 

i  Mill,  Principle  of  Political  Economy,  Vol.  II,  Ch.  I,  quoted  in 
Spargo,  Applied  Socialitm,  p.  215;  see  also  Hobson,  op.  cit..  p.  195. 
«  Kautsky,  Social  Revolution,  p.  125. 
•  See  Marot,  The  Creative  Impulse  in  Induttry. 


THE  INCENTIVE  211 

The  desire  for  riches  is  undoubtedly  a  spur  to  activity 
in  innumerable  instances.  For  "  riches  mean  nearly  all 
that  makes  life  worth  having,  security  against  starvation, 
gratification  of  taste,  enjoyment  of  pleasant  and  cultured 
society,  superiority  to  many  temptations,  self-respect, 
consideration,  comfort,  knowledge,  freedom,  as  far  as  these 
things  are  attainable  under  existing  conditions."  10 

Money  at  the  present  time,  furthermore,  is  largely  the 
criterion  of  success.  A  business  man  is  considered  suc- 
cessful in  proportion  to  the  largeness  of  his  income.  And 
he  covets  the  reputation  for  success  in  his  appointed  task. 

The  Creative  Worker:  The  Inventor. —  All  that  has 
been  said  concerning  society's  ability  to  induce  the  ad- 
ministrator under  socialism  to  function  effectively  for 
other  than  the  profit  motive  can  be  repeated  with  increased 
emphasis,  declares  the  socialist,  in  the  case  of  inventors, 
artists  and  other  creative  workers.  For  creative  _wprk 
yields  greater  personal  satisfaction  than  it  does  pain,  in- 
volves a  net  increase  of  life,  and  would,  in  general,  be  per- 
formed, if  it  but  paid  for  the  "  human  *  keep  '  "  1 1  of  the 
worker. 

""Motive  for  Invention — Although  mYfflti""  in™lw» 
other  than  pure  creative  work,  it  usually  yields  a  surplus 
of  satisfaction  over  human  cost,  and  the  profit  motive  en- 
ters to  a  comparatively  small  extent.  "  The  love  of  sci- 
ence, the  pure  delight  of  mechanical  invention,  the  attain- 
ment of  some  slight  personal  convenience  in  labor,  and 
mere  chance,"  as  Hobson  declares,  "  play  the  largest  part 
in  the  history  of  industrial  improvement."  12 

Emergence  of  Research  Laboratories. —  In  the  days  of 

10  Annie  Besant  in  Fabian  Essays,  pp.  152-153. 

11  Hobson,    Work   and   Wealth,  p.  45.     Charks   P.   Steinmetz   has 
treated  this  subject  comprehensively  in  The  Socialist  Review. 

12  Hobson,  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism,  p.  491. 


212      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  dominance  of  the  free-lance  inventor,  the  vast  majority 
of  inventors  died  poor  and  unknown,  while,  in  hundreds  of 
instances,  the  firms  which  purchased  their  inventions  for 
a  song,  or  which  tricked  these  inventors  out  of  their  patent 
rights,  gained  huge  rewards.13  With  the  development  of 
modern  industry,  the  effective  free-lance  inventor  is  pass- 
ing away.  The  modern  corporation  does  not  depend  on 
stray  geniuses,  out  of  touch  with  the  workings  of  the  plant, 
to  apprise  it  of  possible  improvements.  It  establishes 
and  equips  extensive  research  laboratories,  and  hires  ex- 
perts who  give  their  entire  time  to  the  discovery  of  better 
industrial  methods,  and  who,  in  return  for  regular  salaries, 
yield  to  the  firm  their  right  to  all  discoveries. 

The  Inventor  Under  Socialism. —  Socialism  would  fur- 
nish a  better  environment  for  the  inventive  genius,  de- 
clares the  socialist,  than  does  the  present  order  of  society. 
Jt  would  give  to  the  masses  a  far  greater  opportunity  than 
is  now  enjoyed  to  obtain  a  fundamental  knowledge  of  the 
1  sciences.14  It  would  provide  greater  leisure,  "  the  first 
condition  of  all  free  and  fruitful  play  of  the  mind."  15  It 
would  make  scientific  equipment  far  more  accessible  than 
at  present  to  those  who  showed  aptitude  along  the  lines  of 
industrial  technique.  It  would  establish  in  every  industry 
well  equipped  research  laboratories,  in  which  all  knowl- 
edge, gained  in  any  portion  of  the  industry,  would  be 
pooled  and  made  available  for  the  common  advantage  — 

i»  Kelly,  Twentieth  Century  Socialism,  p.  221.  See  also  Spargo, 
Applied  Socialism,  Ch.  VIII. 

"Professor  Lester  F.  Ward,  in  his  Applied  Sociology,  p.  231,  de- 
clares: "It  may  be  safely  stated  that  a  well  organized  system  of 
universal  education,  using  that  term  in  the  sense  in  which  it  was 
used  in  Dynamic  Sociology,  as  conferring  the  maximum  amount  of 
the  most  important  extant  knowledge  upon  all  the  members  of  soci- 
ety, would  increase  the  average  fecundity  in  dynamic  agents  of 
society  at  least  a  hundred  fold." 

IB  Hobson,  Work  and  Wealth,  p.  51. 


THE  INCENTIVE 

an  incalculable  gain  over  the  present  method  of  keeping 
such  discoveries  secret  for  the  private  gain  of  one  cor- 
poration.16 

The  inventor,  under  socialism,  would  be  assured  of  a 
comfortable  living,  security  of  tenure,  the  plaudits  of  a 
grateful  society,  and  a  realization  that  the  utilization  of 
his  invention  meant  a  direct  benefit  to  all  of  society,  rather 
than  the  enrichment  of  the  few ;  and  that  his  invention,  if  of 
social  advantage,  would  be  installed  not  in  only  one  concern, 
as  at  present,  but  in  the  entire  socialized  industry.17 

Such  Material  Rewards  as  Necessary. —  Should  addi- 
tional  incentives  prove  necessary  to  develop  the  creative 
impulse,  the  community,  out  of  enlightened  selfishness, 
could  be  depended  on  to  supply  those  material  rewards.18 

i«  Not  only  is  there  this  social  waste  under  competitive  conditions, 
but  a  very  considerable  loss  involved  in  the  practice,  pursued  in 
many  corporations,  of  purchasing  inventions  not  for  the  purpose  of 
utilizing  them,  but  to  keep  competitive  concerns  from  purchasing 
them.  As  their  utilization  would  involve  a  change  of  machinery, 
they  are  then  placed  in  "the  morgue,"  and  perhaps  permanently 
lost  to  society. 

The  practice  in  the  surgical  profession  of  giving  to  the  entire 
profession  the  results  of  the  investigations  of  all  of  its  members  in- 
dicates the  possibilities  along  these  lines  if  this  practice  were  ex- 
tended to  industry  as  a  whole. 

IT  Dr.  Charles  P.  Steinmetz,  Consulting  Engineer  of  the  General 
Electric  Company,  former  president  of  the  American  Institute  of 
Electrical  Engineers,  and  one  of  America's  foremost  inventors,  in 
dealing  with  "Socialism  and  Invention"  (Socialist  Review,  Novem- 
ber, 1919),  declares  in  part: 

u  Obviously,  in  a  socialistic  society,  there  would  be  no  special  in- 
terests opposing  the  inventor's  fullest  recognition;  no  man  belittling 
and  denying  his  invention  for  commercial  reasons,  and  the  realization 
that  a  successful  invention  would  be  immediately  adopted  by  the 
whole  national  or  even  international  industry,  and  used  for  the  com- 
mon good,  that  it  would  make  the  inventor  a  national  hero,  but  a  hero 
of  creation  and  not  of  destruction  —  as  have  been  most  heroes  of  past 
days  —  all  this  will  necessarily  be  an  incentive  for  the  inventor,  far 
greater  than  anything  present-day  society  has  to  offer." 


214      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  Artist. —  As  for  the  artist,  claims  the  socialist,  the 
democratic  atmosphere  which  will  necessarily  result  from 
social  ownership,  and  the  increased  educational  oppor- 
tunities and  increased  leisure  for  the  masses  will  afford  a 
spiritual  environment  far  more  conducive  to  creative  artis- 
tic work  than  does  the  present  system.  In  a  commercial- 
ized society,  where  art  is  judged  by  its  money  value,  as 
Bertrand  Russell  points  out,  it  is  difficult  for  the  artist 
"  to  preserve  his  creative  impulse  pure."  The  artist  can 
do  his  best  work  only  when  there  is  an  environment  of 
appreciation,  not  so  much  of  the  artist,  as  of  the  art.  At 
present  "  the  struggle  for  life,  the  serious  work  of  a  trade 
or  profession,  is  apt  to  make  people  .  .  .  too  preoccupied 
for  art.  The  easing  of  the  struggle,  the  diminution  in  the 
hours  of  work,  and  the  lightening  of  the  burden  of  exist- 
ence, which  would  result  from  a  better  economic  system, 
could  hardly  fail  to  increase  the  joy  of  life  and  the  vital 

i8  At  present  extensive  research  departments  are  connected  with 
government  bureaus  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  In  the  United  States, 
research  work  of  immense  utility  has  been  conducted  for  years  in 
connection  with  the  army  and  navy  forces,  in  the  Department  of 
Agriculture,  in  the  United  States  Public  Health  Service,  in  the 
Bureau  of  Standards,  the  Bureau  of  Mines,  etc.  The  new  industrial 
laboratory  in  the  Bureau  of  Standards,  according  to  Director  S.  W. 
Stratton  (Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  Commerce,  1918,  p. 
82),  "when  completely  equipped,  will  be  one  of  the  most  effective  of 
its  kind  in  the  world.  In  no  national  institution  in  the  world  is  the 
union  between  pure  science  and  practical  technology  so  intimate  as 
in  the  work  of  the  Bureau  of  Standards."  As  a  result  of  govern- 
mental investigations,  many  millions  of  dollars  have  been  saved  to 
the  people  of  America.  The  laboratories  have  been  particularly 
active  during  the  European  War.  (See  Walling  and  Laidler,  Stat0 
Socialitm  —  Pro  and  Con,  Ch.  XXV,  "Industrial  Science.")  These 
experiments  would  probably  be  continued  on  a  greatly  extended 
scale  under  a  cooperative  system  of  industry.  Many  government 
laboratories  have  been  established  in  Russia  under  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment, industrial  experts  being  temporarily  paid  high  salaries  for 
their  assistance.  The  Hungarian  Soviet  regime  also  gave  much  at- 
tention to  this  feature  during  the  early  part  of  1919. 


THE  INCENTIVE  215 

energy  available  for  sheer  delight  in  the  world.  And  if 
this  were  achieved,  there  would  inevitably  be  more  spon- 
taneous pleasure  in  beautiful  things  and  more  enjoyment 
of  the  work  of  artists."  19 

The  Professions. —  In  the  professions  money  is  not  the 
main  criterion  of  success.  Teachers,  for  instance,  are  re- 
garded as  successful,  not  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
money  they  acquire,  but  in  proportion  to  their  ability  as 
educators.  There  are  but  few  teachers  who  have  any  hope 
of  acquiring  a  fortune  from  their  teaching.  Yet  a  feeling 
of  success  in  their  profession,  together  with  a  moderate 
compensation  —  and,  in  most  instances,  the  compensation 
is  far  too  moderate  —  is  sufficient  to  induce  the  large  ma- 
jority  of  them  to  give  loyal  and  efficient  service  in  the 
educational  system. 

The  profit  motive,  hi  fact,  is  so  discredited  in  many  of 
the  professions,  that,  as  Walter  Lippmann  states,  "  the 
public  regards  a  professor  on  the  make  as  a  charlatan,  a 
doctor  on  the  make  as  a  quack,  a  politician  on  the  make  as 
a  grafter,  a  writer  on  the  make  as  a  hack,  a  preacher  on 
the  make  as  a  hypocrite.  For  in  science,  art,  politics, 

i»  Russell,  Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom,  pp.  182-3;  see  also  supra, 
section  "  Intellectual  Production  Under  Socialism,"  in  Chapter  V. 

Socialists  point  to  the  fact  that  art  flourished  most  in  ancient' 
Greece  when  democracy  was  at  its  highest,  and  when  the  masses  had! 
leisure  to  develop  their  aesthetic  nature.  (Spargo,  op.  cit.,  p.  226; 
W.  D.  P.  Bliss,  in  The  Outlook,  Nov.  11,  1905,  and  Prof.  T.  D.  Sey- 
mour, Harper's  Monthly,  Nov.,  1907.)  A  similar  atmosphere,  wholly 
removed,  however,  from  any  taint  of  slavery,  will  prevail,  they  be- 
lieve, under  socialism. 

Socialists  also  contend  that  the  public  demand  for  beautiful  build- 
ings and  other  artistic  works  will  be  greatly  augmented  under 
socialism,  and  that  the  artists  will  have  far  greater  incentive  to  do 
their  best  work,  if  that  work  is  destined  to  bring  pleasure  into  the 
lives  of  the  art  lovers  of  the  entire  community,  if  it  is  no  longer 
doomed  to  cater  merely  to  the  fancy  of  some  wealthy  collector  of 
aesthetic  values. 


216      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

religion,  the  home,  love,  education  —  the  pure  economic 
motive,  profiteering,  the  incentive  of  business  enterprise  is 
treated  as  a  public  peril." 20 

In  the  Cooperative  and  Publicly  Owned  Industries. — 
The  professions  are  not  the  only  line  of  endeavor  where 
the  profit  motive  is  not  the  dominant  one.  In  certain 
branches  of  industry  proper,  administrators  are  largely 
motived  by  other  incentives  than  the  lure  of  riches.  In 
the  cooperative  movement  in  Great  Britain,  for  instance, 
where  the  annual  retail,  wholesale  and  factory  turnover  ex- 
ceeds $700,000,000,  the  highest  salary,  a  few  years  ago, 
approximated  $6,000  a  year,  while  "  the  directors  of  the 
English  Cooperative  Wholesale  Society,  who  do  not  merely 
attend  board  meetings,  but  actually  manage  the  affairs  of 
large  departments,  and  give  their  whole  time  to  the  ardu- 
ous and  difficult  work  of  this  huge  concern,  with  its  23,000 
employees,  and  turnover  of  thirty-three  millions  sterling, 
is  [referring  to  1914]  only  $1,822  a  year."21  "What 
keeps  the  able  manager  within  the  cooperative  movement 
(for  many  of  them  refuse,  to  the  end  of  their  lives,  to  be 
tempted  by  the  much  higher  salaries  offered  to  them  in 
capitalist  enterprise)  is,  very  largely,"  declares  the  Fa- 
bians, "  the  attractiveness  of  comradeship  in  a  great  popu- 
lar organization;  the  consideration  that  they  enjoy  as  the 
public  administrators  and  leaders  of  a  widespread  democ- 
racy ;  and  the  consciousness  of  social  service." 22  The 
British  movement  in  this  regard  is  but  typical  of  the  score 
or  more  of  cooperative  movements  on  the  continent,  affili- 

20  Lippmann,  Drift  and  Mattery,  p.  29. 

21  Fabian  Research  Department,  The  Cooperative  Movement,  Spe- 
cial Supplement  of  The  New  Statetman,  May  30,  1914;  p.  11. 

22  It  should  again  be  pointed  out  employment  in  present-day  gov- 
ernmental service  is  on  a  far  different  plane  than  it  would  be  under 
socialism.    See  criticisms  of  government  ownership  in  Chapter  VII 
and  in  next  section. 


THE  INCENTIVE 

ated  and  unaffiliated  with  the  International  Cooperative 
Alliance. 

A  similar  story  may  be  told  concerning  administrators 
in  publicly  owned  industries  —  many  of  whom  are  giving 
most  efficient  service.  In  Great  Britain,  a  few  years  ago, 
$15,000  was  the  highest  salary  paid  to  professional  ad- 
ministrators in  government  service.  One  of  the  remark- 
able things  about  the  foregoing  facts  is  that  those  serving 
in  cooperative  and  public  industries  in  many  instances  re- 
fuse to  relinquish  their  positions  for  much  greater  salaries 
in  private  enterprises. 

Administrators  in  Private  Concerns. —  Furthermore, 
with  the  development  of  the  corporation,  the  administrator 
in  private  industry  is  becoming,  to  an  ever  greater  extent, 
a  mere  salaried  employee  whose  income  bears  little  direct 
relation  to  the  amount  of  profit  which  the  corporation 
makes.  The  profits  accrue  to  the  advantage  of  the  in- 
active stockholders  rather  than  to  the  administrators. 
Says  Walter  Lippmann  again : 

"  The  real  news  about  business,  it  seems  to  me,  is  that  it  is 
being  operated  by  men  who  are  not  profiteers.  The  managers 
are  on  salary,  divorced  from  ownership  and  from  bargaining. 
They  represent  the  revolution  in  business  incentives  at  its 
very  heart.  For  they  conduct  gigantic  enterprises  and  they 
stand  outside  the  higgling  of  the  market,  outside  the  shrewd- 
ness and  strategy  of  competition.  The  motive  of  profit  is  not 
their  personal  motive.  .  .  .  They  have  found  an  interest  in 
the  actual  work  they  are  doing.  The  work  itself  is  in  a 
measure  their  own  reward.  The  instinct  of  workmanship,  of 
control  over  brute  things,  the  desire  for  order,  the  satisfaction 
of  services  rendered  and  uses  created,  the  civilizing  passions 
are  given  a  chance  to  temper  the  primal  desire  to  have  and  to 
hold  and  to  conquer."  23 

23  Lippmann,  op.  cit.,  pp.  46,  49. 


218      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Nor  can  it  be  said  that  the  high  salaries  are  the  chief 
incentive  to  the  salaried  administrators  of  our  industrial 
concerns.  The  love  of  achievement  and  social  prestige 
which  are  attached  to  an  important  office  undoubtedly  are 
among  the  incentives  that  function  in  the  case  of  many  of 
our  best  administrators.  In  fact,  some  of  the  recipients 
of  large  salaries  have  even  urged  their  reduction.24  It  is 
undoubtedly  true  that  many  in  the  corporation  who  do 
the  most  socially  productive  work  are  not  the  highest 
paid  officers,  but  the  assistants  who  secure  a  comparatively 
moderate  compensation.  The  chief  officers  are  often  paid 
not  because  of  their  scientific  knowledge  of  administrative 
problems,  but  because  of  their  financial,  political,  or  social 
connections,  their  ability  to  give  the  firm  publicity,  etc., 
while  the  real  work  of  production  and  organization  de- 
volves upon  the  shoulders  of  the  subordinates. 

Type  of  Administrator  Under  Socialism. —  It  must 
also  be  realized  that  under  socialism  a  different  type  of 
administrator  will  be  needed  than  under  the  competitive 
regime.  Less  will  be  left  to  chance  or  to  the  snap  judg1- 
ment  of  the  chief  administrator.  More  of  the  decisions 
will  be  made  after  careful  investigation  of  expert  statis- 
ticians, for  there  will  be  less  fear  than  the  average  busi- 
ness firm  has  at  present  that,  unless  a  decision  is  made 
immediately,  the  business  might  be  diverted  to  a  com- 
petitor. Business  administration  is  likely  to  evolve  out  of 
a  trade  into  a  science,  and  those  qualifying  are  likely 
to  develop  professional  standards  of  work  which  place 


2*  See  Senate  Documents,  Vol.  XIX,  63rd  Congress,  2nd  Session, 
Financial  Trantactiont  of  tht  N.  Y.,  N.  H.  and  H.  R.  R.  Co.,  Senate 
Documents,  Vol.  I,  p.  920.  Statement  of  ex-President  Mellen  of  the 
New  York,  New  Haven,  and  Hartford  Railroad  to  the  effect  that 
$35,000  a  year  salary  was  sufficient  for  any  railroad  president  and 
that  bis  $60,000  salary  was  unnecessarily  large. 


THE  INCENTIVE  219 

less  emphasis  on  the  monetary  reward  —  more  on  actual 
creative  accomplishment  and  on  service  to  the  com- 
munity.2411 

Creative  Work. —  Finally,  an  administrative  position 
often  affords  an  opportunity  for  creative  work.  Creative 
work  is  generally  its  own  reward.  The  satisfaction  re- 
ceived in  the  performance  of  the  task  to  a  very  large  ex- 
tent equals  the  energy  expended.  Under  these  conditions, 
many  an  administrator  would  continue  his  occupation,  as 
Hobson  points  out,  if  he  received  in  return  little  more 
than  "  his  keep."  25 

Under  socialism,  as  has  been  continually  asserted,  there 
will  probably  be  a  very  considerable  difference  in  compen- 
sation, and  there  is  nothing  in  the  socialist  philosophy  to 
preclude  the  giving  of  any  salary  which  might  seem  to  be 
necessary  in  order  to  obtain  the  most  socially  useful 
work.26  Indications  are  that  the  various  communities  and 
groups  of  producers  will  fix  a  certain  flexible  maximum  for 
administrators,  and  that  that  maximum,  together  with  the 
social  prestige,  the  security  of  tenure,  the  opportunity  for 
creative  work  and  for  social  service  which  the  position 
will  give  will  be  sufficient  to  develop  a  public  administrator 
worthy  of  the  name.  There  will  also  be  the  incentive 
which  works  so  powerfully  under  the  present  system  — 
the  desire  for  power  —  power,  however,  so  safeguarded 
that  it  may  not  be  used,  as  at  present,  for  the  exploitation 
of  one's  fellowmen,  but  for  greater  service  in  the  upward 
progress  of  the  race. 

Evils  of  Profit  Incentive. —  And  in  all  of  the  discussion 
of  the  profit  incentive  as  a  stimulus  to  efficient  endeavor, 

2«a  See  Veblen,  The  Theory  of  Business  Enterprise,  p.  8  et  s«q. 

25  Hobson,  Work  and  Wealth,  p.  59. 

28  See  supra,  Ch.  V,  section  under  "  Remuneration." 


220      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

it  should  not  be  overlooked,  as  was  indicated  earlier 
in  the  book,  that  the  profit  motive  had  led  to  many  grave 
aneiml  evils.  The  production  of  adulterated  and  shoddy 
goods,  the  oppression  of  workmen,  the  corruption  of  the 
state,  the  charging  of  monopoly  prices,  the  rigging  of  the 
market,  the  unscrupulous  treatment  of  minority  stock- 
holders, the  annihilation  of  competitors,  the  ruthless  de- 
struction of  natural  resources  and  of  much  of  the  nation's 
food  supplies ,  the  creation  of  financial  panics,  the  en- 
couragement of  international  conflicts  —  all  are  directly 
traceable  to  a  desire  to  gain  huge  financial  returns.27 

Is  Government  Ownership  Inefficient?  —  Many  op- 
ponents of  socialism  submit,  as  proof  of  their  contention 
that  socialism  will  stifle  the  incentive,  the  allegation  of 
the  inefficiency  of  government  ownership  as  we  now  have 
it  —  an  inefficiency  due  to  the  failure  of  the  government 
to  stimulate  the  workers  of  hand  and  brain  to  do  their 
best  work. 

Government  Ownership  vs.  Socialism. —  The  socialist 
answer  to  this  contention  is  twofold.  First,  the  ineffi- 
ciency of  our  present  government  industry  would  by  no 
means  prove  the  failure  of  socialism.  Present-day  gov- 
ernment ownership  differs  from  the  socialist  ideal,  as  has 

2T  A  notorious  example  of  the  disastrous  effect  of  this  spirit  ot 
gain  on  the  progress  of  industry  is  seen  in  connection  with  the 
manipulations  of  the  New  York,  New  Haven,  and  Hartford  Railroad 
a  few  years  ago.  The  indictment  by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission indicates  a  mismanagement  of  funds,  a  spirit  of  corruption, 
an  ignorance  of  actual  happenings,  an  autocratic  control  of  a 
startling  nature,  reciting  such  facts,  for  instance,  as  "the  inability 
of  Oakleigh  Thorne  to  account  for  $1,032,000  of  the  funds  of  the 
New  Haven  entrusted  to  him";  "the  story  of  Mr.  Mellen  as  to  the 
distribution  of  $1,200,000  for  corrupt  purposes";  "the  unwarranted 
increase  of  the  New  Haven  liabilities  from  $93,000,000  in  1903  to 
9417,000,000  in  1913,"  etc.  (63rd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  1913-1914, 
Senate  Documents,  Vol.  XIX,  Mnanrial  Trantactiont  of  Ntw  York, 
N«v>  Haven  and  Hartford  Railroad,  Vol.  I,  pp.  3-4.) 


THE  INCENTIVE  221 

been  before  stated,  in  many  particulars.  Governments 
have  not  attempted  in  any  considerable  measure  to  adjust 
political  machinery  to  the  new  industrial  functions  which 
they  are  constantly  assuming.  Many  government  indus- 
tries have  been  conducted  by  bitter  enemies  of  public 
ownership.  Very  little  effort  has  thus  far  been  made  in 
public  bodies  to  study  the  science  of  incentive  or  efficiency. 
The  public  employee  has  been  given  little  control  over  his 
labor  conditions.  Little  attempt  has  been  made  to  develop 
the  worker's  creative  impulse  in  industry.  Governments 
must  compete  for  workers  against  private  enterprises, 
which  give,  in  the  case  of  administrators,  much  higher 
financial  returns.  And  they  have  to  contend  constantly 
against  the  spirit  of  commercialism  permeating  private 
industry. 

Under  socialism  the  political  structure  would  be  entirely 
reconstructed,  and  industrial  functions  bestowed  on  those 
groups  best  equipped  to  perform  them.  Democratic  man- 
agement would  supersede  bureaucratic  management.  The 
question  of  industrial  incentive  would  be  scientifically 
studied  out  and  applied.  Chief  attention  would  be  given 
to  the  development  of  the  individuality  of  the  workers. 
The  government  would  no  longer  find  it  necessary  to  com- 
pete for  men  against  huge  private  industrial  concerns. 
The  transition  of  the  economic  system  from  private  to  co- 
operative ownership  would  completely  change  the  spirit  of 
industry,  and  develop  an  esprit  de  corps  among  the  work- 
ers now  in  evidence  only  in  times  of  stress  and  strain.28 

28  As  Hobson  well  remarks,  the  spirit  of  much  of  our  government 
ownership  today  is  the  spirit  of  capitalism,  not  of  socialism.  "The 
higher  officials  who  control  and  manage  public  businesses,  evoke  in 
the  rank-and-file  of  public  employees  very  much  the  same  sentiments 
of  estrangement  or  opposition  that  prevail  in  most  private  busi- 
nesses between  employer  and  employee.  For  in  point  of  fact,  the 
temper  and  mental  attitude  of  higher  officials  are  those  of  master  in 


222      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Secondly,  despite  the  pessimistic  statements  of  such  eco- 
nomists as  Yves  Guyot,29  regarding  the  efficiency  of  public 
ownership,  such  ownership  has  been  successful  in  a  large 
and  increasing  number  of  instances.  The  fact  that  the 
drift  has  been  so  markedly  away  from  private  toward  pub- 
lic ownership  is  at  least  most  suggestive. 

In  dealing  with  the  benefit  derived  by  the  consumer  from 
state  and  municipal  enterprises,  the  Fabian  Research  De- 
partment declares : 

"  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  public  opinion  is 
right  in  assuming  that,  taking  all  things  into  account,  the 
public  products  are  certainly  more  reliable  in  quality,  more 
certainly  continuous  in  supply,  and  on  the  whole  (though 
this  generally  varies  from  trade  to  trade),  more  economical 
in  cost  and  cheaper  in  price  than  those  supplied  by  capital- 
ism; whilst  the  gain  in  being  sure  that  there  is  neither  adul- 
teration nor  short  weight,  neither  cheating  nor  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  necessities  of  the  more  ignorant  of  weaker  buyers, 
or  of  periods  of  scarcity,  is,  in  some  departments,  beyond  all 
computation."  : 

Comparison  Between  Private  vs.  Public  Ownership. — 

It  is,  of  course,  difficult  to  compare  the  efficiency  of  private 
with  public  enterprise.  A  few  comparable  examples,  how- 
ever, may  be  found.  One  of  these  is  the  case  of  private 
and  public  electric  light  industries  of  Great  Britain.  In 
1911,  Mr.  C.  Ashmore  Baker  made  an  elaborate  statistical 
study  for  the  Fabian  Society  and  concluded  that  the  price 
charged  by  private  companies  to  the  consumer  was  48  per 

his  own  business,  not  those  of  a  public  servant"  (Hobson,  Work 
and  Wealth,  p.  286.) 

»See  Guyot,  Where  and  Why  Public  Ownerfhip  Hat  Failed 
(1915). 

>o  Fabian  Research  Department,  stuff  and  Municipal  Enterpritei, 
p.  31. 


THE  INCENTIVE  223 

cent,  greater  than  that  charged  by  public  concerns  and 
that  the  working  expenses  were  59  per  cent,  greater.  The  -. 
municipalities,  furthermore,  placed  aside  a  sinking  fund 
more  than  twice  as  large  as  did  the  companies  and  the 
wages  given  by  the  municipalities  were,  on  the  average, 
higher.  A  summary  of  municipal  and  private  gas  plants 
shows  somewhat  similar  results.31 

Comparisons  between  the  private  and  public  municipal 
industries  in  the  United  States  is  also  indicative  of  the 
possibilities  of  public  ownership.32  The  efficiency  of  co- 
operative ownership  as  compared  with  competitive  owner- 
ship is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  collective  insurance 
scheme  operated  by  the  Cooperative  Wholesale  Society  of 
England,  the  expense  of  administering  the  collective  plan 
being  about  3  per  cent,  of  the  premium  paid  in,  that  in- 
curred in  operating  the  average  private  industrial  in- 
surance scheme,  43  per  cent.33  Other  examples  of  the 
efficiency  of  collective  and  cooperative  endeavors  may  be 
cited  without  limit.  War-collectivism  has  also  afforded 
many  examples  of  possibilities  in  this  direction. 

Importance  of  the  Human  Element. —  Finally,  many 
critics  of  socialism  have  failed  to  realize,  in  discussing  the 
relative  efficiency  of  private  and  public  firms,  that  efficiency 
cannot  be  judged  merely  from  the  standpoint  of  financial 
returns.  The  human  element  is  most  important,  and,  even 
though  a  public  concern  shows  a  debit  sheet  at  the  end  of 
the  year,  if  it  helps  to  develop  the  personality  of  the 
worker,  if  it  provides  improved  service  at  low  cost  and 
assists  in  the  general  development  of  the  people  of  the 
community,  it  may,  in  the  real  sense  of  that  term,  be  far 

si  Baker,  Public  versus  Private  Electricity  Supply    (A  pamphlet      y 
of  the  Fabian  Society,  1913). 

32  Clark,  Municipal  Ownership  in  the  United  States. 

88  See  Laidler,  The  British  Cooperative  Movement  (a  pamphlet). 


224      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

more  efficient  than  the  concern  that  shows  a  big  balance 
sheet  in  its  yearly  report.     As  John  A.  Hobson  says: 

"  While  it  is  true  that  a  public  service  would  stand  con- 
demned if  the  output  of  effective  energy  per  man  fell  greatly 
below  that  furnished  under  the  drive  of  ordinary  capitalism, 
a  slight  reduction  of  that  output  might  be  welcomed  as  in- 
volving an  actual  gain  in  human  welfare. 

"  Our  modern  command  over  the  resources  of  nature  for  the 
satisfaction  of  our  wants  ought  to  issue  not  so  much  in  the 
larger  supply  of  old,  and  the  constant  addition  of  new  eco- 
nomic wants,  as  in  the  increased  liberation  of  human  powers 
for  other  modes  of  energy  and  satisfaction.  .  .  .  With  our 
improving  arts  of  industry  and  our  dwindling  growth  of  pop- 
ulation, we  can  afford  to  give  an  increasing  share  of  our  in- 
terests and  energies  to  the  cultivation  and  enjoyment  of  in- 
tellectual and  moral  goods.  .  .  .  Until  we,  as  a  nation,  throw 
off  the  domination  of  the  economic  spirit,  we  cannot  win  the 
spiritual  liberty  needed  for  the  ascent  of  man."  84 

ACCUMULATION    OF    CAPITAL. 

Certain  economists  also  contend  that,  under  socialism, 
where  industrial  authority  will  be  "  in  the  hands  of  a  de- 
mocracy, eager  for  the  present  and  reckless  of  the  future," 
inadequate  capital  will  be  set  aside  for  future  improvement 
and  industry  will  thus  tend  to  stagnate. 

Profit  Motive  Under  Capitalism. —  In  answer  to  this 

contention,    socialists    affirm    that    a    democracy    has    a 

stronger  incentive  than  have  private  owners  to  consider  the 

interest  of  future  generations.     The  average  stockholder 

I  of  the  modern  corporation  is,  to  a  very  considerable  extent, 

'a  transient,  with  little  interest  in  the  permanent  upkeep 

of  the  corporation,  with  marked  interests  in  immediate 

returns.     "  In  a  busy  week  in  Wall  Street  the  number  of 

M  Hobson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  288-90. 


ACCUMULATION  OF  CAPITAL  225 

shares  bought  and  sold  in  one  of  the  great  corporations 
will  greatly  exceed  the  total  number  of  shares  that  are  in 
existence.  The  stockholders  as  a  class,  therefore,  have  no 
guiding  interests  in  the  permanent  efficiency  of  the  cor- 
poration as  regards  either  the  preservation  of  the  physi- 
cal property  or  the  maintenance  of  an  efficient  productive 
organization.  Stocks  are  bought  and  sold  as  a  specula- 
tion or  as  an  investment,  and  in  case  either  the  physical 
property  interests  of  the  corporation  or  the  productive 
organization  tends  to  become  inefficient,  the  well-informed 
stockholder  generally  takes  no  steps  to  correct  the  con- 
dition, but  merely  throws  his  stock  upon  the  market."  35 
The  fact  that  a  refusal  to  put  aside  a  certain  sum  for  de- 
preciation is  likely  to  add  to  their  immediate  gains  places 
many  stockholders  under  enormous  pressure  to  gamble 
with  the  future. 

The  result  of  this  profit  motive  is  evidenced  in  the  de- 
terioration of  the  rolling  stock  on  many  of  our  railroads ; 
in  the  ruthless  devastation  of  forests  and  in  the  wasteful 
exploitation  of  mining  properties  and  of  other  natural 
resources  in  the  United  States  during  the  past  generation 
or  so.86 

Incentive  to  Improve  Under  Socialism. —  On  the  other 
hand,  under  public  ownership,  while  a  large  number  of 
workers  might  be  the  immediate  gainers  of  a  few  extra 
dollars  through  failure  properly  to  conserve  capital  for 
future  improvement,  there  would  be  no  small  group  of 
people  as  at  present  to  gain  enormously  from  such  a  pro- 
cedure. The  result  would  be  —  especially  in  view  of  the 
increased  education  among  the  masses  —  that  all  ques- 
tions would  be  determined  far  more  from  the  standpoint 

85  Report  of  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  pp.  26-27. 
SB  See  supra,  Chapter  I. 


226      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  permanent  welfare  of  society  than  from  that  of 
temporary  private  profit.  Even  today,  side  by  side  with 
private  exploitation,  may  be  seen  marked  evidences  of 
social  foresight  in  the  conservation  of  forests,  the  irriga- 
tion of  desert  land,  the  reclamation  of  swamp  land,  the 
construction  of  canals  and  many  other  services  which  pri- 
vate corporations  could  not  be  induced  to  undertake  be- 
cause of  the  impossibility  of  immediate  profits. 

Accumulations  in  Cooperative  and  Public  Industries. 
—  That  a  democracy  may  be  trusted  to  provide  for  future 
improvements  in  industry  is  indicated  by  the  way  in  which 
the  workingmen  directors  of  the  great  voluntary  cooper- 
ative organizations  abroad  carefully  safeguard  the  future 
interests  of  their  society.  In  Great  Britain,  for  instance, 
the  cooperatives  provide  their  depreciation  by  rule.37 

"  Aside  from  public  bodies  with  their  sinking  funds,"  de- 
clared an  authority  in  the  English  Cooperative  Wholesale 
Society,  "cooperative  societies  .  .  .  are  the  only  institu- 
tions which  put  money  aside  every  year  according  to  rule, 
reckoning  nothing  as  profit  until  these  obligations  have 
been  met."  It  should  furthermore  be  realized  that  the  co- 
operatives largely  consist  of  members  of  the  working  class 
with  comparatively  little  schooling  and  with  immediate  use 
for  every  additional  shilling. 

The  public  bodies  of  Great  Britain  also  exhibit  marked 

"The  "Model  Rules"  of  the  Cooperative  Union  enforce  2%  per 
cent,  on  buildings  and  premises,  and  10  per  cent,  on  all  fixtures. 
The  English  Wholesale  depreciate  2ya  per  cent,  on  land,  5  per  cent, 
on  buildings,  7»/2  per  cent,  on  fixtures  and  on  steamships  —  all  ac- 
cording to  rule,  while  the  Scottish  Wholesale  has  a  somewhat  similar 
ruling.  In  addition  the  societies  have  created  reserve  funds.  In 
1915,  the  reserve  fund  of  the  English  Wholesale  approximated  two 
million  pounds  and  that  of  the  Scottish  Wholesale  nearly  a  million, 
while  all  the  societies  of  Great  Britain  taken  together  had  reserves 
of  over  seven  millions,  an  increase  of  £690,000  over  the  previous 
year. 


ACCUMULATION  OF  CAPITAL  227 

foresight  in  the  conduct  of  their  enterprises.  The  audit 
conducted  by  the  Local  Government  Board  of  England  "  is 
so  strict  that  every  municipality  is  compelled  to  wipe  off 
its  '  public  debt '  on  a  productive  enterprise  within  thirty 
years."  A  comparison  between  the  thoroughly  adequate 
reserves  placed  aside  by  the  general  post  office  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  excellent  condition  of  its  stock,  with  those 
of  the  English  railroads  prior  to  the  war,  which  allowed 
"  for  scarcely  any  depreciation,"  is  another  indication  that 
the  fears  of  some  of  the  economists  are  not  fully  justified. 
Conclusion. —  Democracy,  even  at  present,  has  indi- 
cated its  ability  to  plan  for  the  future.  With  the  de- 
velopment of  general  education,  of  social  consciousness,  of 
diffused  responsibility  through  democratic  control,  and 
of  better  administrative  methods,  there  is  little  reason  to 
doubt  that  the  industrial  future  will  be  safeguarded  much 
more  effectively  than  at  present. 

FIXING    OF    PRICES 

Criticism  of  Socialist  Plan — Another  objection  some- 
times urged  against  socialism  is  that  it  would  offer  an  un- 
satisfactory criterion  for  the  fixing  of  prices.  Goods 
under  socialism,  a  number  of  economists  maintain,  must 
exchange  on  the  basis  of  the  average  labor  time  required 
to  produce  them,  if  socialists  are  consistently  to  carry  out 
their  philosophy.  But  if  this  system  is  adopted,  the  sup- 
ply of  the  most  desirable  commodity  will  be  exhausted 
immediately.38  Socialists,  however,  are  not  bound  by  any 
such  principle.  Their  one  criterion  will  be :  what  arrange- 
ment will  best  subserve  the  interest  of  the  greatest  number? 

Prices  and  Social  Welfare. —  In  answering  this  ques- 
tion, the  determining  consideration  will  probably  be  "  the 

38  Bullock,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  509. 


228      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

extent  to  which  it  is  desired,  in  the  public  interest,  to 
facilitate  and  encourage  consumption.  .  .  .  On  the  one 
hand,  in  order  to  restrict  and  discourage  consumption, 
high  prices  may  be  charged,  even  '  as  much  as  the  traffic 
will  bear,'  without  regard  to  the  cost  of  production.  The 
revenue  derived  from  commodities  and  services  for  which 
such  high  prices  are  imposed  will  be  used  to  reduce  to  the 
lowest  possible  minimum  the  prices  charged  for  commodi- 
ties and  services  of  which  it  is  desired  in  the  public  inter- 
est to  maximize  consumption."  39 

Cooperative  and  public  industries  recognize  this  cri- 
terion.40 Municipalities,  in  order  to  encourage  the  use  of 
water,  with  a  view  to  a  more  healthy  community,  often 
place  only  a  small  fee  on  this  commodity,  and  make  no 
charge  for  the  use  of  schools,  museums,  parks,  libraries 
:  and  open  air  concerts,  on  the  other  hand  gaining  a  con- 
siderable amount  from  their  public  gas  and  electric  light- 
ing plants.  Administrative  economy  and  convenience  have 
also  entered  into  the  fixing  of  prices.  On  the  whole  range 
of  commodities,  of  course,  enough  must  be  charged  to 
cover  expenses. 

The  opportunity  given  under  socialism  to  adjust  prices 
according  to  the  extent  to  which  the  community  wishes  to 
increase  or  decrease  production  rather  than,  as  at  present, 
according  to  the  law  of  supply  and  demand  promises  to 
redound  distinctly  to  the  social  advantage. 

Price-Fixing  Body — Just  how  the  price-fixing  body 
would  be  constituted  under  a  cooperative  system  it  is  im- 

*•  Fabian  Research  Department,  State  and  Municipal  Enterprise, 
pp.  17-18. 

40  Cooperatives  in  England  and  Belgium,  for  instance,  are  inclined 
to  sell  tea  and  tobacco  at  a  considerable  profit,  to  supply  sugar  and 
shirts  at  a  fraction  over  cost,  to  lose  on  the  dressmaking  department 
and  to  provide  lectures,  entertainments  and  such  educational  services 
free. 


FIXING  OP  PRICES 

possible  to  say.  The  most  definite  suggestion  is  that  of 
the  guild  socialist,  who  believes  that  it  should  consist  of 
representatives  both  of  the  democratic  state,  representing 
the  consumers,  and  of  the  guilds,  representing  the  pro- 
ducers. These  two  interests  should  in  one  way  or  another 
be  definitely  safeguarded.  If  a  certain  commodity  were 
used  only  by  a  particular  group  of  consumers  and  not  by 
the  public  generally,  these  special  consumers  might  also 
be  represented. 

At  Present  Arbitrary  Price  Fixing. —  It  is  of  course 
true  that  prices  would  no  longer  be  controlled  by  the  law 
of  supply  and  demand,  but  by  a  more  or  less  arbitrary 
authority.  However,  at  the  present  ..time»-they-  are  fixed 
to  a  very  considerable  extent  by  the  arbitrary  authority 
of  the  trust,  or  of  associations  of  manufacturers,  whole- 
salers and  retailers,  or  are  regulated  by  state  or  national 
price-fixing  commissions.  The  price-fixing  groups  under 
socialism  would  differ  from  most  of  the  groups  today  who 
directly  or  indirectly  fix  prices  —  they  would  be  under  the 
direct  control  of  the  democracy,  and  they  would  have  but 
one  aim  —  that  of  social  welfare. 

POIJTICAL    CORRUPTION 

Criticism. —  Socialism  is  often  opposed  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  augment  political  corruption.  Political  cor- 
ruption exists  at  present  when  governments  control  but  a 
few  industrial  activities.  Would  not  such  corruption 
therefore  be  greatly  increased,  it  is  asked,  if  the  major 
part  of  industry  were  socialized?  To  this  question  so- 
cialists reply  with  an  emphatic  negative. 

Suppose,  they  say,  that  special  form  of  unearned  wealth 
known  as  political  "  graft  "  were  increased  under  socialism. 
At  the  same  time,  the  huge  "  legitimate  graft "  of  rent, 


830      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

profit  and  interest  which  is  constantly  exacted  from  so- 
ciety under  private  ownership  would  be  very  largely  elimi- 
nated, and  society  would  be  a  distinct  gainer. 

But  even  "  illegitimate  graft  "  would  steadily  diminish 
under  socialized  control  —  the  "  graft  "  in  politics  and  the 
"  graft  "  permeating  private  business  wherever  agent  buy- 
ers and  agent  sellers  meet. 

Big  Business  and  Political  Corruption. —  One  of  the 
chief  causes  of  political  corruption  today  is  the  endeavor 
on  the  part  of  business  men  to  secure  special  privileges 
from  the  state  —  to  obtain  or  protect  favorable  fran- 
chises, to  secure  exemptions  from  restrictive  regulations, 
to  evade  penalties  for  violation  of  laws,  to  delay  expropria- 
tion of  their  properties.  A  railroad  desires  special  legis- 
lation. It  sends  its  representative  to  the  legislatures,  city 
councils  or  political  bosses,  and  bribes  public  officials  to 
pass  favorable  legislation  or  to  block  unfavorable  enact- 
ments. An  instance  of  this  is  seen  in  the  case  of  the  New 
York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  Railroad,  cited  elsewhere. 
Under  public  ownership,  however,  the  people  have  no  occa- 
sion to  send  their  own  representatives  to  their  own  legis- 
latures to  bribe  their  own  legislators  to  pass  legislation  in 
favor  of  their  own  railroads.  With  the  elimination  of  the 
cause  of  that  form  of  political  corruption,  namely  private 
ownership,  such  corruption  would  naturally  be  eliminated. 

In  dealing  with  the  argument  that  the  socialization  of 
big  business  would  increase  political  corruption,  H.  G. 
Wells  rightly  maintains  that  this  contention  "  is  opposed 
to  the  experience  of  America  where  local  administration 
has  been  as  little  socialistic  and  as  corrupt  as  anywhere 
in  the  world.  Obviously  in  order  that  a  public  official 
should  be  bribed,  there  must  be  some  wealthy  person  out- 
side the  system  to  bribe  him  and  with  an  interest  in  bribing 
him.  When  you  have  a  weak  administration  with  feeble 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  231 

powers  and  resources  and  strong,  unscrupulous  private 
corporations  seeking  to  override  the  law  and  public  wel- 
fare, the  possibilities  of  bribing  are  at  the  highest 
point."  41 

The  Giving  of  Contracts. —  A  second  form  of  corrup- 
tion exists  today  in  connection  with  the  giving  out  of 
contracts  for  public  work.  Private  contractors  are  em- 
ployed by  governments  to  pave  streets,  to  construct  public 
buildings,  and  to  supply  commodities  of  various  sorts  to 
public  departments.  In  connection  with  the  signing  of 
such  contracts  business  men  frequently  give  and  public 
officials  receive  substantial  bribes.  The  fortune  of  many 
a  politician  is  based  on  construction  of  public  works  under 
favorable  public  contracts.42 

Up  to  a  certain  point,  during  the  transition  period  when 
industry  was  being  socialized,  it  is  conceivable  that  — 
barring  extra  safeguards  —  such  corruption  would  in- 
crease rather  than  diminish.  The  ownership  of  transit 
lines  might  involve  the  signing  of  extensive  contracts  for 
the  construction  of  cars,  stations  and  new  lines  of  transit, 
for  the  making  of  uniforms  and  the  supplying  of  many 
other  services.  However,  with  further  extension  of  public 
activity,  the  field  for  "  graft  "  through  the  giving  of  con- 
tracts is  gradually  delimited.  Under  a  complete  social- 
ized system,  with  the  elimination  of  large  private  con- 
tractors, most  of  the  conditions  giving  rise  to  this  form  of 
corruption  would  cease  to  exist. 

Even  at  present,  the  growing  demand  for  honesty  and 
efficiency  in  public  service;  the  increase  in  the  ranks  of 
public  officials  of  those  with  technical  training  and  a  higher 
standard  of  professional  ethics;  the  improved  methods  of 
political  accounting  and  auditing;  the  closer  scrutiny  of 

*i  Wells,  New  Worlds  for  Old,  p.  188. 
«  See  Steffens,  The  Shame  of  the  City. 


232      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

all  payments  out  of  the  public  treasury  and  the  elimina- 
tion of  non-competitive  contracts  are  greatly  lessening 
corruption  springing  from  this  'source.43 

Corruption  and  Political  Patronage. —  Another  form 
of  political  corruption  is  evidenced  in  the  dispensing  of 
political  patronage.  A  public  position  must  be  filled. 
The  political  boss  urges  the  claims  of  his  favorite  candi- 
date. The  "  job  "  is  "  landed."  The  favorite  is  appre- 
ciative of  the  courtesy,  and  demonstrates  his  appreciation 
in  a  tangible  fashion.  If  political  corruption  of  this  na- 
ture exists  when  comparatively  few  public  positions  are  to 
be  filled,  would  not  such  corruption  greatly  increase,  it  is 
asked,  when  the  large  majority  of  workers  are  public 
employees  ? 

In  answer  to  this  argument,  attention  is  first  called  to 
the  fact  that  favoritism,  nepotism,  exists  extensively  in 
private  enterprise  today.  Furthermore,  politicians  to- 
day exert  a  very  considerable  influence  in  securing  jobs 
for  workers  in  private  concerns.  In  very  many  instances, 
a  note  from  a  political  boss  to  a  public  utility  company 
desirous  of  keeping  in  the  good  graces  of  the  boss  is  cer- 
tain to  obtain  a  position  for  the  applicant. 

In  view  of  modern  tendencies,  little  fear  need  be  enter- 
tained concerning  this  form  of  corruption  under  a  co- 
operative system.  In  the  first  place,  a  very  considerable 
extension  of  the  merit  system  would  seem  inevitable.  Al- 
ready the  effect  of  this  system  has  been  considerable. 

(2)  Under  socialism  every  worker  willing  and  able  to 
work  would  be  guaranteed  employment.     Public  employ-^ 
ment  agencies  conducted  according  to  scientific  methods! 
would    take   the   place  of   haphazard   political   agencies. 
Workers  would  not  pay  tribute  to  bosses  when  they  could 

«»  See  Munroe,  The  Government  of  American  Cities,  p.  23  et  teq. 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  233 

secure  employment  as  a  right  from  the  more  impersonal 
public  agency. 

Disappearance  of  Political  Boss. —  (3)  The  political 
boss  as  we  know  him  at  the  present  time  would  disappear. 
The  boss  now  enters  politics  not  for  his  health,  but  largely 
for  financial  returns.  As  a  rule,  he  obtains  comparatively 
small  direct  financial  gain  from  providing  positions  for 
henchmen.  His  emoluments  come  chiefly,  as  has  been  indi- 
cated, from  public  contracts  and  the  enactment  and  en- 
forcement or  non-enforcement  of  certain  legislation.  To 
this  may  be  added  gains  through  valuable  speculative  hints 
and  fat  jobs  for  himself  and  relatives.  Most  of  these  op- 
portunities would  be  lost  under  social  industry.  Though 
the  love  of  power,  the  mere  joy  of  the  political  game  and 
occasional  "  graft  "  might  still  keep  a  few  of  the  type  of 
bosses  so  detrimental  to  American  life  in  politics,  this  type 
would  gradually  be  supplanted  by  one  whose  aim  was  social 
service  rather  than  private  pelf.  Nor  must  it  be  over- 
looked that  socialists  contemplate  no  centralization  of 
industry  in  the  hands  of  politicians.  The  control  would 
be  held  by  the  workers  and  administrators  selected  in  a 
democratic  fashion  —  as  a  result  of  proved  efficiency  —  to 
represent  the  producers  and  the  community  as  a  whole. 

Other  Factors  Eliminating  Corruption. —  Democratic 
control  by  the  worker  over  the  conditions  of  his  employ- 
ment ;  the  growing  dignity  in  the  status  of  the  administra- 
tor and  of  administrative  commissions,  the  greater  intelli- 
gence of  the  mass  of  citizens  and  their  inevitable  demand 
—  with  the  increased  importance  of  public  functions  —  for 
increased  honesty  and  efficiency  would  also  be  operative  in 
eliminating  bossism. 

Conclusion. —  Socialism,  therefore,  instead  of  increas- 
ing political  corruption,  would  greatly  decrease  it  by 
abolishing  the  whole  system  of  unearned  wealth ;  by  taking 


234      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

away  from  political  life  the  corrupting  influence  of  "  big 
business  "  on  legislation  and  the  letting  out  of  contracts ; 
by  removing  the  chief  economic  motives  which  now  induce 
the  political  bosses  to  enter  politics  and  by  developing 
such  industrial  technic  and  encouraging  such  psychic 
forces  in  the  community  as  may  normally  lead  to  an  honest 
and  socially  efficient  industrial  regime. 

BUREAUCRATIC    CONTROL, 

Bureaucracy. —  Socialism,  it  is  furthermore  charged, 
would  lead  to  the  creation  of  a  tyrannical  bureaucracy. 
An  analysis  of  this  objection,  however,  generally  indicates 
a  confusion  in  the  mind  of  the  objector  between  bureau- 
cratic state  socialism  and  the  democratic  socialism  advo- 
cated by  the  organized  socialists  throughout  the  world. 
Socialists  are  as  much  opposed  to  bureaucratic  control  as 
they  are  to  private  ownership  of  industry,  and  it  is  their 
firm  belief  that  democratic  management  find  other  safe- 
guards proposed  by  them  and  enumerated  in  the  chapter 
on  "  the  Socialist  State,"  together  with  the  changed  psy- 
chology  of  the  masses  of  the  people  will  eliminate  the  possi- 
bility of  the  governmental  bureaucrat. 

Socialists  further  contend  that  a  cooperative  system  of 
industry  provides  the  only  remedy  for  the  bureaucratic 
control  now  so  prevalent  in  private  industry  and  rapidly 
evolving  in  governmental  departments.  As  a  result  of 
the  many  evils  of  private  ownership,  scores  of  government 
investigating  and  regulating  bodies  are  now  being  created 
for  the  purpose  of  prying  into  the  private  and  business 
affairs  of  the  citizens  of  the  nation.  This  governmental 
bureaucracy  is  bound  to  increase  as  long  as  private  owner- 
ship lasts  and  will  cease  to  function  only  when  its  cause  — 
individual  control  of  industry  —  becomes  a  thing  of  the 
past,  only  when  industry  becomes  socialized. 


ANARCHISM 

Introductory. —  Socialism  is  often  opposed  on  the 
ground  that  it  is  identical  with  anarchism.  The  fallacy 
of  this  contention  is  patent  to  all  students  of  social  prob- 
lems. The  history  of  the  first  International  of  the  workers 
(1864—72),  was  largely  a  history  of  the  struggle  between 
the  socialist  school  of  thought,  led  by  Marx,  and  the  anar- 
chist group,  headed  by  Bakounin.  Struggles  of  a  similar 
nature  have  taken  place  between  the  followers  of  these  two 
philosophies  in  practically  every  country  where  an  organ- 
ized working  class  movement  exists.  It  is  also  of  signifi- 
cance to  note  that,  as  a  general  rule,  in  countries  where 
the  anarchist  movement  is  strong,  the  socialist  movement 
is  weak,  and  vice  versa. 

Anarchists  Discard  Political  Action. —  Followers  of 
both  philosophies  have,  it  is  true,  certain  points  in  com- 
mon. Both  condemn  the  evils  of  the  present  order  of 
society,  and  both  look  forward  to  a  society  where  exploita- 
tion will  have  ceased,  and  the  class  state  will  be  a  thing 
of  the  past.  The  anarchist  movement  differs,  however, 
from  the  socialist  movement  as  a  whole  in  that  it  has  dis- 
carded political  action  as  a  means  to  progress,  advocating 
either  purely  economic  action,  "  direct  action,"  or 
"  propaganda  of  the  deed."  A  minority  of  non-resistant 
philosophical  anarchists,  followers  of  Tolstoi,  on  the 
other  hand,  depend  on  education,  backed  by  neither  organ- 
ized force  nor  violence,  to  bring  about  their  ideal.44 

44 "  Propaganda  of  the  deed "  may  or  may  not  imply  terroristic 
methods.  Such  methods  were  advocated  by  many  of  the  followers  of 
Ha  km  miii,  and  by  small  anarchistic  groups  in  Russia,  Italy  and 
elsewhere.  The  vast  majority  of  modern  anarchists,  however,  are 
neither  of  the  bomb-throwing  variety  nor  are  they  disciples  of  Tol- 
stoi, but  are  advocates  of  such  "  direct  action  "  as  the  general  strike, 
as  well  as  of  educational  propaganda. 


236      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  organized  socialist  movement  throughout  the  world 
has,  on  the  other  hand,  advocated  political  as  well  as  eco- 
nomic and  educational  activity,  and  has  condemned  indi- 
vidual or  collective  violence  in  the  waging  of  the  class 
war.45 

Anarchism  and  Forcible  Government. —  But  the  chief 
difference  between  the  two  groups  lies  in  the  character  of 
the  contemplated  anarchist  and  socialist  orders  of  society. 
I'mler  anarchism,  all  laws  and  every  kind  of  forcible  gov- 
ernment would  be  eliminated.  There  would  "  still  he  acts 
of  the  community,  but  these  are  to  spring  from  universal 
consent,  not  from  any  enforced  submission  of  even  the 
smallest  minority."  46  For  law,  anarchists  contend,  even 
when  favored  by  a  majority,  is  essentially  tyrannical,  and 
is  incompatible  with  the  liberty  of  the  individual  —  the 
anarchist  goal. 

Communist-Anarchism. —  As  far  as  industry  is  con- 
cerned, anarchists  have  failed  to  formulate  any  very  defi- 
nite program.     A  minority  are  individualistic  anarchists 
—  these  are  closely  akin  to  the  advocates  of  laissez  faire  — 
and  contemplate  no  change  in  the  ownership  of  industry. 

Pointing  out  that  anarchists  regard  the  class  conflict  as  a  war, 
and  that  many  anarchists  take  the  same  view  of  the  legitimacy  of 
violence  hi  war  as  do  the  majority  of  mankind,  Bertrand  Russell 
adds:  "For  every  bomb  manufactured  by  an  anarchist,  many  mil- 
lions are  manufactured  by  governments,  and  for  every  man  killed  by 
anarchist  violence,  many  millions  are  killed  by  the  violence  of  states. 
We  may,  therefore,  dismiss  from  our  minds  the  whole  question  of 
violence,  which  plays  so  large  a  part  in  the  popular  imagination, 
since  it  is  neither  essential  or  peculiar  to  those  who  adopt  the 
anarchist  position."  (Russell,  Propoied  Roads  to  Freedom,  pp. 
32-3.) 

««  An  exception  to  this  was  found  in  the  case  of  the  extremists 
among  the  Social  Revolutionists  of  Russia  of  which  Mme.  Bresh- 
kovskaja  was  a  prominent  figure,  prior  to  the  European  War. 

««  Russell,  op.  fit.,  p.  61. 


ANARCHISM  237 

A  majority  are  communist-anarchists  and  vaguely  look 
forward  to  a  community  in  which  industry  will  be  operated 
by  a  large  number  of  so-called  free  unions  of  workers  on  a 
voluntary  cooperative  basis.  Many,  with  Kr,opotkin,  con- 
template a  system  under  which  there  will  be  no  obligation 
to  work,  all  things  being  shared  in  equal  proportions 
among  the  whole  population. 

Means  of  Enforcing  Decrees  Essential. —  The  mere 
mention  of  the  foregoing  anarchist  goal  is  sufficient  to  in- 
dicate the  wide  gulf  separating  the  socialist  from  the 
anarchist  order  of  society.  As  has  been  before  stated, 
socialists  demand  the  elimination  of  the  class  state.  They 
believe  that,  under  socialism,  when  the  system  of  exploita- 
tion will  have  been  abolished,  the  need  for  organized  com- 
pulsion will  have  been  greatly  reduced,  and  that,  with  the 
development  of  human  personality  under  socialism,  forcible 
government  will  gradually  lose  its  raison  d'etre.  Many 
socialists  also  believe  that  the  state  should  possess  power 
of  coercion  only  in  relation  to  a  limited  number  of  activi- 
ties. They  nevertheless  feel  that,  at  least  for  generations, 
organized  society  must  have  at  its  disposal  some  means 
of  enforcing  its  decrees,  democratically  arrived  at,  against 
an  anti-social  or  non-social  minority  —  decrees  against 
violence,  against  thefts,  laws  for  the  protection  of  the 
health,  the  safety,  the  education  and  the  industrial  de- 
velopment of  the  community. 

Nor  do  socialists  agree  with  anarchists  that  enforce- 
ment of  decrees  necessarily  limits  community  freedom.! 
Such  laws  are  often  the  means  of  protecting  the  weak 
against  the  strong  and  of  adding  to,  not  subtracting  from* 
the  sum  total  of  human  liberty. 

As  for  the  difference  between  the  socialist  and  the  anar- 
chist industrial  organization,  a  comparison  between  the 


238      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

socialist  concept  as  heretofore  given  (see  Chapter  V),  and 
the  ideal  of  voluntary  communism  here  outlined  will  be 
immediately  revealing. 

SOCIALISM   AND   OVERPOPULATION 

The  Alalthusian  Theory —  Since  the  days  of  Malthus, 
the  argument  has  been  urged  that  socialism  would  give 
rise  to  the  evil  of  overpopulation.  Followers  of  Malthus 
at  first  contended  that  the  masses  of  the  people  had  little 
reason  to  hope  for  permanent  improvement  under  the  sys- 
tem of  capitalist  production.  Any  temporary  betterment 
in  the  condition  of  the  workers  would  result  in  an  increase 
in  the  size  of  their  families,  and  such  increase  would  press 
seriously  upon  the  means  of  subsistence  and  in  turn  lower 
the  standard  of  living.  Overpopulation  would  be  avoided 
only  by  the  extensive  application  of  prudence  and  fore- 
sight, but  such  a  check  on  the  population  was  not  to  be 
expected. 

Malthusian  Doctrine  and  Present-Day  Tendencies. — 

Time  has  demonstrated  that,  so  far  as  the  present  order 
of  society  is  concerned,  the  pessimism  of  Malthus  has  not 
been  justified.  Prudential  considerations  have  been  more 
potent  in  checking  increase  in  population  than  the  follow- 
ers of  Malthus  anticipated.  Population  has  failed  to  in- 
crease in  proportion  to  the  ability  of  parents  to  provide  a 
minimum  sustenance  for  their  children.  Higher  standards 
of  living  have  resulted  in  greater  foresight  and  prudence 
and  an  increased  desire  to  provide  education  and  other 
advantages  to  a  moderate  sized  family,  rather  than  to  sup- 
ply mere  physical  necessities  to  a  large  number  of  chil- 
dren. Large  families  have  not  been  found  among  those 
groups  in  society  who  could  best  afford  to  provide  for 
them,  so  much  as  among  the  poor. 


OVERPOPULATION  239 

As  a  result  of  the  steadily  increasing  productivity  of 
society  under  modern  methods  of  machine  production, 
furthermore,  "  the  increase  of  wealth  may,  for  almost  in- 
definite periods,  keep  ahead  of  population,"  while  "  this 
increase  of  wealth  in  itself  sets  in  motion  those  economic 
and  sociological  forces  which  tend  to  reduce  the  increase 
in  population." 47  The  vast  extent  of  the  world's  un- 
touched natural  resources  —  little  realized  in  the  days  of 
Malthus  —  is  a  further  factor  the  recognition  of  which  has 
done  much  to  allay  the  economists'  fear  of  overpopulation, 
at  least  for  many  years  to  come. 

Still  another  check  to  increase  of  population  which  has 
gained  in  importance  during  the  last  few  years  has  been  the 
deliberate  regulation  of  families  by  modern  methods  of 
control.  The  importance  of  this  new  means  in  regulating 
the  birth  rate  was  recently  indicated  in  a  questionnaire 
sent  by  the  Fabian  Society  to  a  number  of  members  of 
middle  class  families  of  England.  The  replies  to  the  ques- 
tionnaire showed  that  an  overwhelming  proportion  of 
parents  responding  (113  out  of  120)  had  taken  definite 
steps  to  limit  the  number  of  children.48 

Fear  of  Race  Suicide. —  In  fact,  the  chief  fear  now  ex- 
pressed by  economists  in  most  of  the  advanced  nations  is 
not  that  of  overpopulation,  but  that  of  "  race  suicide." 
"  Almost  every  country  which  has  accurate  registration," 
declares  Sidney  Webb,  "  is  showing  a  declining  birth 
rate."  The  devastating  European  war,  furthermore, 
acted  as  a  check  to  population,  and  the  doctrine  of  over- 
population under  modern  conditions  in  the  advanced  coun- 
tries is  causing  but  little  anxiety. 

47  Seligman,  Principles  of  Economics,  pp.  63,  4. 
4«  Webb,   The  Decline   of  the   Birth  Rate,  p.   12.    Fabian  Tract, 
No.  131. 
4»  Sidney  Webb,  op.  c\t.,  p.  15. 


240      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Increase  of  Population  Under  Socialism. —  While  ad- 
mitting the  truth  of  the  foregoing  statements,  however,  a 
number  of  economists  claim  that  under  socialism  the  prob- 
lem would  again  be  a  menacing  one.  This  prediction  is 
largely  based  on  the  assumption  that  socialism  would 
lessen  parental  responsibility.50  At  present,  it  is  con- 
tended, even  the  irresponsible  poor  are  checked  in  their 
impulse  toward  procreation  by  the  necessity  of  providing 
for  their  offspring.  The  middle  class  are  desirous  of  ris- 
ing in  the  social  scale,  and  choose  small  families  in  order 
that  they  may  be  able  to  give  their  children  a  good  educa- 
tion and  a  more  abundant  life.  Under  socialism,  the  state 
voiild  take  care  of  the  children,  parental  responsibility 
?ould  cease  and  the  chief  checks  to  procreation  would  thus 
>e  eliminated. 

Question  of  Parental  Responsibility. —  With  the  de- 
velopment of  the  present  industrial  system,  the  state  has, 
it  is  true,  interfered  to  an  ever  increasing  extent  in  family 
relationships,  and  has  assumed  responsibilities  formerly 
adhering  only  to  parents.  It  has  forced  parents  to  send 
their  children  to  school,  and  has  taken  from  them  the  re- 
sponsibility of  paying  fees  for  public  and  secondary  school 
education,  in  certain  instances  even  supplying  free  text 
books,  school  lunches,  and  free  medical  and  dental  advice 
and  services.  It  is  providing  an  ever  larger  number  of 
free  scholarships  and  fellowships  to  colleges  and  uni- 
versities. Many  of  these  measures,  particularly  those  re- 
lating to  the  public  schools,  have  been  opposed  in  the  past 
on  the  ground  that  they  would  lessen  parental  responsi- 
bility. 

These  gloomy  forebodings,  however,  were  not  well 
founded.  Free  education  did,  it  is  true,  take  from  parents 

soTaussig,  Principles  of  Economics,  Vol.  II,  pp.  460-2;  Skelton, 
Socialism  a  Critical  Analysis,  p.  216. 


OVERPOPULATION  241 

the  responsibility  of  paying  their  children's  tuition  in  the 
public  schools.  It,  however,  at  the  same  time,  developed  a 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  parents  to  obtain  for  their  chil- 
dren superior  intellectual  and  aesthetic  advantages,  and 
created  a  renewed  feeling  of  moral  responsibility  for  the 
welfare  of  their  offspring. 

State  Control. —  Undoubtedly  this  tendency  toward 
state  control  will,  in  certain  respects,  be  augmented  under 
socialism.  Ever  greater  educational  facilities  will  be 
placed  freely  at  the  disposal  of  the  children  of  the  nation, 
and  opportunity  also  to  secure  employment  in  occupations 
for  which  the  young  workers  are  best  fitted.  On  the  other 
hand,  certain  of  the  protective  legislation  necessary  to- 
day, when  the  income  of  the  wage-earner  is  often  so  small, 
would  undoubtedly  be  found  unnecessary.  "  The  feeding 
of  needy  children,"  says  Ramsay  MacDonald,  "  is  a  case  in 
point.  Under  socialism  family  income  will  be  equal  to 
family  requirements.  It  is  far  short  of  that  today,  and 
therefore  if  children  are  to  be  nourished,  .  .  .  the  state 
must  step  in  and  do  what  the  parents  cannot  do."  51 

Furthermore,  the  assumption  that  all  parental  responsi- 
bility will  be  eliminated  under  socialism  is,  despite  the  uto- 
pianizing  of  Wells  and  others  52  without  foundation.53  In 
fact,  such  leaders  as  Ramsay  MacDonald  contend  that 
"  the  relation  between  parents  and  children  will  be  closer 
and  be  continued  for  longer  periods  than  is  now  possible, 
and,  consequently,  the  home  will  resume  its  lost  religious 
significance."  54 

The  New  Type  of  Woman —  The  more  thorough  edu- 

Bi  MacDonald,  The  Socialist  Movement,  p.  155. 
02  H.  G.  Wells,  New  Worlds  for  Old,  p.  124;  Socialism  and  the 
Family. 

53  See  Spargo,  Applied  Socialism,  p.  263. 

6*  MacDonald,  The  Socialist  Movement,  p.  187. 


24S      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

cat  ion  of  women,  the  greater  complexity  of  their  interests 
as  they  become  ever  more  active  in  industry,  in  the  politi- 
cal, the  social  and  the  educational  life  of  the  community, 
and  their  increasing  economic  independence,  will  undoubt- 
edly prove  a  potent  factor  in  the  development  of  the 
moderate  sized,  rather  than  the  abnormally  large  family. 
Too  little  attention  has  been  given  by  the  followers  of 
Malthas  to  this  factor  in  the  problem.  In  dealing  with  the 
development  of  woman's  economic  independence  and  the 
increasing  influence  which  her  desires  are  exerting  upon 
marriage  relations,  Professor  Seager  declares : 

"  In  the  past  the  population  question  has  been  discussed  as 
if  it  were  exclusively  a  man's  question.  It  was  to  men  that 
Malthus  and  his  followers  addressed  their  appeals  for  greater 
prudence  and  self-restraint  in  connection  with  marriage.  But 
the  burden  of  bearing  children  and  most  of  the  trouble  of 
rearing  them  falls  upon  mothers  rather  than  upon  fathers. 
While  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  great  majority  of  women  will 
continue  to  desire  to  become  wives  and  mothers,  since  survival 
is  necessarily  confined  largely  to  this  type  of  woman,  it  is 
equally  certain  that  they  will  not  desire  to  be  mothers  of  in- 
definitely large  families.  As  in  France,  so  in  other  coun- 
tries, in  the  minds  of  both  mothers  and  fathers,  the  desire  to 
rear  two  or  four  children  well  is  likely  to  supersede  the  de- 
sire for  the  patriarchal  families  of  the  past.  The  change 
will  come  slowly,  because  social  habits  alter  slowly,  but  al- 
ready it  has  gone  so  far  in  Western  countries  that  little  is 
heard  of  the  danger  of  overpopulation."  56 

The  longer  educational  period  under  a  system  of  greater 
equality  will  undoubtedly  inhibit  very  early  marriages, 

»8  Seager,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  313.  Some  writers,  among 
them  Alfred  Russel  Wallace,  also  contend  that  the  law  of  decreas- 
ing fertility  comes  into  play  with  the  development  of  the  intellectual 
and  cultural  level  of  the  race. 


OVERPOPULATION  243 

while  public  opinion  will  as  well  assuredly  play  its  part 
in  the  solution  of  this  problem. 

Summary. —  At  present,  contrary  to  the  forebodings 
of  Malthus,  the  chief  problem  of  overpopulation  in  ad- 
vanced countries  is  not  one  of  overpopulation,  but  of 
underpopulation.  Socialists  contend  that  the  higher  in- 
telligence of  the  mass  of  people  under  socialism,  the  con- 
tinuexLoperation  of  modern  methods  of  control,  the  in- 
creased consideration  given  to  the  desires  of  women  in  the 
determination  of  the  size  of  the  family,  the  prolonged  edu- 
cational period  of  the  youth,  the  development  of  moral 
responsibility  on  the  part  of  the  parents,  and  the  pressure 
of  public  opinion  will,  among  other  forces,  be  sufficient  to 
prevent  the  overpopulation  problem  from  becoming  a  seri- 
ous menace  under  the  new  order  of  society.56 

Conclusion  to  Chapter —  It  is  thus  seen  that  many  ob- 
jections formerly  urged  against  socialism  have  gradually 
been  discarded.  The  arguments  that  socialism  would 
stifle  the  incentive,  decrease  efficiency,  promote  political 
corruption,  fail  to  provide  for  future  improvements  in  in- 
dustry, find  price-fixing  an  impossible  task,  and  develop 
serious  problems  of  overpopulation  are  among  the  argu- 
ments still  urged  by  intelligent  critics.  Socialists  contend 
that  not  only  are  each  of  these  objections  without  founda- 
tion but  that  socialism  will  provide  a  solution  for  these 
problems  in  a  much  more  adequate  fashion  than  does  the 
present  system.  Despite  the  forebodings  of  those  who 
fear  the  ability  of  democracy  to  function  in  politics,  reli- 
gion, industry  or  in  other  lines  of  endeavor,  democracy, 
when  it  once  begins  to  function,  finds  a  method  of  solving 
problems  that  to  many  formerly  appeared  to  be  insoluble. 

Numerous  other  objections  are  being  continually  raised 

66  See  also  Russell,  Proposed  Road*  to  Freedom,  Ch.  IV. 


244      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

by  critics,  some  concerning  socialist  economic  or  sociologi- 
cal theory,  some  concerning  socialist  tactics,  others  con- 
cerning the  practical  working  out  of  the  proposed  socialist 
society.  In  regard  to  the  latter  problems,  we  have,  in  the 
foregoing  pages,  touched  on  the  most  important.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  both  the  objections  and  their  answers  will 
be  carefully  weighed  in  a  scientific  and  fairminded  spirit  — 
with  but  one  view,  that  of  finding  the  truth  wherever  it 
may  lead. 


PART  H 
THE  SOCIALIST  MOVEMENT 


CHAPTER  IX 
SOCIALISM  AND  INTERNATIONALISM 


HISTOBY   OF   INTERNATIONAL   ACTION 


Beginnings  of  Internationalism. —  Socialists  in  every 
country  have  been  engaged  in  a  fight  for  economic  and 
political  reconstruction.  This  has  been  primarily  a  na- 
tional struggle.  Since  the  earliest  beginnings  of  the  move- 
ment also,  socialists,  through  their  international  organ- 
izations, have  been  persistingly  fighting  for  a  more  genu-  ^ 
ine  brotherhood  among  the  workers  of  the  world. 

A  virile  international  note  was  struck  in  the  first  great 
pronouncement  of  the  socialist  movement,  The  Communist 

Manifesto in  Marx  and  Engels'  famous  slogan,  "  Work- 

ingmen  of  all  countries  unite !  " 

The  spirit  of  Internationalism  was  again  voiced  at  the 
formation  of  the  first  International  in  1864*,  when  the  dele- 
gates made  a  condition  for  admittance  to  their  ranks  the 
recognition  of  "  truth,  justice,  and  morality  as  a  rule  of 
their  conduct  toward  each  other  without  distinction  of  l\ 
color,  faith  or  nationality." 

Four  years  later  at  the  Brussels  congress  of  1868,  when 
the  war  clouds  appeared  to  be  hovering  above  France  and 
Germany,  the  International  took  a  position  against  war 
as  such  and  recommended  the  general  strike  in  case  of  an 

i  For  sketch  of  the  International  see  last  chapter. 

247 


248      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

outbreak,  referring  to  the  impending  conflict  between 
France  and  Germany,  as  a  civil  war  in  favor  of  Russia. 

Concerning  the  Franco-Prussian  War.2 — When  the 
conflict  between  Germany  and  France  actually  broke  out, 
however,  a  somewhat  less  militant  anti-war  attitude  was 
taken. 

,  Marx,  at  that  time,  in  a  letter  to  the  German  Party 
Executive,  which  he  composed  for  the  International,  de- 
clared his  belief  that  the  German  Social  Democracy  could 
take  part  in  the  national  movement  "  in  so  far  as  and  as 
long  as  it  limits  itself  to  the  defense  of  Germany  (which 
under  certain  conditions  does  not  exclude  the  offensive, 
until  peace  is  declared)."  He  did  not  oppose  the  German 
side  of  the  struggle  when  the  Napoleonic  Empire  was  still 
intact,  and  when  he  felt  that  the  mercenaries  of  Napoleon 
were  threatening  Germany.  However,  upon  the  over- 
,throw  of  the  empire  and  the  establishment  of  the  repub- 
lic, he  demanded  peace,  and  opposed  all  annexation,  pre- 
dicting that  the  conquest  of  Alsace-Lorraine  would  lead 
to  another  conflict  and  prove  "  the  infallible  means  of 
converting  the  coming  peace  into  a  truce  which  would  be 
broken  as  soon  as  France  has  recuperated  sufficiently  to 
recapture  the  lost  territory."  In  another  manifesto,  writ- 
ten for  the  General  Council  of  the  International  at  Lon- 
don, he  predicted  with  rare  insight  that  "  this  crime  of 
having  reestablished  in  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century  the  policy  of  conquest "  would  drive  France  into 
the  arms  of  Russia  and  would  lead  to  "  a  race  war,  a  war 
with  the  united  Slav  and  Latin  races."  He  characterized 
those  advocating  such  a  peace  as  "  brainless  patriots  of 
the  German  middle  class."  His  general  line  of  reasoning 

-'  Most  of  the  material  given  in  the  chapter  may  be  found  in 
Walling,  The  Socialittt  and  the  War.  See  also  Sombart,  SociaUtm 
and  the  Socialist  Movement,  pp.  193-211. 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914.  249 

was  followed  by  Engels,  who  at  first  favored  the  Germans 
and  afterwards  offered  his  services  to  the  French. 

Socialists  in  Germany — The  socialists  in  Germany 
were  divided  on  the  subject.  Wilhelm  Liebknecht,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  North  German  Federation,  at  first  decided  to 
oppose  the  war  budget,  but  was  finally  persuaded  by  Au- 
gust Bebel,  another  member,  to  abstain  from  voting,  as  a 
negative  vote  might  be  interpreted  as  supporting  the  "  mis- 
chievous and  criminal  policy  of  Bonaparte."  An  affirma- 
tive vote,  on  the  other  hand,  might  be  regarded  as  one  of 
confidence  in  the  Prussian  Government,  which,  according 
to  these  socialists,  had  prepared  the  Franco-Prussian  War 
by  its  actions  in  1866.  Bebel  adopted  a  similar  course. 

The  Lassallian  socialist  members,  on  the  other  hand, 
supported  the  war  budget,  motived  by  the  belief  that  the 
war  should  be  prosecuted  until  the  downfall  of  Napoleon 
gave  the  French  democracy  more  breathing  space  and  that 
the  struggle  would  end  in  the  unification  of  Germany  and 
thus  solve  the  national  question  which  had  hitherto  pre- 
vented the  growth  of  the  great  Social  Democratic  Party. 
The  debates  between  the  two  groups  were  so  bitter  as  to 
lead  Liebknecht,  the  center  of  attack,  to  declare  that  he 
felt  inclined  to  emigrate  to  America  "  out  of  disgust  with 
these  patriotic  junketings." 

The  Second  International — From  the  early  seventies 
until  1889,  the  international  movement  among  the  workers 
was  in  abeyance.  In  the  latter  year  the  second  Interna- 
tional was  born  at  Paris.  Militarism  was  one  of  the  most 
important  subjects  on  the  agenda  at  the  opening  congress. 
.  Demands  were  here  made  that  standing  armies  be  abol- 
ished, that  international  arbitration  tribunals  be  formed, 
[and  that  the  people  have  a  voice  in  the  question  of  peace 
ind  war.  These  demands  were  reaffirmed  at  Brussels  invf 
1891,  at  London  in  1896,  and  at  Paris  in  1900.  \ 


250      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

kAt  the  last  named  congress,  Jean  Jaures  declared  that 
e  organization  of  international  peace  and  brotherhood 
is  the  most  important  question  of  the  gathering.     The 
policy  toward  militarism  was  again  discussed,  the  congress 
declaring  against  all  appropriations  for  army  and  navy. 
An  important  resolution  passed  at  this  congress  read  as 
follows : 

"  1.  That  it  is  necessary  for  the  labor  party  in  each  coun- 
try to  oppose  militarism  and  colonial  expansion  with  re- 
doubled effort  and  increasing  energy. 

"  2.  That  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  reply  to  the  alliance 
of  the  bourgeois  classes  and  the  governments  for  the  per- 
petuation of  war  by  an  alliance  of  the  proletarians  of  all 
lands  for  the  perpetuation  of  peace  —  that  is  to  say,  to  give 
up  more  or  less  platonic  demonstrations  of  international  soli- 
darity and  adopt  energetic  international  action  in  the  com- 
mon struggle  against  militarism. 

"  The  congress  suggests  three  practical  courses  for  carry- 
ing this  out  — 

"  1.  The  socialist  parties  everywhere  shall  educate  the 
rising  generations  to  oppose  militarism  tooth  and  nail. 

"  2.  Socialist  members  of  parliament  shall  always  vote 
against  any  expenditure  for  the  army,  the  navy,  or  colonial 
expeditions. 

"  S.  The  standing  International  Socialist  Committee  shall 
be  instructed  to  organize  uniform  movements  of  protest  against 
militarism  in  all  countries  at  one  and  the  same  time,  whenever 
there  shall  be  occasion  to  do  so." 

The  British  delegate,  Peter  Curran,  took  occasion  at 
this  congress  to  deny  the  rumor  that  the  British  socialists 
had  supported  their  government  in  the  South  African 
war,  which  had  just  been  waged,  declaring  the  South  Afri- 
can affair  to  be  mere  robbery. 

During    the    Russian-Japanese    War. —  At    the    next 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  251 

gathering  held  at  Amsterdam  (1904)  in  the  midst  of  the 
Russian-Japanese  War,  fraternal  greetings  were  sent  to 
the  proletariat  of  both  countries  and  the  socialists  and 
workers  of  all  lands  were  called  upon  to  oppose  with  all  \7 
their  might  the  continuance  of  war.  The  congress  wildly 
applauded  when  delegates  from  Russia  and  Japan  clasped 
hands  and  declared  they  had  no  animosity  against  each 
other. 

The  past  achievements  of  the  socialists  in  preventing 
wars,  the  cause  of  modern  wars,  and  the  general  strike  as  a  X 
preventive  of  wars  were  discussed  from  many  points  of  view 
at  the  famous  Stuttgart  Congress  of  1907. 

The  Socialist  Achievements. — In  reciting  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  workers  since  the  Brussels  Congress,  the  so- 
cialists declared: 

"  We  may  mention  the  agreement  entered  into  between  the 
English  and  French  trade  unions,  after  the  Fasjioda  incident,  ^ 
for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  peace  and  for  reestablishing 
friendly  relations  between  England  and  France;  the  policy 
of  the  Social  Democratic  parties  in  the  French  and  German 
Parliaments  during  the  Morocco  crisis,  and  the  peaceful  de- 
clarations which  the  socialists  in  both  countries  sent  to  each 
other;  the  common  action  of  the  Austrian  and  Italian  so- 
cialists, gathered  at  Trieste  with  a  view  of  avoiding  a  con- 
flict between  the  two  powers;  the  great  effort  made  by  the 
socialists  of  Sweden  to  prevent  an  attack  on  Norway;  and 
lastly,  the  heroic  sacrifices  made  by  the  socialist  workers  and 
peasants  of  Russia  and  Poland  in  the  struggle  against  the  war- 
demon  let  loose  by  the  Czar,  in  their  effort  ...  to  utilize  the 
crisis  for  the  liberation  of  the  country  and  its  workers." 

* 

Causes  of  War. —  After  discussing  the  causes  of  most 
modern  wars,  the  congress  finally  passed  a  resolution  in] 
which  it  attributed  war  in  general  to  competition  for  mar- 


252      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

kets,  militarism,  national  prejudices  and  the  desire  to 
'weaken  the  growing  power  of  the  working  class.  It  de- 
,'  clared: 

"  The  congress  reasserts  the  resolutions  adopted  by  former 
International  Congresses  against  militarism  and  imperialism, 
and   declares    afresh   that   the   war   against   militarism   must 
proceed  hand  in  hand  with  the  general  class  war.     Wars  be- 
i  tween  nations  are,  as  a  rule,  the  consequences  of  their  com- 
^ petition  in  the  world  market,  for  each  state  seeks  not  only 
to  secure  its  existing  markets,  but  also  to  conquer  new  ones. 
This  means  the  subjugation  of  nations  and  lands,  and,  there- 
fore spells  war.     But  wars  result  furthermore  from  the  con- 
tinual attempts  of  all  lands  to  outstrip  their  neighbors  in  mili- 

y\tary  armaments  —  one  of  the  chief  supports  of  the  capitalist 
class  supremacy,  and  therefore  of  the  economic  and  political 
oppression  of  the  proletariat. 

"  Wars  are  also  favored  by  national  prejudices  which  the 
ruling  classes  fan  into  a  flame  for  their  own  interests,  and  in 

\x>rder  to  turn  the  attention  of  the  proletariat  away  from  the 
Interests  of  their  class  and  from  international  consolidation 
of  those  interests.  Wars,  therefore,  are  part  and  parcel  of 
the  nature  of  capitalism;  they  will  cease  only  when  the  capi- 
talist system  declines,  or  when  the  sacrifices  on  men  and 
money  have  become  so  great  as  a  result  of  the  increased 
magnitude  of  armaments  that  the  people  will  rise  in  revolt 
against  them  and  sweep  capitalism  out  of  existence.  The 
^working  classes,  who  contribute  most  of  the  soldiers  and  make 

V  the  greatest  material  sacrifices,  are,  therefore,  the  natural 
opponents  of  war.  Besides  which,  war  is  opposed  to  their 
highest  aims  —  the  creation  of  an  economic  order  on  a  so- 
ci.'ilist  basis,  which  shall  express  the  solidarity  of  all  na- 
tions." 


The  General  Strike. —  While  the  question  of  the  causes 

_l  of  war  gave  rise  to  considerable  controversy,  the  methods 

of  preventing  war  from  breaking  out  under  the  system  of 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  253 

private  ownership  received  the  greatest  amount  of  atten- 
tion.    The    preventive    most     vigorously     discussed    by 
Jaures,  Bebel  and  others  was  the  general  strike. 

The  general  strike  had  been  the  occasion  for  contro- 
versy in  a  number  of  former  gatherings.  In  1891  Domela 
Nieuwenhuis,  leader  of  the  Dutch  socialists,  introduced  a 
resolution  urging  the  socialists  of  all  countries  to  "  reply 
to  the  proposition  of  a  war  by  an  appeal  to  the  people  to 
declare  a  general  strike."  A  similar  proposition  was  in- 
troduced by  Giles,  an  English  delegate,  but,  as  this  weapon 
was  then  associated  with  anarchist  propaganda,  these  pro- 
posals were  coldly  received.  Instead  the  motion  presented 
by  Wilhelm  Liebknecht  and  Edouard  Vailliant  was 
adopted,  which  attributed  war  and  militarism  to  indus- 
trial exploitation  and  declared  that  those  desiring  to  end  *• 
war  should  join  the  socialist  movement. 

Two  years  later,  Nieuwenhuis  again  brought  the  matter 
before  the  Congress  of  Zurich,  but  George  Plechanoff,  who 
reported  the  resolution,  urged  that  the  proposal  be  re- 
jected on  the  ground  that  it  would  deliver  the  more  social- 
istic countries,  which  would  strike,  into  the  hands  of  the 
less  advanced,  which  would  fail  to  follow  suit.  The  dis- 
cussion at  this  gathering  gave  rise  to  an  impassioned 
speech  by  Wilhelm  Liebknecht  in  defense  of  the  tactics 
of  the  German  socialists.  He  declared: 

"  Not  a  man,  not  a  penny,  this  is  our  program.  Since  it 
came  into  existence,  our  party  has  not  given  to  the  German 
Army  a  single  penny !  You  cannot  struggle  against  the  Mo- 
loch of  militarism  by  promoting  puerile,  barrack  insurrec- 
tions. You  would  merely  deliver  to  the  Moloch  a  few  un- 
fortunate persons.  .  .  .  When  the  masses  are  socialists,  mili- 
tarism will  have  seen  its  last  day !  " 

The  Dutch  resolution  was  again  rejected,  France  and 


254      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Holland  alone  supporting  it  and  a  motion  was  passed  simi- 
lar to  that  submitted  at  the  Brussels  conference. 

But  the  idea  of  the  general  strike  as  a  preventive  of  war 
did  not  down.  In  1907,  prior  to  the  International  gather- 
ing, a  general  strike  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  French 
socialist  congress,  favored  by  the  moderates,  Jaures  and 
Vaillant,  and  opposed  by  Guesde.  The  resolution  in  sub- 
stance was  brought  before  the  Stuttgart  assembly. 

The  French  majority  resolution  maintained  that  mili- 
tarism was  "  to  be  viewed  exclusively  as  the  arming  of  the 
/state  in  order  to  keep  the  working  class  in  political  and 
economic  subjection  to  the  capitalist  class";  that  the 
working  class  was  in  duty  bound  to  defend  its  independence 
against  attack;  that  the  policy  of  defense  demanded  the 
arming  of  the  working  class  through  the  introduction  of 
general  military  service  of  the  people  and  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  International  Socialist  Bureau  to  assist  in  pre- 
venting war  "  by  national  and  international  socialist  ac- 
tion of  the  working  class  by  all  means,  from  parliamentary 
intervention  to  public  agitation  and  the  general  strike  and 
insurrection." 

Bebel  on  the  General  Strike —  Bebel,  representing  the 
German  socialists,  bitterly  opposed  the  resolution.  He 
denounced  the  teachings  of  Herve  and  Marx  (in  the  Com- 
munist Manifesto)  that  "  the  proletariat  has  no  Father- 
land." 

"  What  we  fight  against,"  he  declared,  "  is  not  the  Father- 
land itself,  which  belongs  to  the  proletariat  far  more  than 
to  the  ruling  classes,  but  the  conditions  which  are  present  in 
the  Fatherland  in  the  interests  of  the  ruling  classes.  Civi- 
lized life  can  only  be  developed  upon  the  basis  of  full  free- 
dom and  independence,  by  means  of  the  mother-tongue. 
Therefore  the  effort  everywhere  among  people  who  are  under 
foreign  rule  is  to  gain  freedom  and  independence." 


INTERNATIONALISM:  184&-1914.  855 

Bebel  then  challenged  Herve's  statement  that,  at  the 
time  of  a  crisis,  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  is  an  aggressive 
and  what  a  defensive  war.  "  Affairs  are  no  longer  in 
such  shape,"  he  declared,  "  when  the  threads  of  a  war 
catastrophe  are  hidden  to  educated  and  observing  students 
of  politics.  Closet  diplomacy  has  ceased  to  be." 

He  maintained  that  if  the  general  strike  were  tried  in 
Germany  in  time  of  war,  serious  consequences  would  follow. 
"  I  must  declare  firmly,"  he  continued,  "  that  these  means 
with  us  are  impossible  and  beyond  discussion.  How  things 
are  in  Germany  we  see  in  the  case  of  Karl  Liebknecht,  who 
is  under  trial  for  high  treason,  although  in  his  writing  he 
only  quoted  Herve  and  declared  his  tactics  impossible." 
In  Germany  no  one  wants  war,  he  contended,  and  the  rul- 
ing class  concedes  the  danger  of  a  revolution. 

"  In  Germany,"  he  concluded,  "  we  struggle  against  the 
existing  militarism  on  land  and  water  in  every  possible 
form,  and  with  all  our  strength,  but  we  cannot  be  pushed 
beyond  into  methods  of  struggle  which  might  endanger  the 
party  activities,  and  even  the  very  existence  of  the  party." 

Jaures'  Reply. —  Jaures  launched  a  powerful  invective 
against  Bebel's  point  of  view.  He  denied  that  he  was 
preaching  Herveism  and  continued: 

"  Herve  wishes  to  destroy  the  Fatherland.  We  wish  to 
socialize  the  Fatherland  for  the  benefit  of  the  proletariat. 
.  .  .  Our  resolution  is  not  the  chance  specter  of  the  brain  of 
a  dreamer,  but  has  developed  as  a  necessary  outgrowth  of  the 
great  Fashoda  and  Morocco  crisis.  ...  In  no  questions  are 
we  content  with  parliamentary  action  alone.  The  prole- 
tariat wishes  to  step  upon  the  stage  as  a  player  of  its  own 
fortune.  The  prevention  of  war  must  also  be  given  by  the 
proletariat  all  the  powerful  force  that  it  has  in  its  great 
masses.  .  .  .  Kautsky  has  declared  for  direct  action  in  case 
the  German  troops  should  interfere  in  favor  of  the  Czar. 


256      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Bebcl  repeated  this  sentence  before  the  Reichstag.  If  you 
can  say  that,  you  can  also  say  it  in  the  case  of  all  national 
conflicts.  Certainly  the  military  intervention  of  Germany  in 
favor  of  the  Czar,  against  the  Russian  Social  Democracy,  will 
be  the  most  extreme,  the  sharpest  imaginable  form  of  class 
struggle. 

"  But  if  a  government  does  not  go  into  the  field  directly 
against  Social  Democracy,  but,  frightened  by  the  growth  of 
socialism,  seeks  to  make  a  diversion  abroad,  if  a  war  arises  in 
this  way  between  France  and  Germany,  would  it  be  allow- 
able in  that  case  that  the  French  and  German  working  class 
should  murder  one  another  for  the  benefit  of  capitalists,  and 
at  their  demand,  without  making  the  most  extreme  use  of  its 
strength?  If  we  did  not  try  to  do  this,  we  would  be  dis- 
honored. 

"  Liebknecht  is  called  before  the  military  court,  not  be- 
cause he  called  the  proletariat  to  arms,  not  for  an  uncertain 
and  misnamed  danger  of  war,  but  the  complaint  expressly 
declares  a  war  between  Germany  and  France  as  likely,  and 
accuses  him  of  high  treason  in  case  of  such  a  war.  You 
must  also  bring  this  possibility  into  the  scope  of  your  thought, 
just  as  much  as  the  possibility  of  the  invasion  of  Germany 
by  Russia,  and  make  your  preparation  for  it." 

In  his  reply,  Bebel  declared  that  he  knew  better  than 
the  French  how  the  resolution  would  be  regarded  in  Ger- 
many. "  For  the  sake  of  nothing  at  all,  for  something 
that  we  do  not  know  would  even  be  carried  out  in  a  crisis, 
we  are  not  willing  to  prepare  trouble  for  ourselves  and  to 
seriously  cripple  our  movement."  He  predicted  that  mil- 
itarism would  break  its  own  neck,  and  that  a  war  would 
'  bring  such  poverty,  unemployment,  suffering,  that  it  would 
be  the  last  one. 

The  Resolutions  at  Stuttgart. —  The  resolution  finally 
adopted  out  of  regard  for  the  German's  fear  of  the  dis- 
rupting influence  of  the  general  strike  plank  made  the 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  257 

use  of  the  general  strike  a  possible  weapon  against  war, 
but  not  a  required  weapon.  The  socialists,  it  maintainedJ  **i 
"  must  use  every  effort  which,  according  to  the  political 
situation  and  the  opposing  class  interests,  will  best  con- 
tribute to  the  maintenance  of  peace.  If,  however,  despite 
all  efforts,  war  breaks  out,  then  it  becomes  their  primary 
duty  to  bring  about  its  conclusion  as  quickly  as  possible, 
and  thereafter  to  make  the  most  of  the  opportunities  of- 
fered by  the  economic  and  political  crises  which  are  sure 
to  follow  the  war,  in  stirring  up  public  opinion  and  has-  j 
tening  forward  the  abolition  of  capitalist  class  rule."  The 
Stuttgart  Congress  also  reaffirmed  the  position  taken  in 
the  1900  Congress  that  socialist  representatives  refuse  ^ 
funds  for  the  upkeep  of  naval  and  military  armaments  and 
advocated  democratic  "  citizens'  "  armies  to  take  the  place 
of  standing  armies.  It  furthermore  indorsed  the  deci- 
sion taken  toward  colonization  at  the  London  Congress 
of  1896,  in  which  it  was  declared  that  "  whatever  may  be 
the  pretext  for  colonial  politics,  whether  it  be  religion,  or 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  civilization,  it  is  in  reality  y 
nothing  but  the  extension  of  the  field  of  capitalist  exploi- 
tation in  the  exclusive  interest  of  the  capitalist  class." 

The  Copenhagen  Congress  of  1910. —  The  Copenhagen 
Congress  also  gave  much  attention  to  the  question  of  mil- 
itarism. It  restated  the  causes  of  war  as  given  at  the 
Stuttgart  Congress,  though  in  a  somewhat  modified  form, 
declaring  that  wars  would  cease  completely  only  with  the  „, 
disappearance  of  the  capitalist  mode  of  production  and 
that  the  working  class  bore  the  main  burdens  of  war.  It 
demanded  again  that  socialist  representatives  refuse  the 
means  for  armament  and  advocated  disarmament,  arbi- 
tration of  international  disputes,  the  abolition  of  secret 
diplomacy  and  a  guaranty  of  all  nations  against  military 
attack  or  suppression  by  force. 


258      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  General  Strike  Again — The  general  strike  was 
also  again  considered,  the  following  resolution  being  in- 
troduced by  Keir  Hardie  of  England  and  Vaillant  of 
France : 

"  Among  the  means  to  be  used  in  order  to  prevent  and 
hinder  war,  the  congress  considers  as  particularly  effica- 

/cious  the  general  strike,  especially  in  the  industries  that 
supply  war  with  its  implements  (arms  and  ammunitions, 
transports,  etc.),  as  well  as  the  propaganda  and  popular  action 
in  their  most  active  forms." 

The  chief  protagonist  of  the  resolution  was  J.  Ramsay 
Mac-Donald,  who  denounced  the  German  socialists  for  their 
refusal  to  indorse  the  strike.  Ledebour,  representing  the 
Germans,  was  the  chief  opponent  of  the  resolution.  He 
especially  denounced  the  British  socialists  for  keeping  in 
office  by  their  votes  governments  that  increased  expendi- 
tures for  army  and  navy.  At  the  suggestion  of  Vander- 
velde,  the  Hardie-Vaillant  resolution  was  referred  to  the 
International  Socialist  Bureau  for  study  and  was  to  be 
brought  for  further  discussion  before  the  Vienna  Con- 
ference of  August  23,  1914. 

The  Morocco  Crisis  of  1911 —  The  year  following  the 
Copenhagen  Congress  was  filled  with  rumors  of  war  aris- 
ing out  of  the  Morocco  controversy  and  gave  the  socialists 
in  Germany,  France  and  England  an  opportunity  to  show 
their  spirit  of  internationalism.  On  July  4>,  the  Vorioaerts 
^  of  Berlin  urged  great  meetings  protesting  against  "  the 
jingoes  who  wish  the  citizens'  blood  for  the  capitalistic  in- 
terests in  Morocco."  A  few  days  later  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  French  Section  of  the  International  sent 
to  the  German  socialists  a  message  declaring  its  readiness 
to  carry  out  the  resolution  of  the  Stuttgart  Congress. 
The  Germans  replied  that  they  accepted  the  initiative 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  259 

of  the  French  comrades,  adding:     "  Morocco  is  worth  the  X 
bones  of  neither  the  French  nor  German  workmen.'' 

On  August  17,  an  international  peace  demonstration 
was  held  in  London  in  cooperation  with  the  Labor  Party, 
the  Federation  of  Trade  Unions  and  the  Trade  Union 
Congress.  The  socialist  and  labor  protest  was  given  in 
Parliament  by  MacDonald. 

The  German  socialists  held  a  number  of  monster  mass 
meetings.  On  September  3  at  least  ten  such  meetings 
were  held  in  Berlin,  attended  by  a  half  million  workers. 
The  gatherings  protested  against  the  imperialistic  policy 
of  Germany,  the  resolutions  asserting  that  new  colonial 
acquisitions,  far  from  profiting  the  workers,  would  add 
new  burdens  and  create  an  unforeseen  war  danger  and 
declaring  that  the  Social  Democrats  would  oppose  war 
by  all  means  at  their  disposal. 

The  war  cloud  for  a  while  disappeared.  The  so- 
cialists were  not  the  only  factors  at  work  for  peace. 
That  their  agitation  had  its  effect  there  can  be  little 
doubt. 

The  Balkan  Situation. —  Hardly,  however,  had  the  Mo- 
rocco crisis  passed  than  the  Balkan  crisis  loomed  large 
on  the  horizon.  Many  there  were  who  felt  that  the  war 
conflagration,  started  in  south-eastern  Europe,  would 
spread  throughout  the  continent.  The  first  duty  of  the 
socialists  was  to  prevent  its  spread.  A  special  congress 
was  called  at  Basel,  Switzerland,  on  November  24  and  25,  i '  v 
1912,  to  discuss  the  situation. 

This  special  congress  —  the  last  before  the  European 
war  —  reiterated  the  resolution  passed  at  the  Stuttgart 
and  the  Copenhagen  Congresses  in  which  the  working 
classes  were  urged  to  use  the  means  which  seemed  to  them 
to  be  most  efficacious  to  prevent  war,  and  to  assist  in  I  r 
bringing  the  war,  should  it  break  out,  to  the  most  speedy 


260      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

conclusion,  and  declared  that  the  Balkan  outbreak,  if 
allowed  to  spread,  "  would  become  the  most  frightful  dan- 
ger to  civilization  and  the  workers."  It  approved  of  the 
efforts  of  the  socialists  of  the  Balkans  to  establish  a 
democratic  federation  of  Balkan  states ;  opposed  national 
jingoism  and  inequality  of  opportunity  among  the  Balkan 
peoples ;  urged  the  socialists  of  Austria-Hungary  and  en- 
virons "  to  prevent  any  attack  of  the  Austrian  monarchy 
upon  Servia  " ;  congratulated  the  Russian  workers  on  their 
protest  strikes  and  urged  them  to  oppose  all  bellicose 
Czarist  undertakings.  It  continued: 

"  The  most  important  task  of  the  international  socialist 
movement  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  workers  of  Germany,  France 
and  Great  Britain  —  to  demand  for  their  governments  at  the 
present  moment  an  undertaking  to  refuse  all  support  to  either 
Austria-Hungary  or  Russia  and  to  abstain  from  all  interven- 
tion in  the  Balkan  trouble  and  in  every  way  to  observe  an 
unconditional  neutrality.  A  war  between  the  three  civilized 
nations  over  the  question  of  an  outlet  to  the  sea,  concerning 
which  Austria  and  Servia  are  in  dispute,  would  be  criminal 
folly." 

The  greatest  danger  to  European  peace,  it  maintained, 
was  the  artificially-fostered  animosity  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Germany  and  the  workers  should  do  their  best 
to  promote  an  understanding.  Attention  was  also  called 
to  the  revolutionary  movements  following  the  Franco- 
German  War  and  the  Russo-Japanese  War  and  the  gov- 
ernments were  warned  that  intense  unrest  would  follow  the 
outbreak  of  war. 

After  the  congress,  the  socialists  in  western  and  central 
Europe  continued  their  anti-war  meetings.  The  socialists 
in  the  Balkans  also  opposed  war  and  agitated  for  a  fed- 
eration of  Balkan  states.  Of  particular  interest  is  the 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  261 

letter  of  the  Social  Democratic  members  of  the  Fourth 
Duma,  issued  on  May  8,  1913,  to  the  Austrian  and  Hun- 
garian Social  Democrats,  reciting  the  struggle  between 
Austria  and  Russia  for  the  hegemony  of  the  Balkans,  trac- 
ing the  disunions  in  the  Balkans  to  the  machinations  of  the 
diplomats  of  the  two  countries  and  declaring  that  a  war 
between  the  two  countries  would  be  an  act  of  insanity  and 
that  "  the  people  of  Russia  do  not  know  of  one  single  cause 
which  would  offer  a  shadow  of  reason  for  such  a  crime." 

Again  the  conflagration  of  all  of  Europe  was  averted, 
partly  as  a  result  of  the  protestations  of  the  socialists. 
The  near  approach  to  the  brink  of  war  at  the  time  of  the 
Morocco  crisis  and  the  Balkan  Wars,  however,  gave  an 
impetus  to  greater  military  preparations  on  the  part  of  . 
a  number  of  the  European  countries  and  created  a  pop- 
ular fear  which  made  the  work  of  the  socialists  in  fighting 
against  increased  armaments  ever  more  difficult. 

The  German  Military  Budget  of  1913 —  This  situation 
gave  rise  in  Germany  to  a  compromise  position  on  the 
question  of  military  appropriations,  a  position  undoubt- 
edly interpreted  by  many  in  the  ruling  class  of  Germany 
as  indicative  of  a  weakening  of  Social  Democratic  opposi- 
tion to  militarism.  In  1913,  the  government  announced 
its  new  armament  bill  which  provided  for  an  increase  of  the 
German  army  of  about  136,000  soldiers,  from  544,221  pri- 
vates and  regulars  to  661,176.  This  increase  was  neces- 
sary, the  militarists  asserted,  on  account  of  the  disturb- 
ances due  to  the  Balkan  War  and  the  extended  boundary 
lines  of  Germany.  The  government  proposed  to  raise  the 
sum  from  a  single  extraordinary  contribution  from  the 
wealthy. 

Haase,  the  leader  of  the  Reichstag  socialists,  vehe- 
mently denounced  the  proposed  increase  on  the  ground 
that  political  conditions  did  not  warrant  it.  Germany's 


262      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

relations  with  England,  he  claimed,  were  good,  the  Bal- 
kan situation  was  not  dangerous,  the  Slavic  peril  was  a 
theoretical  fantasy  and  the  people  on  either  side  of  the 
French  and  German  border  line  demanded  peace. 

The  real  reason  for  the  increase,  he  maintained  in  the 
Reichstag,  is  that 

"  You  want  elbow  room  in  order  to  carry  your  imperialistic 
policies.  .  .  .  Armaments  must  be  increased  to  the  extreme 
that  we  may  add  weight  to  our  demands,  when  the  time  comes 
for  the  division  of  Turkish  spoils  among  the  great  European 
nations.  Not  for  the  protection  of  our  borders  —  no,  the 
intimidation  of  other  nations  is  our  aim, —  those  nations,  who, 
like  our  own  imperialist,  urge  on  to  war  and  conquest.' 

In  their  opposition  to  military  increases,  the  Social 
Democrats  were  a  unit.  They  also  supported  by  a  ma- 
jority the  measure  to  have  the  military  expenditures  and 
the  military  tax  bills  voted  for  separately,  and  in  this  they 
held  the  deciding  vote. 

The  Taxation  Bill. —  Following  that  decision,  came  the 
question  as  to  whether  they  would  support  the  taxation 
bill,  while  maintaining  their  opposition  to  the  military 
expenditures.  On  this  question  there  was  a  long  and 
heated  debate.  The  majority  (52  to  37,  7  abstaining 
from  voting)  finally  decided  to  vote  for  the  tax  bill. 
Their  argument  was  substantially  as  follows:  This  tax 
bill,  while  insufficient,  is,  nevertheless,  a  step  forward  on 
the  road  toward  a  national  income,  property  and  inheri- 
tance tax  law,  toward  a  comprehensive  system  of  direct 
taxation.  We  fought  for  such  direct  taxation  for  many 
years.  This  is  the  first  opportunity  presented  to  us  in 
the  Reichstag  to  support  the  direct  taxation  principle. 
Should,  on  this  occasion,  we  oppose  this  bill,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  explain  our  point  of  view  to  our  constituency. 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  263 

Furthermore,  it  is  doubtful  whether,  without  our  votes, 
the  taxation  bill  will  pass.  Its  defeat  would  mean  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Reichstag,  a  new  election  and  a  decreased 
socialist  representation.  This  decrease  we  could  not  risk 
on  account  of  the  coming  revision  of  the  tariff. 

The  use  of  the  income  derived  from  taxes  is  a  considera- 
tion foreign  to  the  matter  in  hand.  When  the  Social 
Democrats  go  to  a  vote  on  the  taxation  bill,  the  fate  of  the 
armament  bill  will  have  been  decided.  It  is  the  duty  of 
the  party  to  keep  the  burden  of  this  new  military  expendi- 
ture from  falling  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  working  class. 
This  action  also  fulfills  the  provisions  of  the  mutual  mani- 
festo of  the  socialists  of  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies 
and  the  German  Reichstag,  issued  March  1,  1913,  "  ac- 
cording to  which  the  financial  burden  caused  by  military 
expenditures  which  are  authorized  in  spite  of  opposition 
of  the  socialist  group,  shall  be  borne  by  the  wealthy  class 
of  the  nation." 

This  majority  view  was  opposed  by  a  virile  minority. 
They  argued :  The  old  axiom  of  our  party  has  ever  been, 
"  For  this  system  not  one  man,  not  one  penny."  The  pur- 
pose of  the  tax  bill  is  its  chief  consideration.  There  is 
undeniably  a  connection  between  the  military  expenditure 
and  the  taxation  bills.  ...  If  we  grant  the  government 
the  means  for  carrying  out  the  armament  appropriation 
bill  by  voting  for  both  tax  laws,  our  direct  approval  of 
military  expenditures  would  arouse  the  antagonism  of  the 
entire  country."  Such  tactics  will  lead  to  confusion. 
We  are  not  compelled  to  vote  for  direct  taxation  in  all 
cases.  We  should  support  such  taxation  where  it  will 
do  away  with  indirect  taxation,  but  this  is  not  a  case  in 
hand.  In  fact,  the  direct  taxes  proposed  by  the  govern- 
ment will  be  passed,  even  though  we  vote  against  them. 
We  therefore  need  not  fear  the  dissolution  of  the  Reichs- 


264      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

tag.  Even  though  we  were  to  lose  seats,  we  would  not 
lose  votes.  Nor  are  we  forced  by  the  French  and  German 
manifesto  to  vote  for  such  a  law.  The  manifesto  only 
calls  for  a  vigorous  struggle  for  property  taxes. 

Presentation  of  Vote —  Haase,  in  presenting  the  vote 
of  the  socialist  group  in  the  Reichstag,  again  attacked  the 
increased  military  appropriation  as  evoking  "  the  spirit  of 
world-wide  war  against  the  will  and  against  the  interests 
of  the  workers  of  all  nations,"  and  concluded: 

"  We  shall  vote  for  the  proposed  tax  laws  because  we  hope 
thereby  to  prevent  the  passage  of  other  tax  bills  which  would 
throw  the  whole  burden  upon  the  poor  of  the  country.  We  are 
convinced,  moreover,  that  the  taxing  of  the  upper  classes,  in 
order  to  support  new  armament  measures,  may  be  an  effective 
means  of  dampening  the  enthusiasm  for  increased  military 
forces  which  obtains  in  these  circles  and  thus  indirectly  of 
gaining  a  new  weapon  in  our  struggle  against  militarism." 

This  whole  controversy  was  again  reviewed  during  the 
summer  at  the  party  congress,  in  which  Richard  Fischer, 
Scheidemann  and  Suedekum  upheld  the  majority  decision 
and  Geyer,  Stadthagen  and  Ledebour  opposed  it.  Fischer 
emphasized  the  loss  of  seats  on  the  second  ballot,  should 
the  group  have  voted  against  the  tax  law.  Scheidemann 
declared  that  the  anti-militarist  agitation  had  died  down 
in  the  country,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  National  Ex- 
ecutive, and  that  "  a  new  general  movement  against  the 
armament  bill  was  impossible." 

Geyer  of  Saxony,  who  proposed  a  resolution  against  the 
position  of  the  majority  —  which  resolution  received  the 
votes  of  nearly  one-third  of  the  congress  —  declared  that 
"  the  moment  we  give  to  the  government  funds  to  cover 
military  expenditures,  our  whole  struggle  against  mili- 
tarism becomes  a  farce,"  and  that  the  Social  Democrats 


INTERNATIONALISM:  1848-1914  265 

thus  encourage  the  government  to  go  again  to  the  Reichs- 
tag with  increased  demands.  Ledebour  dwelt  on  the  pos- 
sible loss  of  a  few  seats,  declaring  that  such  a  loss  was 
but  a  secondary  consideration.  This  was  the  last  big 
struggle  of  the  German  Social  Democrats  on  the  question 
of  militarism  prior  to  the  war,  although  Karl  Liebknecht, 
Rosa  Luxemburg  and  many  other  leading  socialists  kept  / 
up  a  persistent  campaign  against  militarism. 

The  French  Socialists  and  the  General  Strike. —  At 
about  this  time,  the  French  socialists  were  confronted  with 
the  Three  Year  Law  and  vigorously,  though  unsuccess- 
fully, fought  it  at  every  step,  while  the  British  socialists 
were  engaged  in  a  fight  against  increased  naval  appropria- 
tions. The  final  National  Congress  held  prior  to  the  war 
was  that  of  the  French,  on  July  15-17,  1914,  about  two 
weeks  before  the  war  declaration.  At  this  congress,  the 
subject  of  the  general  strike  was  brought  forward  by  the 
delegates  from  the  Seine  Federation,  who  introduced  a 
resolution  that  "  the  French  Party  considers  the  spon- 
taneous general  strike  of  the  workers  of  all  countries,  com- 
bined with  anti-war  propaganda  among  the  masses,  as  the 
most  workable  of  all  means  in  the  hands  of  the  workers  to 
prevent  war  and  to  force  international  arbitration  of  the 
dispute." 

The  resolution,  supported  by  Jaures  and  Vaillant  and 
opposed  by  Compere-Morel  and  Guesde,  was  finally  passed 
by  a  vote  of  1690  to  1174. 

In  defending  the  resolution,  which,  contrary  to.  that  es- 
poused by  Hardie  and  Vaillant,  was  not  limited  to  certain 
industries,  Jaures  declared  that  the  problem  of  striking 
was  especially  difficult  in  the  case  of  France  and  Germany, 
the  former  of  which  was  exposed  to  the  danger  of  Pan-Ger- 
manism, and  the  latter,  to  that  of  Pan-Skvism.  He  con- 
tinued : 


u 

Ij 


266      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  Therefore,  an  agreement  is  necessary.  It  would  be  a 
crime  of  crimes  to  hurl  the  French  and  German  workers 
against  one  another.  .  .  .  But  for  this  very  reason  we  should 
appeal  to  the  International  to  direct  both  peoples.  Action 
is  possible,  but  not  after  the  outbreak  of  war.  For  then  the 
world  is  surrendered  to  all  the  powers  of  hell.  .  .  .  We  do 
not  demand  that  a  pledge  be  given  (to  strike).  .  .  .  We  must 
make  the  proletariat  conscious  of  what  the  world  expect^ 
from  it,  and  if  we  fill  it  with  the  idea  that  its  mission  is  to 
give  peace  to  the  world,  we  shall  make  it  capable  of  accom- 
plishing this  ideal." 

Jaures  declared  that  the  strike  should  be  allowed  to  stop 
first  in  that  country  which  first  offers  arbitration  to  the 
other.  Vaillant,  in  his  address,  stated  that  the  general 
strike  had  stood  the  test  in  Russia,  Sweden  and  Belgium, 
had  been  discussed  in  Prussia,  and  that  even  the  partial 
crippling  of  industry  would  result  in  preventing  mobiliza- 
tion. Sembat  declared  that  we  would  accept  the  general 
strike  only  on  condition  that  it  was  also  accepted  in  Ger- 
many. 

Opposition  to  Strike. —  In  opposing  the  resolution, 
Compere-Morel  maintained  that  the  "  ruling  classes  would 
simply  draft  the  workingmen  of  the  industries  in  question 
into  the  army,"  and  that  the  socialists  should  direct  all 
of  their  efforts  to  the  avoidance  of  war.  He  continued : 

"  What  is  the  purpose  of  a  formulation  which  injures  our 
propaganda  and  which  one  will  not  dare  to  defend  before  the 
voters?  We  must  declare  that  we  will  use  all  means  to  pre- 
vent a  war  of  aggression  and  also  that  we  will  use  all  means 
for  the  defense  of  our  country.  In  the  unlikely  case  that 
the  proposal  is  accepted  and  carried  out,  it  could  only  insure 
the  defeat  of  the  best  organized  proletariat  and  that  which 
was  truest  to  the  decision  of  the  International." 

Summary. —  The  socialist  movement  thus  for  years  be- 


AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  267 

fore  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war  had  fought  vig- 
orously against  war  and  militarism,  and,  in  several  in- 
stances,  was~a  considerable  factor  in  preventing  war.  It 
did  not  take  a  stand  against  all  war,  claiming  the  right  to 
engage  in  wars  of  defense,  and,  partly  because  of  the  op- 
position of  the  German  socialists,  refused,  as  an  interna- 
tional movement,  to  commit  itself  to  the  general  strike  as 
a  preventive  to  war.  A  strong  minority,  including  the 
French  socialists  arid  the  Independent  Labor  Party,  how- 
ever, favored  the  general  strike  and  the  question  was 
scheduled  for  discussion  again  at  the  proposed  Interna- 
tional Congress  of  August  23,  1914. 

IMMEDIATELY    BEFORE    THE    OUTBREAK    OF    WAR 

Meeting  of  International  Bureau. —  With  the  ma- 
jority vote  favoring  the  general  strike,  Jaures  and  the 
other  leaders  of  the  French  socialists  planned  to  attend 
the  International  Socialist  Congress,  scheduled  for  Vi- 
enna on  August  23,  1914*  —  fifty  years  after  the  birth  of 
the  first  International.  The  discussion  of  war  and  the 
general  strike  promised  to  be  memorable  in  the  history  of 
the  movement.  The  congress,  however,  was  not  to  be 
held.  A  few  days  after  the  French  gathering  adjourned, 
Austria  issued  its  note  against  Servia.  The  International 
Socialist  Bureau  hastily  called  a  special  conference  of  its 
members  in  la  Maison  du  Peuple  in  Brussels  to  discuss  the 
means  whereby  the  conflict  might  be  averted.  On  the  af- 
ternoon of  July  29,  the  day  after  Austria  declared  war 
against  Servia,  delegates  from  the  more  important  coun- 
tries of  Europe  hurried  to  Brussels.  They  decided  to 
change  the  place  of  the  International  Congress  from  Vi- 
enna to  Paris,  to  forward  the  date  to  August  9,  and  to 
make  the  subject  of  war  the  chief  question  on  the  agenda. 
The  bureau  urged  "  the  workers  of  all  nations  concerned 


268      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

not  only  to  continue  but  even  to  strengthen  their  dem- 
onstrations against  war  in  favor  of  peace  and  of  a  set- 
tlement of  the  Austro-Servian  conflict  by  arbitration."  It 
continued : 

"  The  German  and  French  workers  will  bring  to  bear  on 
their  governments  the  most  vigorous  pressure  in  order  that 
Germany  may  secure  in  Austria  a  moderating  action,  and  in 
order  that  France  may  obtain  from  Russia  an  undertaking 
that  she  will  not  engage  in  the  conflict.  On  their  side  the 
workers  of  Great  Britain  and  Italy  shall  sustain  these  efforts 
with  all  the  power  at  their  command." 

The  Brussels  Meeting —  That  night  the  Belgian  Labcr 
N  Party  held  a  great  "  guerre  a  la  guerre  "  (war  against 
war)  demonstration,  which  the  author  chanced  to  attend, 
in  the  Cirque  Royal  of  Brussels,  the  largest  of  the  city's 
theaters.  Keir  Hardie,  representing  the  British  workers, 
one  of  the  principal  speakers,  appealed  to  the  workers  to 
resist  war.  He  said  in  part : 

"  Europe  is  filled  with  anxiety  tonight.  The  fear  of  the 
horrors  of  war  is  haunting  the  minds  of  men,  and  yet  the  pro- 
letariat of  Europe  do  not  desire  bloodshed.  If  the  people 
of  Europe  are  opposed  to  war,  why  does  the  fear  of  war 
exist?  Because  the  common  people  do  not  rule.  '  But  war's 
a  game  which,  were  their  subjects  wise,  Kings  would  not 
play  at.' 

"  The  proletariat  are  in  the  majority.  They  have  to  pay 
for  war  in  money,  bloodshed,  and  heartache,  and  if  they  out- 
number the  ruling  class  ten  to  one,  why  do  they  not  control 
the  government?  The  working  class  allows  itself  to  be  di- 
vided by  religion,  nationalities,  want  of  knowledge.  If  only 
they  will  sink  their  petty  differences,  the  workers  will  be- 
come masters  and  war  will  disappear.  Socialism  is  the  one 
means  of  freedom  and  liberty,  and  unity  is  the  means  where- 
by this  may  be  obtained." 


AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  269 

Jaures'  Last  Appeal —  Haase  of  Germany,  Agnini  of 
Italy,  Roubanovitch  of  Russia,  Troelstra  of  Holland,  Van- 
dervelde  of  Belgium,  and,  last  of  the  speakers,  that  most 
remarkable  of  socialist  orators  and  statesmen,  Jean  Jaures 
of  France,  bitterly  denounced  war  and  the  causes  of  war. 

"  When,  after  twenty  centuries  of  Christianity,  after 
one  hundred  years  of  the  triumph  of  the  principles  of  the 
rights  of  men,"  asked  Jaures,  in  this  the  last  public 
address  he  was  destined  to  make,  "  how  is  it  possible  that 
millions  of  people,  without  knowing  why,  can  kill  each 
other?  "  He  inquired  how  Germany  could  have  permitted 
Austria  to  send  such  an  inexcusable  note  to  Servia. 
"  And  if  Germany  did  not  know  of  this  Austrian  note, 
what  is  her  governmental  wisdom?  "  He  continued: 

"  As  for  us,  it  is  our  duty  to  insist  that  France  shall  speak 
with  force  that  Russia  may  abstain.  If,  unfortunately,  Rus- 
sia does  not  abstain,  it  is  our  duty  to  say,  '  We  do  not  know 
of  any  other  treaty  except  the  one  which  binds  us  to  the  hu- 
man race/  " 

With  cries  for  the  revolution,  for  socialism,  for  peace, 
for  the  International,  the  vast  audience  dispersed.  And 
that  night  down  the  Boulevard  du  Jardin  Botanique  and 
through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  city's  most  popu- 
lous boulevards,  the  army  of  workers  marched,  singing 
fervently  the  Internationale,  la  Marseillaise  and  other 
songs  of  the  workers. 

The  meeting  of  Brussels,  while  the  only  genuinely  inter- 
national demonstration  held  in  the  days  of  late  July,  was 
but  one  of  hundreds  held  by  the  socialists  of  Europe  dur- 
ing the  week  preceding  the  explosion. 

In  Austria  and  Hungary. —  The  Austrian  socialists 
held  scores  of  mass  meetings  in  various  large  cities,  while 
the  group  in  the  Austrian  Reichsrath  bitterly  attacked  the 


270      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

militarists  of  their  country  for  their  ultimatum  to  Servia. 
The  party,  while  denouncing  the  assassination  at  Sera- 
jevo,  expressed  its  belief  that  "  no  necessities  of  state, 
no  consideration  for  its  prestige,"  compels  the  great  power 
to  depart  from  the  paths  of  peaceful  agreement.  It  laid 
the  responsibility  for  the  war  on  those  who  encouraged 
"  the  fatal  step,"  and  concluded :  '  Peace  is  the  most 
precious  good  of  humanity,  the  greatest  necessity  of  na- 
tions.' *' 

In  Hungary,  the  official  organ  of  the  party  at  Budapest 
declared  that  "  the  cries  for  war  come  only  from  the  fiends 
who  cannot  forget  the  defeat  suffered  in  the  Balkan  crisis." 

The  German  Socialists. —  Likewise  the  German  social- 
ists conducted  a  vigorous  anti-war  campaign  in  many 
cities,  and,  on  July  25,  issued  a  burning  denunciation 
against  the  conduct  of  the  ruling  class  of  Austria  and 
Germany.  It  read  in  part: 

"  Though  we  also  condemn  the  behavior  of  the  Greater 
Servia  Nationalists,  the  frivolous  war-provocation  of  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Government  calls  for  the  sharpest  pro- 
test. For  the  demands  of  that  government  are  more  brutal 
than  have  ever  been  put  to  an  independent  state  in  the 
world's  history,  and  can  only  be  intended  deliberately  to  pro- 
voke war.  .  .  . 

"  It  [the  class  conscious  proletariat  of  Germany]  imper- 
iously demands  of  the  German  Government  that  it  use  its  in- 
fluence with  the  Austrian  Government  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  and,  if  the  shameful  war  cannot  be  prevented,  to  abstain 
from  any  armed  interference.  Not  one  drop  of  a  German 
soldier's  blood  shall  be  sacrificed  to  the  lust  of  power  of  the 
Austrian  rulers  and  to  the  imperialistic  profit-interests." 

The  Berlin  Vorwaerts  attacked  the  Austrian  ultimatum ; 
denounced  the  German  Government  for  not  taking  steps 
against  the  Austrian  intention;  urged  Austria  and  Ger- 


AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  271 

many  to  accept  the  offer  of  England  that  the  four  neutral 
powers  serve  as  mediators  and  arbitrators  and  intimated 
that  it  lay  in  the  power  of  the  Kaiser  "  to  shake  war  or 
peace  out  of  the  folds  of  his  toga.'' 

On  July  25  and  26,  the  Wurtemberg  Democrats  passed 
resolutions  threatening  to  train  the  masses  for  a  general 
strike  for  the  maintenance  of  peace.  And  during  the 
week  numerous  mass  meetings  against  war  were  held 
throughout  the  empire  —  in  Berlin,  Hamburg,  Leipzig, 
Stuttgart,  Bremen,  Cologne,  and  other  cities.  On  July 
29,  not  less  than  twenty-eight  such  gatherings  took  place 
in  Berlin,  one  alone  being  attended  by  70,000  people. 
Many  of  these  were  broken  up  by  counter  demonstrations 
and  by  the  police. 

Following  the  proclamation  of  martial  law  on  July  31, 
the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Social  Democrats  issued 
a  second  manifesto  declaring  that  their  earnest  protests 
and  repeated  attempts  to  avert  the  catastrophe  had  been 
unavailing,  and  that  "  the  terrible  butchery  of  the  Euro- 
pean nations  is  a  horrible  verification  of  the  warnings  we 
have  given  in  vain  to  our  ruling  classes  for  more  than  a 
generation." 

On  August  1,  the  Social  Democrats  sent  a  representa- 
tive to  Paris  to  see  whether  it  was  possible  for  the  So- 
cialist Parties  of  the  two  countries  to  adopt  a  common 
policy,  but  little  came  out  of  the  conference. 

Belgian  and  French  Socialists. —  The  Belgian  Labor 
Party  held  numerous  anti-war  demonstrations  until  after 
the  invasion  of  Belgium  by  the  Germans.  In  France  like- 
wise the  socialists  opposed  the  entrance  of  their  country 
into  the  conflict  until  the  last  moment,  at  the  same  time 
declaring  that  Austria  and  Germany  were  the  chief  ag- 
gressors. In  their  manifesto  on  July  28,  they  attributed 
the  roots  of  war  to  the  anarchy  of  our  social  system ;  as- 


SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

serted  that  the  French  Government  was  sincerely  desirous 
of  averting  the  conflict;  demanded  that  the  government 
adopt  a  policy  of  conciliation  and  that  it  urge  Russia  not 
to  seek  a  pretext  for  aggressive  operations.  They  like- 
wise proclaimed  the  imperative  necessity  of  organizing 
meetings  demanding  peace  and  declared  that  "  they  would 
work  with  the  International  against  the  abominable  crime 
which  now  menaces  the  world.  The  possibility  of  this 
crime  is  in  itself  a  condemnation  of  the  whole  regime." 

The  previous  day  the  Federation  of  Trade  Unions  of 
the  Seine  took  part  in  a  great  anti-war  demonstration, 
which  was  charged  on  by  the  police,  many  of  the  partici- 
pants, including  M.  Bon,  the  socialist  deputy,  suffering 
arrest.  On  July  £9,  the  socialists  were  out  in  force  to 
protest  against  the  war,  but  they  were  met  by  hundreds 
cheering  the  declaration  of  hostilities. 

Great  Britain. —  All  socialist  groups  in  England  also 
opposed  war  prior  to  England's  entrance,  basing  their  an- 
ti-war argument  largely  on  the  ground  that  war  would 
mean  England's  cooperation  with  Russian  despotism.  On 
July  31,  the  British  Committee  of  the  International  Bu- 
reau, representative  of  all  sections  of  the  British  move- 
ment, issued  a  manifesto,  drafted  by  Hyndman,  urging  the 
British  Government  to  remain  neutral  in  the  event  of 
war,  and  warning  it  against  Russian  aggression  and  des- 
potism. 

On  the  following  Saturday  and  Sunday,  huge  "  Stop 
the  War  "  meetings  were  arranged  in  London  and  other 
cities  under  the  direction  of  the  Bureau  and  of  the  Labor 
Party.  Cunningham  Graham,  at  the  Trafalgar  Square 
meeting,  took  the  position  that,  had  England  given  her 
word  that  she  would  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war, 
"  Russia  would  have  ceased  her  bluffing  and  Germany 
would  never  have  had  the  opportunity  to  impel  war." 


AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  273 

As  late  as  August  3,  the  representatives  of  the  British 
Labor  Party  and  the  British  socialists  of  the  International 
Bureau,  Arthur  Henderson  and  Keir  Hardie,  urged  "  vast 
demonstrations  against  war  in  every  industrial  center," 
maintaining  that  "  the  success  of  Russia  at  the  present 
time  would  be  a  curse  to  the  world.'' 

In  Russia. —  In  Russia,  which,  immediately  prior  to  the 
war,  was  in  the  throes  of  a  general  strike,  the  socialists 
also  protested  against  a  resort  to  arms,  declaring  that 
Russia's  alleged  desire  to  protect  small  nationalities  was 
mere  hypocrisy.  The  manifesto  of  the  Social  Revolution- 
ist Party  read  in  part: 

"  There  is  no  doubt  that  Austrian  imperialism  is  respon- 
sible for  the  war  with  Servia.  But  is  it  not  equally  criminal 
on  the  part  of  the  Serbs  to  refuse  autonomy  to  Macedonia 
and  to  oppress  smaller  and  weaker  nations? 

"  It  is  the  protection  of  this  state  that  our  government 
considers  its  sacred  duty.  What  hypocrisy !  Imagine  the 
intervention  of  the  Czar  on  behalf  of  poor  Servia,  whilst  he 
martyrizes  Poland,  Finland,  and  the  Jews,  and  behaves  like 
a  brigand  towards  Persia." 

Italy. —  At  the  beginning  of  the  agitation  for  war  in 
Europe,  the  Italian  socialists  proclaimed  their  position  of 
neutrality,  especially  opposing  Italy's  participation  on 
the  side  of  Austria  and  Germany.  A  revolution,  it 
warned,  would  follow  such  participation. 

The  agitation  of  the  socialists  undoubtedly  had  its  ef- 
fect in  preventing  Italy  from  assisting  the  Central  Powers. 
Later  the  middle  classes  began  to  give  their  support  to 
the  Allied  cause.  Mussolini,  editor  of  the  Avanti,  urged 
that  the  party  refrain  from  deciding  future  tactics  in  case 
of  war,  until  the  events  themselves  gave  the  basis  upon 
which  to  act.  The  party  executive,  however  reaffirmed 


274.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

its  former  position  of  neutrality,  and  Mussolini  resigned, 
founding  an  independent  pro-war  paper.  Most  of  the  op- 
position to  neutrality  came  from  the  Socialist  Reform 
Party,  which  soon  definitely  began  a  propaganda  in  favor 
of  war  against  Austria. 

By  the  end  of  September,  the  Socialist  Party  realized 
that  it  was  necessary  to  urge  its  position  of  neutrality 
more  aggressively.  Its  statement  held  the  present  capi- 
talistic system  responsible  for  the  war  and  declared  that 
"  the  socialist  deputies  will  not  vote  the  military  credits 
for  a  war  of  aggression."  In  February,  1915,  the  so- 
cialist and  labor  forces  held  a  conference  in  Milan,  passed 
a  resolution  against  war  and  practically  gave  to  the 
party  executive  power  to  prepare  a  general  strike,  if  need 
be,  in  order  to  avert  war.  This  was  passed  by  a  vote  of 
182  to  125  for  the  more  moderate  resolution  of  Turati. 

Other  Countries — In  Holland,  the  Dutch  socialists 
fought  for  neutrality.  On  August  1,  Troelstra  publicly 
favored  the  policy  of  mobilization  as  a  means  of  maintain- 
ing neutrality,  though  vigorously  opposing  any  aggressive 
participation  in  the  war.  At  Zurich,  Switzerland,  on 
July  29,  the  Swiss  socialists  held  a  great  demonstration 
against  war.  On  September  27,  the  Swiss  and  Italian 
socialists,  at  a  conference  held  at  Lugano,  declared  that 
the  European  struggle  was  largely  a  struggle  for  markets 
and  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the  revolutionary 
movement  of  the  proletariat.  While  the  German  and 
Austrian  Governments  pretended  that  they  were  fighting 
against  Czarism,  it  maintained,  they  had  always  befriended 
the  reign  of  the  Russian  Czar.  The  declaration  also  de- 
nounced England  and  France  for  their  alliance  with  Rus- 
sia and  declared  that  it  was  the  party's  task  "  to  fight 
to  the  last  breath  against  the  extension  of  this  war  into 
other  nations."  On  November  1,  the  Swiss  Socialist  Con- 


AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  275 

gress  favored  an  "  uncompromising  class  struggle  of  the 
proletariat  on  an  international  basis  "  and  their  refusal 
"  to  take  any  responsibility  for  the  politics  of  the  ruling 
classes,"  as  the  only  method  of  attaining  peace. 

The  socialists  of  Denmark  and  of  Sweden  likewise  placed 
themselves  on  record  in  favor  of  neutrality.  In  Rumania, 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  published  an  appeal 
against  the  pro-Russian  propaganda  which  tended  to 
plunge  Rumania  into  war.  The  "narrow"  (orthodox) 
socialists  in  Bulgaria  on  November  24  urged  that  the  So- 
branje  should  demand  intervention,  in  common  with  neu- 
tral nations,  "  in  order  to  bring  about  the  earliest  possible 
end  to  the  bloodshed."  The  Portuguese  socialists,  on  Oc- 
tober 6,  also  demanded  the  strictest  neutrality. 

It  is  thus  seen  that,  prior  to  the  actual  declaration  of 
war,  socialists  in  practically  every  European  country 
opposed  their  country's  entrance.  In  many  of  the  coun- 
tries that  remained  neutral,  the  influence  of  the  socialist 
movement  was  very  considerable  in  maintaining  neutrality. 

IMMEDIATELY    AFTER    THE    DECLARATION    OF    WAR 

Following  the  outbreak  of  war,  however,  the  socialists 
in  a  majority  of  the  countries  ceased  their  opposition  to 
war,  in  several  instances  actively  supporting  hostilities. 

The  Belgian  Socialists. —  On  August  3,  the  Belgian  so- 
cialists issued  a  manifesto  in  which  they  declared  that,  "  in 
defending  the  neutrality  and  even  the  existence  of  our 
country  against  militarist  barbarism  we  shall  be  conscious 
of  serving  the  cause  of  democracy  and  of  political  liberty 
in  Europe."  At  the  same  time  they  urged  their  members 
never  to  forget  that  "  they  belong  to  the  International, 
and  that  they  must  be  fraternal  and  humane  as  far  as 
is  compatible  with  their  legitimate  individual  defense  and 
that  of  the  country.5' 


276      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Emile  Vandervelde,  chairman  of  the  International  So- 
cialist Bureau,  accepted  a  position  in  the  Belgian  Cabi- 
net and  the  party  as  a  whole,  from  then  on,  gave  its  un- 
divided support  to  the  war. 

I  In  France. —  A  similar  line  of  procedure  was  adopted  in 
France.  The  socialist  deputies,  declaring  that  France 
was  attacked,  voted  the  war  budget  on  August  6  and 
Marcel  Sembat  and  Jules  Guesde  became  members  of  the 
Cabinet.  The  manifesto,  issued  immediately  after  the  war, 
declared  that  the  Frenchmen  were  struggling  "  not  only 
for  the  existence  of  the  country,  not  only  for  the  grandeur 
of  France,  but  for  liberty,  for  the  republic,  for  civilization. 
We  are  struggling  that  the  world,  freed  from  the  stifling 
oppression  of  imperialism  and  from  the  atrocities  of  the 
war,  should  finally  enjoy  peace  and  the  respect  of  the 
rights  of  all." 

Soon  after  the  outbreak,  also,  a  manifesto  of  French 
and  Belgian  socialists,  signed  by  a  number  of  prominent 
members  of  the  International  Socialist  Bureau,  was  issued 
for  the  purpose  of  explaining  to  the  socialists  of  the  neu- 
tral powers  why  the  signers  felt  justified  in  entering  the 
war.  This  document  was  spread  by  aeroplanes  in  the  ter- 
ritory held  by  the  Germans.  It  maintained  that  "  there 
was  no  doubt  that  imperialistic  Germany  inspired  Austria 
and  wanted  war,"  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  French 
Government  sincerely  desired  peace. 

On  August  28,  the  French  party  officially  approved  the 
entrance  of  its  two  members  into  the  ministry  of  national 
defense.  Several  months  later,  Albert  Thomas  became 
Minister  of  Munitions.  In  1916,  Sembat  and  Guesde  left, 
the  Cabinet,  Thomas  for  a  while  continuing. 

The  English  Socialists —  In  England,  the  Independent 
Labor  Party,  the  socialist  branch  of  the  British  Labor 


AFTER  DECLARATION  OF  WAR          277 

Party,  together  with  the  left  wing  of  the  British  Socialist 
Party,  continued  their  opposition  to  war,  while  the  main 
body  of  the  Labor  Party  and  the  Hyndman  group  in  the 
British  Socialist  Party  took  a  pro-war  position. 

The  first  manifesto  of  the  Independent  Labor  Party,  is- 
sued immediately  after  the  war's  outbreak,  launched  a  vig- 
orous attack  against  Sir  Edward  Grey,  declaring  that, 
even  though  he  had  worked  for  peace  during  the  last  few 
days  before  war,  he  and  other  diplomats  had  "  dug  the 
abyss  "  by  secret  treaties,  which  "  dragged  Republican 
France  at  the  heels  of  despotic  Russia,  Britain  at  the  heels 
of  France."  .  .  .  It  continued: 

"  We  desire  neither  the  aggrandizement  of  German  mili- 
tarism nor  Russian  militarism,  But  the  danger  is  that  this  war 
will  promote  one  or  the  other. 

"  In  forcing  this  appalling  crime  upon  the  nations,  it  is 
the  rulers,  the  diplomats,  the  militarists,  who  have  sealed 
their  doom.  In  tears  and  blood  and  bitterness  the  greater 
democracy  will  be  born.  With  steadfast  faith  we  greet  the 
future;  our  cause  is  holy  and  imperishable,  and  the  labor  of 
our  hands  has  not  been  in  vain." 

In  September,  when  called  upon  to  make  a  pronounce- 
ment regarding  their  attitude  toward  recruiting,  the  In- 
dependent Labor  Party  showed  it  was  still  essentially  op- 
posed to  the  war  and  recommended  that  its  various 
branches  take  no  part  in  the  proposed  campaign. 

The  British  Labor  Party —  The  Labor  Party,  on  the 
other  hand,  as  has  been  indicated,  soon  ceased  its  opposi- 
tion to  war.  On  August  5  and  6,  the  Labor  members  of 
Parliament  held  two  meetings  to  determine  their  position 
toward  war,  and,  on  the  latter  date,  a  few  hours  after  war 
was  declared,  issued  a  resolution  in  which  the  war  was 


278      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

laid  to  the  door  of  "  foreign  ministers  pursuing  diplomatic 
policies  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a  balance  of 
power." 

On  the  night  of  the  adoption  of  this  resolution,  how- 
ever, the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Labor  Party 
in  Parliament  opposed  the  proposal  of  Ramsay  Mac- 
Donald,  their  chairman,  that  he  read  its  terms  in  the 
House.  As  a  consequence  of  this  decision,  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald  resigned,  Arthur  Henderson  being  elected  in  his 
place.  A  few  days  later,  the  Labor  members  agreed  to 
cooperate  with  the  Tory  and  Liberal  Parties,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  Prime  Minister,  in  promoting  a  recruiting 
campaign,  while  the  national  executive  of  the  party  placed 
its  machinery  for  recruiting  purposes  at  the  disposal  of 
the  joint  committee.  From  that  time,  all  of  the  parlia- 
mentary members  of  the  party,  with  the  exception  of  a 
half  dozen,  identified  themselves  with  the  general  war  pol- 
icy of  the  government. 

The  September  third  manifesto  of  the  Parliamentary 
Committee  of  the  Trades  Union  Congress  came  out  defi- 
nitely for  the  war,  as  "  a  struggle  for  the  preservation  and 
maintenance  of  free  and  unfettered  democratic  govern- 
ment," while,  on  October  14th,  a  majority  of  the  Labor 
members  in  Parliament  issued  a  more  extensive  declara- 
tion defending  their  position,  and  claiming  that  "  the  vic- 
tory of  Germany  would  mean  the  death  of  democracy  in 
Europe,"  and  that  working  class  aspirations  for  greater 
political  and  economic  power  would  be  crushed. 

In  September,  the  British  Socialist  Party,  the  smallest 
of  the  socialist  and  labor  groups  here  mentioned,  gave  a 
somewhat  qualified  indorsement  of  the  war,  declaring  that 
it  "  has  always  maintained  the  right  of  nations  to  defend 
their  national  existence  by  force  of  arms,"  but  protest- 
ing against  the  low  wages  for  the  recruits  and  reiterating 


AFTER  DECLARATION  OF  WAR          279 

its  position  that  "  the  workers  of  Europe  have  no  quarrel 
with  one  another."  In  1916  the  party  split  on  the  war  is- 
sue, the  pro-war  group  under  Hyndman  forming  the  Na- 
tional Socialist  Party.  The  Fabian  Society  left  its  mem- 
bers free  to  act  as  they  chose,  although  its  representatives 
on  the  British  Section  of  the  International  generally  ac- 
cepted the  policy  of  the  majority. 

Germany. —  For  a  few  days  after  the  outbreak  of  the 
war,  the  Berlin  Vorwaerts  bitterly  attacked  the  action  of 
the  government,  particularly  holding  up  to  scorn  the  a-t- 
titude  of  the  officials  toward  Russia.  Formerly,  it  de- 
clared, socialists  were  arrested  for  insulting  the  Czar. 
Now  the  Germans  are  told  that  Czarism  must  be  crushed. 
The  Vorwaerts  contended  that  Russia  had  changed  greatly 
during  the  last  few  years,  and  that  it  was  no  longer  a 
stronghold  of  reaction,  but  a  land  of  revolution. 

On  August  3,  however,  a  majority  of  the  socialist  mem- 
bers of  the  Reichstag  met  with  a  few  other  members  of  the 
party  and  decided,  against  the  opposition  of  fourteen  of 
their  number,  to  vote  for  the  war  budget.  Haase,  the 
leader  of  the  group,  Karl  Liebknecht,  Franz  Mehring, 
Rosa  Luxemburg,  Clara  Zetkin  and  Karl  Kautsky  were 
among  the  dissenters,  but,  under  the  unit  rule,  on  the 
following  day,  all  of  the  Social  Democrats  in  the  Reichs- 
tag voted  with  the  majority.  Haase,  in  presenting  the 
case  of  the  majority  in  the  Reichstag,  declared  that  the 
Social  Democrats  were  in  no  way  responsible  for  the  war. 
He  based  their  support  of  the  war  after  its  outbreak  on 
their  fear  of  a  Russian  victory.  He  said  in  part : 

"  As  far  as  concerns  our  people  and  its  independence,  much, 
if  not  everything,  would  be  endangered  by  a  triumph  of  Rus- 
sian despotism.  .  .  . 

"  It  devolves  upon  us,  therefore,  to  avert  this  danger,  to 


280      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

shelter  the  civilization  and  independence  of  our  native  land. 
Therefore,  today  we  must  justify  what  we  have  already  said, 
In  its  hour  of  danger  Germany  may  ever  rely  upon  us. 

"  We  take  our  stand  upon  the  doctrine  basic  in  the  inter- 
national labor  movement,  which  at  all  times  has  recognized 
the  right  of  every  people  to  national  independence  and  na- 
tional defense,  and  at  the  same  time  we  condemn  all  war  for 
conquest.  We  hope  that  as  soon  as  our  opponents  are  ready 
for  negotiations,  an  end  will  be  made  to  the  war  and  a  state 
of  peace  induced  which  will  make  possible  friendly  relations 
with  our  neighbors." 

In  Austria  it  was  difficult  for  the  socialists  to  make 
their  stand  clear.  The  Arbeit er  Zeitung,  the  official  Aus- 
trian paper,  on  August  23,  came  out  in  support  of  the 
war,  "  in  order  that  the  people  shall  not  be  conquered." 
Later  the  Austrian  deputies  voted  against  the  war  budget. 
In  Hungary,  the  socialist  position  was  largely  one  of 
opposition. 

Russia. —  Perhaps  the  most  daring  of  the  acts  of  Eu- 
ropean socialist  representatives  after  war  broke  out  was 
that  of  the  fourteen  Social  Democratic  members  of  the 
Duma,  who  abstained  from  voting  for  the  war  budget,  is- 
sued a  statement  against  war  and  left  the  Duma  followed 
by  members  of  the  Labor  Party.  The  statement  of  the 
Social  Democrats  at  this  Duma  meeting  of  August  8  main- 
tained that  the  hearts  of  the  Russian  workers  were  with  the 
European  proletariat;  that  the  war  had  been  provoked 
by  the  policy  of  expansion  for  which  the  ruling  classes  of 
all  countries  were  responsible  and  that  the  proletariat 
would  defend  the  civilization  of  the  world  against  this  at- 
tack. 

On  November  17,  five  of  the  socialist  deputies  were  ar- 
rested for  engaging  in  anti-war  propaganda  and  conspir- 
ing to  distribute  a  treasonable  manifesto.  This  manifesto, 


AFTER  DECLARATION  OF  WAR          281 

the  officials  asserted,  declared  that  the  defeat  of  the  armies 
of  the  Czar  would  prove  of  little  consequence;  that  the 
propaganda  of  social  revolution  should  be  carried  on 
among  the  army  and  at  the  theater  of  war  and  that  the 
weapons  of  the  soldiers  should  be  used  not  against  their 
brothers  but  against  the  reactionary  bourgeois  govern- 
ments. The  deputies  were  afterwards  sentenced  to  exile 
and  imprisonment. 

The  labor  group  also  took  a  stand  against  the  war  at 
the  meeting  of  August  8,  but  afterwards  supported  the 
government  because  of  the  fear  of  invasion.  Kerensky, 
in  representing  this  group  before  the  Duma,  declared  that 
they  supported  the  war  "  in  defense  of  the  land  of  our 
birth  and  of  our  civilization  created  by  the  blood  of  our 
race."  He,  however,  affirmed  that  the  Russian  citizens 
had  no  enemies  among  the  working  classes  of  the  belli- 
gerents. He  denounced  the  authorities  for  failing  to 
grant  amnesty  to  those  who  fought  for  their  country's 
happiness,  and  urged  the  workers,  after  having  defended 
their  land,  to  free  it. 

Other  Countries. —  In  the  Balkans  the  Socialist  Party 
of  Servia  refused  to  accept  responsibility  for  any  of  the 
events  leading  to  the  war.  The  "  narrow "  Socialist 
Party  in  Bulgaria  opposed  the  war,  the  "  broad  "  party 
abstained.  In  Rumania,  the  official  Socialist  Party  stood 
for  neutrality,  although  a  new  Labor  Party,  formed  by  a 
few  "  intellectuals,"  supported  the  Allies. 

In  Poland  the  Social  Democratic  Party  uncomprom- 
isingly opposed  the  war ;  one  section  of  the  Polish  So- 
cialist Party  took  the  same  stand,  while  the  other  section 
placed  their  hopes  in  Austrian  victory  over  Russia. 

The  Portugal  socialists  supported  the  government. 
The  Greek  socialists  for  the  most  part  favored  neutrality, 
and  attacked  the  alleged  pro-German  policy  of  the  king. 


282      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

In  the  British  Dominions,  the  Labor  Party  of  Australia 
supported  the  war,  while  the  independent  socialist  bodies 
opposed  it.  Premier  Hughes'  attempt  to  impose  con- 
scription on  the  country  led  to  a  split  within  the  party 
and  the  formation  of  a  new  National  Party  under  Hughes, 
by  a  coalition  with  the  opposition. 

Summary. —  It  is  thus  seen  that,  in  most  of  the  coun- 
tries, following  the  declaration  of  war,  the  majority  of 
socialists  took  the  position  that  they  were  defending 
the  Integrity  of  their  country  against  attack,  or  that  they 
were  fighting  for  the  principles  of  democracy,  and  were 
justified,  according  to  so«i*ifct  pyJBciplesT  in  supporting 
their  respective  governments.  A  minority  stood  out 
against  war.  In  Belgium  and  France,  which  were  actu- 
ally invaded,  the  socialists  at  first  supported  their  gov- 
ernments almost  to  a  man.  In  Germany,  the  large  ma- 
jority backed  the  war,  a  militant  minority  opposed  it. 
In  Austria,  the  official  press  came  out  for  it,  although 
vigorous  opposition  soon  developed.  In  Hungary,  where 
the  movement  was  somewhat  inarticulate,  there  was  little 
support,  and  later  much  opposition.  In  England,  senti- 
ment was  also  divided.  The  British  Labor  Party,  the 
largest  group,  became  active  adherents  of  the  war,  while 
the  smaller  Independent  Labor  Party,  and  a  branch  of  the 
British  Labor  Party,  continued  to  voice  its  opposition. 
In  Russia  the  Social  Democrats  remained  anti-war,  al- 
though the  labor  group  gave  the  government  their  qual- 
ified support.  The  majority  of  the  Italian  socialists  op- 
posed war,  while  considerable  opposition  was  consistently 
evinced  in  many  of  the  smaller  countries. 


t 

CHAPTER  X 
TOWARDS  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL 

THE   INTERNATIONAL  DURING   THE  WAR  J 

Early  Conferences —  Acting  on  the  resolution  that,  if 
war  actually  broke  out,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  socialists 
"  to  bring  about  its  conclusion  as  quickly  as  possible,"  so- 
cialists in  various  countries  immediately  urged  the  calling 
of  an  International  Socialist  Congress.  The  parties  in 
America  and  Switzerland,  within  a  month  after  the  out- 
break of  war,  were  the  first  to  appeal  for  such  a  gather- 
ing. Their  efforts,  however,  were  unsuccessful. 

In  January,  1915,  delegates  of  neutrals  from  Holland 
and  the  three  Scandinavian  countries  met  in  Copenhagen 
for  the  purpose  of  influencing  all  neutral  countries  to 
work  for  a  permanent  peace.2  The  peace  terms,  they 
declared,  should  provide  for  an  international  court  of  ar- 
bitration, and  for  restriction  of  armament.  Any  change 
in  national  frontiers  that  might  lessen  the  right  of  self- 
government  should  be  opposed. 

The  following  month,  on  February  14,  1915,  the  so- 

i  For  more  detailed  description  of  these  conferences  see  Balch, 
Approaches  to  the  Oreat  Settlement. 

2  The  International  Socialist  Bureau  was  transferred  from  Brus- 
sels to  The  Hague  in  October,  1914,  and  Troelstra,  Van  Kol  and 
Albarda,  representatives  of  the  Dutch  Socialist  Parties,  were  added 
to  the  old  Belgian  committee,  consisting  of  Vandervelde,  Anseele 
and  Bertrand,  as  the  executive  committee  of  the  International. 
Huysmans  was  continued  as  secretary. 

283' 


284      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

cialists  of  the  Allied  countries,  including  Great  Britain, 
Belgium,  France  and  Russia,  met  in  London,  Keir  Hardie 
presiding.  The  conference  denounced  the  policy  of  cap- 
italist imperialism,  declared  that  the  invasion  of  Belgium 
threatened  the  very  existence  of  independent  national- 
ities and  that  a  victory  for  German  imperialism  would 
mean  the  destruction  of  liberty  and  democracy  in  Eu- 
rope; demanded  that  Belgium  be  liberated  and  compen- 
sated, that  the  question  of  Poland  be  settled  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  Polish  people  and  that 
"  throughout  all  Europe,  from  Alsace-Lorraine  to  the  Bal- 
kans, those  populations  which  have  been  annexed  by  force 
shall  receive  the  right  freely  to  dispose  of  themselves." 
It  continued: 

"  While  inflexibly  resolved  to  fight  until  victory  is 
achieved  to  accomplish  this  task  of  liberation,  the  social- 
ists are  none  the  less  resolved  to  resist  any  attempt  to 
transform  this  defensive  war  into  a  war  of  conquest,  which 
would  only  prepare  fresh  conflicts,  create  new  grievances, 
and  subject  various  peoples  more  than  ever  to  the  double 
plague  of  armaments  and  war." 

Their  statement,  in  conclusion,  demanded  the  establish- 
ment of  an  international  authority,  the  suppression  of 
secret  diplomacy  and  the  elimination  of  profiteering  in  the 
making  of  armaments. 

The  socialists  of  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  also 
issued  a  number  of  pronouncements  during  the  Spring  and 
Summer.  On  April  12  and  13,  1915,  at  a  meeting  in  Vi- 
enna, they  passed  a  resolution  favoring  a  peace  based  on 
international  arbitration,  international  agreements  to- 
ward gradual  disarmament,  democratic  parliamentary  con- 
trol of  treaties  and  the  right  of  peoples  to  decide  their 
own  destiny. 

The  Zimmerwald  Conference. —  The  first  conference 


DURING  THE  WAR  285 

held  after  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  attended  by  social- 
ists from  both  the  Allied  countries  and  the  Central  Powers 
was  that  known  as  the  Zimmerwald  Conference,  held  at  a 
city  of  that  name  in  Switzerland,  in  September,  1915. 
Represented  at  this  conference  were  the  radical  sections  of 
the  socialists  in  several  of  the  countries,  including  Ger- 
many, France,  Italy,  Poland,  Rumania,  Bulgaria,  Hol- 
land and  the  Scandinavian  countries.  Representatives 
from  the  I.  L.  P.  and  the  B.  S.  P.  of  England  were  denied 
passports.  The  conference  aimed  to  secure  common  work- 
ing class  action  in  behalf  of  peace,  and  decided  to  estab- 
lish a  commission  at  Berne  to  carry  out  this  purpose. 

A  second  gathering  was  held  at  Kienthal  in  April,  1916, 
attended  by  delegates  from  Italy,  Sweden,  Russia  and  Ger- 
many, about  forty  in  all.  The  Zimmerwald  Manifesto, 
signed  by  Ledebour  of  the  German  Reichstag,  the  Russian 
Lenin  and  the  French  socialist  Bourderon,  declared  in 
favor  of  a  revolutionary  war  against  the  governments  of 
their  respective  countries,  the  refusal  of  all  war  credits 
and  war  supplies  and  "  immediate  peace  without  annexa- 
tions.*' The  delegates  urged  the  workers  to  "  defend 
themselves  by  class  war  against  all  forms  of  national  op- 
pression "  and  to  oppose  all  exploitation  of  the  weaker 
nations. 

The  "  Zimmerwald  socialists  "  met  again  in  the  summer 
of  1917,  at  that  time  transferring  the  headquarters  from 
Berne  to  Stockholm.  Little  of  any  importance  trans- 
pired at  this  conference. 

The  Stockholm  Conference. —  For  some  time  after  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  the  International  Socialist  Bureau 
as  such  was  quiescent.  Beginning  with  the  early  part 
of  1915,  the  International  Bureau  attempted  to  get  the 
socialists  of  the  warring  countries  to  arrive  at  a  general 
agreement  on  the  proposal  to  convoke  a  full  congress. 


286      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  French  and  other  socialists  were  at  first  luke-warm 
or  definitely  hostile  to  such  a  conference,  but  sentiment  in 
favor  of  it  gradually  grew,  and,  in  August,  1916,  the 
neutrals  were  again  convoked  at  The  Hague  and  adopted 
a  unanimous  resolution  in  favor  of  the  proposal.  Early 
in  1917,  the  headquarters  of  the  International  was  moved 
to  Stockholm  and  Huysmans  agreed  to  cooperate  in  the 
forming  of  a  Dutch-Scandinavian  Committee,  of  which 
Branting,  leader  of  the  Swedish  party  and  a  strong  pro- 
Ally,  acted  as  president.  Stockholm  was  selected  as  the 
location  of  an  informal  conference.  Troelstra  arrived  at 
Stockholm  on  April  26,  and  Huysmans,  who  had  served  as 
a  steward  in  a  freighter,  landed  on  May  2.  The  con- 
ference was  opened  informally  on  May  13,  the  delegates 
giving  their  view  to  members  of  the  Dutch-Scandinavian 
Committee.  Huysmans  took  the  position  that  Belgium 
must  be  reestablished  and  the  material  losses  made  good. 
Such  restoration,  he  declared,  did  not  constitute  an  in- 
demnity. Peace  depended  largely  on  whether  the  Ger- 
man socialists  could  force  their  government  to  come  out 
specifically  for  the  policy  of  no  annexation.  This  view, 
according  to  Branting,  was  shared  by  all  of  the  confer- 
ence participants,  and  Scheidemann  returned  to  Germany 
with  the  conviction  that  the  lack  of  confidence  in  Germany, 
due  to  the  irresponsible  character  of  the  German  govern- 
ment, was  one  of  the  chief  obstacles  to  peace. 

The  exchanges  seemed  to  the  Russians  so  fraught  with 
possible  results  that,  on  May  9,  the  executive  committee 
of  the  Council  of  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Delegates  issued 
an  official  call  to  all  socialist  parties  and  to  the  principal 
labor  organizations  of  the  world  to  attend  a  conference  to 
be  held  in  Stockholm  between  June  28  and  July  8,  1917. 
This  date  was  afterwards  changed  to  August  15. 

Results  of   the   Questionnaire. —  In   the  meanwhile   a 


DURING  THE  WAR  287 

questionnaire  was  sent  out  by  the  Dutch-Scandinavian 
Committee  to  the  various  groups,  asking  what  terms  of 
peace  they  favored.  The  four  principal  socialist  groups 
in  the  Central  Powers  —  the  Majority  and  Minority  so- 
cialists of  Germany  and  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  so- 
cialists —  stated  that  they  desired  substantially  a  peace 
without  annexations  and  indemnities.  All  four  parties 
seemed  to  favor  a  "  reestablishment  of  an  independent 
Belgium,"  the  restoration  of  Servia  and  Montenegro,  and 
the  national  independence  of  Russian  Poland  and  Fin- 
land. All  likewise  agreed  to  a  program  of  disarmament, 
the  abolition  of  secret  diplomacy,  and  of  economic  bar- 
riers, and  seemed  favorable  to  a  court  of  international  ar- 
bitration. They  were  considerably  divided  on  the  inter- 
pretation of  indemnities  and  the  disposal  of  Alsace-Lor- 
raine, and  on  other  questions.3 

APPROACHES    TO    THE    GREAT    SETTLEMENT 

Refusal  of  Passports —  The  invitation  of  the  Russian 
Council  of  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  to  attend  a 
peace  conference  at  Stockholm  was  accepted  by  the  so- 
cialists of  France  (May  28,  1917),  of  Italy  (June  6), 
and  of  Great  Britain  (August  10). 

The  first  government  to  refuse  passports  to  the  dele-' 
gates  was  the  United  States,  where  the  Department  of 
State  decided  not  to  grant  passports  to  the  socialist  dele- 
gates, Hillquit,  Berger  and  Lee.  Following  the  leader- 
ship of  the  United  States,  the  French  Government  also  re- 
fused passports  to  the  French  socialist  delegates.  The 
government  of  Great  Britain,  through  Sir  Robert  Cecil, 
denied  permission  to  delegates  of  the  Independent  Labor 
Party  to  confer  with  fellow  socialists  in  Petrograd,  al- 

3  For  a  more  complete  analysis  of  their  stand,  see  Balch,  Ap- 
proaches to  the  Great  Settlement,  pp.  172-94. 


lowing  them,  however,  to  talk  en  route  with  other  dele- 
gates from  friendly  countries.  But  the  Sailors'  and  Fire- 
men's Union  of  Great  Britain,  through  Havelock  Wilson, 
president,  refused  to  have  its  members  serve  on  any  ship 
carrying  the  delegates,  taking  the  position  that  there 
should  be  "  no  peace  maneuvers  until  Germany  had  made 
the  fullest  restitution  for  the  wholesale  massacre  of  Al- 
lied sailors  at  sea."  The  delegation  therefore  remained 
at  home.  Italy  also  refused  passports.  On  account  of 
these  and  other  obstacles,  the  Stockholm  Conference  was 
finally  called  off. 

The  Spring,  1918,  Inter-Allied  Socialist  and  Labor 
Conference. —  The  second  Inter- Allied  Conference  met  in 
London  in  August,  1917,  but  failed  to  agree  on  a  common 
basis.  The  endeavor  to  form  a  working  basis,  however, 
was  continued,  and  a  third  Socialist  and  Labor  Confer- 
ence was  called  for  London,  in  the  Spring  of  1918,  largely 
at  the  inspiration  of  the  British  Labor  Party.  Delegates 
attended  this  conference  from  most  of  the  Allied  countries 
outside  of  the  United  States,  Italy  and  Russia.4 

The  conference  reiterated  its  declaration  of  the  1915 
London  Conference  for  a  league  of  nations,  for  the  aboli- 
tion of  secret  diplomacy,  the  limitation  of  armaments,  and 
the  prohibition  of  private  manufacture.  It  declared  it  to 
be  the  duty  of  all  labor  and  socialist  groups  to  denounce 
without  hesitation  any  imperialistic  designs.  It  favored 
the  principle  of  self-determination  and  specifically  applied 
it  in  numerous  instances.  It  reiterated  its  condemnation 
of  colonial  imperialism,  and  suggested  a  system  of  inter- 

*  Representatives  from  the  United  States  were  again  unable  to 
secure  passports.  The  Russian  Bolshevik  Government  declined  to 
send  representatives  on  the  ground  that  the  conference  was  not  in 
harmony  with  the  principles  of  the  International.  It  also  refused 
passports  to  the  representatives  of  the  Social  Revolutionists  and  the 
Mcnsheviks. 


DURING  THE  WAR  289 

national  control  under  which  the  inhabitants  would  be  duly 
considered,  and  all  revenues  would  be  devoted  to  the  well- 
being  of  the  colonies.  It  condemned  the  idea  of  an  eco- 
nomic war  after  peace.  It  favored  freedom  of  communi- 
cation and  the  development  of  the  resources  of  every  coun- 
try, not  only  for  the  benefit  of  its  own  people,  but  also 
of  the  world.  Systematic  arrangements  should  be  made 
on  an  international  basis  for  the  carrying  of  available  ex- 
portable foodstuffs  to  the  different  countries  in  propor- 
tion, not  to  their  purchasing  powers,  but  to  their  pressing 
needs.  Within  each  country,  furthermore,  the  govern- 
ments for  some  time  must  maintain  control  over  the  most 
indispensable  commodities,  "  in  order  to  meet  the  most  ur- 
gent needs  of  the  whole  community  on  the  principle  of  *  no 
cake  for  any  one  until  all  have  bread.'  "  To  avoid  the 
unemployment  problem,  public  works  should  be  started 
throughout  the  world. 

For  Labor  Representation. —  Albert  Thomas,  Emile 
Vandervelde  and  Arthur  Henderson  were  appointed  a  com- 
mission to  secure  from  all  governments  that  at  least  one 
representative  of  labor  and  socialism  be  included  in  the 
official  representation  at  any  government  conference. 
The  conference  regretted  the  absence  of  American  dele- 
gates, and  appointed  a  committee  to  visit  America  and  to 
confer  with  representatives  of  the  American  democracy. 
The  Seamen's  Union,  however,  refused  to  transport  this 
committee  to  America. 

The  memorandum  was  placed  sometime  later  in  the 
hands  of  the  socialists  of  the  Central  Powers.  Troelstra 
of  Holland,  during  the  Spring,  held  a  number  of  interviews 
with  the  socialists  of  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary,  and 
was  scheduled  to  attend  the  Labor  Party  Conference  in 
June,  1918.  The  British  newspapers,  however,  raised  a 
cry  of  pro-Germanism,  and  he  was  not  permitted  to  land. 


290      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE 

Representation  at  Conference — The  first  attempt  to 

'rehabilitate  the  International  after  the  armistice  was  made 
in  February,  1919,  at  the  International  Socialist  Con- 
iference  at  Berne,  Switzerland.  Delegates  were  present  at 
this  conference  which  lasted  from  February  2  to  9,  from 
Great  Britain,  France,  Holland,  Germany,  Austria,  and 
a  score  of  other  countries,  purporting  to  represent  some 
fifty  millions  of  people.5  The  Belgian  socialists  refused  to 
meet  the  socialists  of  the  Central  Powers  until  the  latter 
confessed  their  guilt.  The  American  delegates  failed  to 

j  receive  passports  in  time  to  make  their  appearance  at  the 
conference,  which  they  later  repudiated,  while  the  Socialist 
Parties  of  Italy,  Servia,  Rumania,  and  Switzerland  refused 
to  lend  the  conference  their  support. 

The  Communist  Party  —  the  Bolsheviks  —  of  Russia, 

;  in  stating  their  reasons  for  failure  to  attend,  declared  that 
in  their  opinion  the  most  dangerous  enemy  of  the  world 
revolution  was  "  the  yellow  international,"  and  that  the 
workers  should  carry  on  "  an  implacable  struggle  against 

I  the  pseudo-socialist  traitors." 

The  majority  of  those  present  were  veterans  in  the  so- 

B  In  estimating  the  number  represented  at  the  Conference,  Camille 
Huysmans,  the  secretary  of  the  International  since  1905,  wrote  that, 
prior  to  the  war,  the  International  included  between  ten  and  twelve 
million  members.  In  February,  1919,  the  British  delegation  repre- 
sented 4,500,000;  the  French,  1,000,000;  the  Canadian,  500,000.  The 
German  delegation  came  in  the  name  of  all  of  the  socialist  and  labor 
voters,  numbering  (Socialist  Majority),  12,000,000;  (Independents), 
3,000,000.  "  The  Lettish,  Esthonian  and  Georgian  delegations  repre- 
sented a  great  part  of  their  people.  The  Russian  figures  are  com- 
pletely unknown.  They  may  be  one  million  or  ten  millions.  The 
Ukrainians,  who  arrived  at  the  close  of  the  conference  and  indorsed 
officially  the  Bnmting  resolution,  represented  a  nation  of  forty 
millions  of  which  they  are  the  majority." 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  391 

cialist  cause,  youth  being  conspicuous  for  its  absence. 
The  main  topics  on  the  agenda  were:  the  responsibility 
for  the  war,  the  League  of  Nations,  the  territorial 
readjustment,  the  labor  charter  and  the  Russian  situa- 
tion. 

Responsibility  for  the  War — The  two  first  days  of 
the  gathering  were  consumed  with  a  fruitless  attempt  to 
fix  the  blame  for  the  European  conflagration.  Both  Karl 
Kautsky  and  Kurt  Eisner  criticized  the  Majority  social- 
ists for  the  aid  they  rendered  the  government  during  the 
war.  The  Bavarian  Premier  particularly  acknowledged 
the  heavy  guilt  of  Germany,  but  declared  that  the  people 
had  now  dispensed  with  their  militarists,  and  that  a  new 
spirit  was  governing  that  country.  Eisner  urged  that  the 
International  be  not  animated  by  a  spirit  of  revenge.  His 
address  called  forth  a  storm  of  protest  from  Germany, 
and  was  doubtless  a  main  cause  for  his  assassination  on 
his  return. 

Stuart  Bunning  of  Great  Britain  and  Jean  Longuet  of 
France  appealed  to  Albert  Thomas,  the  leader  of  the 
French  right  wing  socialists  —  who  vigorously  urged  that 
the  International  fix  responsibility  — "  not  to  turn  this 
war  of  governments  into  a  war  of  peoples  of  the  world," 
and  declared  that  "  nationalism  and  chauvinism  which  had 
been  beaten  in  Berlin  and  Vienna  were  raising  their  heads 
in  Paris,  Rome  and  London."  Frederich  Adler  declared 
that  Austria  had  prepared  for  the  war  long  before  the 
Serajevo  murder.  The  Majority  socialists  were  for  the 
most  part  silent.  An  acknowledgment  of  guilt,  contended 
some,  would  lead  to  heavier  indemnities. 

The  resolution  which  was  finally  passed  ignored  di- 
rectly the  question  of  responsibility  for  the  war,  leaving 
the  fixing  of  such  responsibility  to  future  conferences.  It 
read  in  part : 


SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  The  Conference  at  Berne  acknowledges  that  the  question 
of  the  immediate  responsibility  of  the  war  has  been  made 
clear  through  the  discussion  and  through  the  declaration  of 
the  German  Majority,  stating  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  new 
Germany  and  its  entire  separation  from  the  old  system  which 
was  responsible  for  the  war.  In  welcoming  the  German  revo- 
lution and  the  development  of  democratic  and  socialist  insti- 
tutions which  it  involves,  the  conference  sees  the  way  clear 
for  the  common  work  of  the  International. 

"  The  further  explanations  the  German  delegates  have 
presented  during  the  debates  dealing  with  the  League  of 
Nations  convinces  the  conference  that  from  this  time  on  the 
united  working  classes  of  the  whole  world  will  guarantee  and 
prove  the  greatest  power  for  suppression  of  all  militarism 
and  of  every  attempt  to  abolish  international  democracy." 

League  of  Peoples — The  conference  also  went  defi- 
nitely on  record  in  favor  of  a  genuinely  democratic  League 
of  Nations.  If  the  League  of  Nations  is  to  count  for 
world  peace,  they  insisted,  it  should  be  based  on  a  peace 
of  justice.  It  should  be  representative  of  the  people,  and 
not  of  the  executive  branches  of  the  government.  It 
should  unite  all  peoples  organized  on  the  basis  of  self- 
determination.  It  should  abolish  all  standing  armies, 
bring  about  complete  disarmament,  establish  free  trade, 
the  open  door  to  colonies  and  the  international  control  of 
world  thoroughfares.  It  should  provide  for  the  world  dis- 
tribution of  food  stuffs  and  raw  materials  with  a  view  to 
bringing  the  production  of  the  world  to  the  highest  state 
of  efficiency,  and  it  should  include  a  labor  charter.  The 
resolution  concluded: 

"  In  proportion  as  the  working  class  movement  in  every 
country  grows  in  force,  as  the  workers  become  conscious  of 
their  international  tasks  and  become  more  determined  in  their 
opposition  to  any  policy  of  might  on  the  part  of  their  govern- 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  293 

merits,  in  proportion,  in  fact,  as  socialism  is  realized  and  the 
new  Socialist  International  grows  in  power,  will  the  League 
be  able  to  achieve  more  powerful  and  beneficial  results." 

Warning  by  MacDonald. —  Every  speaker  present  ad- 
vocated a  league  of  peoples,  and  spoke  for  a  new  spirit  in 
world  politics.  Ramsay  MacDonald  urged  the  German 
socialists  to  give  up  their  idea  of  a  citizens'  army  and 
to  oppose  conscription  root  and  branch,  and  warned 
against  a  league  of  governments.  He  said  in  part : 

"  The  League  of  Nations  must  not  be  associated  with  the 
spoils  of  war:  it  must  not  be  an  instrument  of  victory.  It 
must  be  a  territorial  court  of  justice,  not  a  police  force  to 
enforce  injustice.  It  must  enter  into  an  inheritance  of  fair 
play,  just  dealing  and  democratic  territorial  division.  If  it 
enters  into  any  other  inheritance  then  every  policeman  it 
commands,  every  soldier  it  can  order,  will  be  used  not  for 
the  liberty  of  the  people,  but  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the 
people  unhappy,  enchained,  .  .  .  and  altogether  in  the  war- 
like frame  of  mind,  which  in  1914  enabled  the  governments 
to  plunge  their  peoples  into  the  abyss  of  destruction. 

"  The  League  of  Nations  must  not  be  an  exclusive  league 
—  it  must  not  be  an  alliance  of  certain  powers  possessed  of 
the  late  war  emotions.  The  league  must  be  a  union  of  all 
the  nations  whose  political  and  social  development  entitles 
them  to  enter  it.  ... 

"I  desire  the  people  to  be  the  soul  of  the  league  —  not 
the  red  tape  of  foreign  offices.  .  .  .  The  league  to  which  I 
object  is  the  sort  of  league  that  the  governments  at  Paris  ap- 
parently want  to  impose  upon  the  people.  All  that  has  so 
far  been  announced  is  that  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the 
various  states  should  meet  once  a  year.  Such  a  proposal  is 
an  insult  to  the  peoples  of  Europe  and  no  compliment  to  the 
intelligence  of  any  of  them.  Such  a  league  would  be  not 
better  than  the  Holy  Alliance  of  a  hundred  years  ago.  .  .  . 

"  Russia  has  been  singled  out  for  disapprobation  not  for 


294      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

her  crimes,  but  because  of  her  new  political  policy.  .  .  . 
There  are  atrocities  and  tyrannies  elsewhere  and  they  were  not 
challenged  elsewhere. 

"  At  this  moment,  owing  to  our  war  experiences,  move- 
ments are  beginning  to  limit  and  control  executive  power  in 
democratic  governments,  but  if  these  national  executives  are 
united  in  a  league,  acting  internationally,  they  will  have 
greater  authority  even  than  they  had  in  the  old  days  in  their 
own  national  governments.  A  League  of  Nations  must  not  be 
an  expedient  for  restoring  to  weakened  national  executives 
the  powers  taken  from  them  by  the  national  parliaments."  ' 

For  Complete  Disarmament. —  J.  H.  Thomas,  the 
powerful  leader  of  British  labor,  also  emphasized  the  ne- 
cessity for  a  league  of  common  people  rather  than  a  league 
of  diplomats,  and  urged  the  abolition  of  conscription. 
In  answer  to  the  objection  that  the  conference  must  not 
lay  itself  open  to  the  charge  of  utopianism,  in  demanding 
complete  disarmament,  Mrs.  Snowden  remarked: 

"  But  why  should  we  be  so  concerned  to  save  ourselves 
from  such  a  charge?  When  we  regard  the  ruin  to  which 
the  world  has  been  brought  by  the  practical  people  to  whom 
its  affairs  have  hitherto  been  entrusted,  is  there  not  reason 
for  trusting  those  who  are  named  idealists,  but  whose  policy 
of  complete  disarmament  is  the  truly  practical  policy  for 
mankind?  " 

Arthur  Henderson  pled  for  the  smashing  of  the  old 
balance  of  power,  for  complete  disarmament  and  for  a 
peace  of  justice,  and  declared  that  it  was  his  hope  that  the 

•  Most  of  the  material  regarding  the  Berne  Conference  is  ob- 
tained from  a  pamphlet  on  "The  Spirit  of  the  International  in 
Berne,"  published  by  Schloss  Steinhof  of  Lucerne.  Summaries  of 
important  speeches  are  given.  These  do  not  always  contain  the 
exact  words  of  the  speaker,  but,  I  believe,  are  faithful  accounts  of 
the  spirit  of  the  speaker's  remarks. 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  295 

conference  would  influence  the  decisions  in  Paris  in  a 
very  practical  way.  Kurt  Eisner  appealed  to  the  press 
not  to  turn  one  nation  against  another,  and  challenged 
the  youths  of  all  countries  to  fight  against  militarism. 
While  claiming  that  he  had  not  even  yet  complete  confi- 
dence in  the  German  comrades,  Albert  Thomas  said  that 
he  would  support  the  league  resolution. 

Territorial  Adjustments — The  resolution  on  terri- 
torial adjustment  favored  the  self-determination  of  peo- 
ples, plebiscites  in  disputed  territories,  the  protection  of 
nationalities  forming  a  minority  or  majority  in  a  country, 
the  protection  by  the  League  of  Nations  of  vital  economic 
interests,  and  the  development  of  populations  in  depend- 
ences so  that  they  might  exercise  the  rights  of  free  self- 
determination,  by  the  founding  of  schools,  the  granting 
of  local  autonomy,  freedom  of  speech  and  press,  etc.  The 
resolution  continues: 

"  The  conference  .  .  .  protests  against  any  attempts  to 
falsify  the  application  of  the  principles  hereby  proclaimed 
and,  in  consequence,  rejects: 

"  1.  The  rights  of  the  victors  to  the  spoils  of  war,  and 
all  the  agreements  by  which  states  have  been  drawn  into  the 
war  with  the  object  of  increasing  their  territory  at  the  expense 
of  other  nations. 

"2.  The  fixing  of  frontiers  according  to  military  or 
strategical  interests. 

"  3.  Forced  or  veiled  annexations  claimed  on  the  ground 
of  so-called  historic  rights  and  so-called  historic  necessity. 

"  4.  The  creation  of  faits  accomplis  by  the  military  occupa- 
tion of  disputed  territories. 

"  5.  The  establishment  of  any  economic  or  political  sphere 
of  influence. 

"  The  conference  appeals  to  the  working  classes  of  every 
country  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  compel  their 


296      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

governments  to   respect  these  principles   in  the  interests  of 
the  conclusion  of  a  lasting  peace." 

Kautsky,  in  discussing  this  resolution,  declared  it  the 
duty  of  the  French  socialists  to  urge  a  plebiscite  for  Al- 
sace-Lorraine. He  said: 

"The  Pan-Germans  refused  the  plebiscite  in  1871  and  it 
was  not  right  for  those  who  advocated  the  plebiscite  then 
to  refuse  it  now.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  majority  would 
vote  for  unity  with  France,  and  I  hope  that  the  French  would 
not  on  that  ground  refuse  the  plebiscite.  Otherwise  there 
would  be  serious  consequences.  The  German  nationalists 
would  say  in  future  years  that  the  French  had  not  dared  to 
take  the  vote.  .  .  .  The  plebiscite  would  not  be  a  concession 
to  German  nationalism.  On  the  contrary  it  would  be  the 
means  of  robbing  German  nationalism  of  a  weapon  it  would 
otherwise  have." 

Defense  of  British  Labor —  A  vigorous  defense  of  the 
attitude  of  the  British  Labor  Party  toward  British  pos- 
sessions was  made  by  Ramsay  MacDonald,  who  claimed 
that  the  Labor  Party  had  always  stood  for  Home  Rule 
for  Ireland.  He  declared  that,  as  for  India,  it  had  passed 
a  resolution  in  Nottingham,  in  January,  1918,  indorsing 
the  policy  of  Home  Rule  for  India,  "  believing  that  the 
time  has  arrived  when  our  brothers  in  India  are  capable  of 
managing  their  own  affairs  equally  with  our  brothers  in 
South  Africa,  Australia,  and  other  dominions."  The 
party  had  been  willing  to  apply  the  same  principles  to 
Egypt  and  to  such  stations  as  Cyprus,  and,  as  far  as 
other  colonies  were  concerned,  it  was  willing  to  apply  a 
system  of  control  established  by  international  guarantee 
under  the  League  of  Nations. 

Jean  Longuet  argued  that  if  the  peace  actually  achieved 
were  one  of  injustice,  the  International  would  say  that 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  297 

"  proletarianism  shall  not  consider  such  a  peace  and  shall 
submit  to  revision  all  the  iniquities  committed  by  the  bour- 
geois governments." 

The  Labor  Charter. —  One  of  the  most  practical  sub- 
jects considered  by  the  conference  was  the  labor  charter, 
which  the  delegates  insisted  should  be  incorporated  into 
the  League  of  Nations  agreement.  This  charter  recog- 
nized that,  "  under  the  wage  system,  the  capitalist  class 
endeavor  to  increase  their  profits  by  exploiting  the  work- 
ers as  much  as  possible,"  but  declared  that  evils  of  the 
wage  system  "  can  be  strongly  mitigated  by  the  resistance 
of  organized  labor  and  by  the  intervention  of  the  state." 
Progressive  nations  were  retarded  in  their  development 
by  the  more  backward  nations.  Labor,  to  protect  itself, 
must  demand  an  international  charter  with  minimum  de- 
mands. These  should  include:  Compulsory  primary  ed- 
ucation and  higher  education  free  and  accessible  to  all,  an 
eight  hour  day  with  36  hours  of  rest  a  week  and  less 
than  eight  hours  in  dangerous  trades,  no  night  work  for 
women,  a  six  hour  day  for  boys  and  girls  between  15  and 
18  years  of  age,  social  insurance,  proper  medical  inspec- 
tion, freedom  of  combination,  labor  exchanges,  wage 
boards  in  certain  industries,  a  special  international  code 
of  law  for  seamen,  the  establishment  of  labor  departments, 
and  a  permanent  commission  to  carry  out  the  mandates  of 
the  league  in  this  field  of  effort. 

The  delegates  also  favored  the  following  resolution  in 
regard  to  emigration  and  immigration: 

"  Emigration  shall  not  be  prohibited. 

"  Immigration  shall  not  be  prohibited  in  a  general  way. 
This  rule  shall  not  affect: 

"  a.  The  right  of  any  state  to  restrict  immigration  tempor- 
arily in  a  period  of  economic  depression  in  order  to  protect 


298      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  workers  of  that  country  as  well  as  the  foreign  immigrant 
workers. 

"  b.  The  right  of  any  state  to  control  immigration  in  order 
to  protect  the  public  health  and  to  prohibit  immigration  for 
the  time  being. 

"  c.  The  right  of  any  state  to  require  that  the  immigrant 
shall  come  up  to  a  certain  standard  in  reading  and  writing 
his  native  language,  so  as  to  maintain  the  standard  of  popular 
education  of  the  state  in  question  to  enable  labor  regula- 
tions to  be  effectively  applied  in  the  branches  of  industry  in 
which  the  immigrants  are  employed." 

The  Resolution  on  Russia —  The  resolution  on  Russia, 
referred  to  elsewhere  in  this  volume,7  and  which,  "  while 
tailing  with  joy  the  tremendous  political  revolutions  which 
n  Russia,  Austria-Hungary  and  Germany  have  shattered 
;he  old  imperialist  and  militarist  regimes,"  criticized  the 
dea  of  dictatorship  and  the  suppression  of  free  speech 
ind  free  press,  created  a  prolonged  discussion  and  brought 
'orth  a  minority  resolution  from  Longuet  and  Adler. 

Ramsay  MacDonald,  in  favoring  the  resolution,  con- 
demned any  permanent  policy  of  rule  by  aggressive  mi- 
norities. "  What  is  the  responsibility  of  the  aggressive 
minority?  How  can  it  express  itself?  .  .  .  Under  what 
circumstances  can  it  be  justified?  Can  anything  like  con- 
tinual government  be  established  on  such  a  principle?  "  he 
asked. 

"  It  is  the  duty  of  the  socialists  to  say  '  no.'  Such  might 
be  a  temporary  and  limited  phase  of  the  revolution,  but  the 
moment  that  the  conception  of  the  tyranny  of  the  minority 
becomes  a  basis  of  a  continued  policy,  then  that  policy  and 
theory  must  be  condemned  by  every  socialist  who  believes 
in  the  liberty  of  the  individual  and  those  who  desire  to  exer- 
cise their  liberty  within  the  states  to  which  they  belong. 

i  See  chapter  on  the  Russian  Revolution,  p.  308. 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  299 

"  They  [the  movers  of  the  resolution]  welcomed  all  the 
revolutions  that  had  been  achieved  in  Europe,  but  those  revo- 
lutions must  not  create  conditions  which  might  accurately  be 
described  as  a  transition  from  one  form  of  tyranny  to  an- 
other. Liberty,  democracy,  freedom  must  be  their  steady 
and  unchangeable  goal.  The  revolution  that  did  not  estab- 
lish liberty  was  not  a  revolution  towards  socialism,  and  was 
not  a  revolution  which  socialists  ought  to  make  themselves 
responsible  for,  nor  should  it  allow  the  outside  bourgeois  re-' 
action  to  impose  upon  them  responsibility." 

In  opposing  the  resolution,  Jean  Longuet  declared: 

"  We  repudiate  any  such  condemnation  of  the  events  in  the 
Russian  Soviet  Republic,  since  the  evidence  at  our  disposal  is 
absolutely  insufficient,  and  the  only  fact  that  we  know  with 
certainty  is  that  the  disgraceful  campaign  of  lies  in  which 
the  telegraph  agencies  of  the  Central  Powers  and  the  Entente 
vied  with  one  another  during  the  war,  is  being  carried  on 
without  slackening  against  the  Russian  Soviet  Republic.  We 
do  not  desire  to  be  the  victims  of  official  calumny  in  judging 
political  movements. 

"  We  warn  against  any  resolution  which  would  render  diffi- 
cult the  future  union  of  the  working  class  in  every  land. 
We  desire  to  keep  the  doors  open  for  the  class  conscious 
revolutionary  socialists  of  every  land.  No  attention  is  being 
paid  to  our  warnings.  We  do  not  wish  to  participate  in  the 
guilt  of  any  action  against  the  International,  and  we  vote 
against  the  resolution  since  certain  paragraphs  are  capable  of 
being  exploited  by  the  bourgeoisie  against  the  Russian  Revo- 
lution." 

The  conference  also  went  on  record  in  favor  of  the 
speedy  repatriation  of  prisoners  of  war. 

Prior  to  adjournment,  the  delegates  decided  on  a  com- 
mission of  two  representatives  for  each  affiliated  organiza- 
tion, with  an  executive  acting  in  all  cases  and  composed  of 


300      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Branting,  the  chairman  of  the  conference,  Henderson  of 
England  and  Huysmans  of  Belgium.  The  commission  was 
empowered  to  convoke  the  conference  whenever  the  deci- 
sions of  the  Paris  conference  rendered  it  necessary. 

Summary. —  While  the  conference  undoubtedly  achieved 
something  of  value  by  bringing  the  leaders  of  socialism 
in  a  number  of  the  countries  of  the  Allies  and  of  the  Cen- 
tral Powers  face  to  face,  and  through  certain  of  its  reso- 
lutions, it  caused  bitter  criticism  from  the  parties  of  the 
left  for  its  stand  on  the  Russian  situation,  for  its  belief 
that  any  good  might  be  expected  from  a  league  of  cap- 
italist nations,  and  for  failing  to  adjust  its  theories  and 
tactics  to  the  tremendous  revolutionary  changes  of  the 
;  preceding  five  years. 

The  Lucerne  Conference — On  August  2,  1919,  the 
"  Commission  for  the  Restitution  of  the  International," 
appointed  at  Berne,  called  a  conference  in  Lucerne,  Swit- 
zerland, attended  by  two  or  more  delegates  from  England, 
France,  Germany,  Holland,  Belgium,  Russia  (non-Bolshe- 
vik groups)  and  several  other  countries.  Delegates  from 
Austria  and  Hungary  were  delayed  en  route.  Italian  and 
Swiss  socialists  refused  to  participate.  The  United  States 
was  unrepresented. 

The  conference  protested  against  Allied  action  in  Hun- 
gary which  led  to  the  downfall  of  the  soviet  republic,  to 
the  strengthening  of  the  forces  of  counter-revolution  and 
the  reestablishment  to  power  —  at  least  temporarily  —  of 
a  representative  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  The  course 
of  the  Peace  Conference,  the  delegates  declared,  "  shows 
clearly  the  reactionary  forces  directed  against  each  social- 
ist government  and  each  proletarian  power."  Every  so- 
cialist group  should  oppose  this  "  capitalistic  and  imper- 
ialistic policy." 


THE  LUCERNE  CONFERENCE     301 

The  conference  demanded  immediate  membership  for 
Germany,  Russia,  Austria  and  Hungary  in  the  League  of 
Nations,  and  urged  the  abolition  of  military  conscription. 
It  denounced  the  blockade  against  Russia  which  was  lead- 
ing to  the  starvation  of  millions.  It  protested  against  the 
giving  of  military  and  financial  aid  —  against  the  unani- 
mous wishes  of  all  of  the  socialist  and  labor  organizations 
of  Russia  —  to  the  counter-revolutionists  led  by  such 
Czarist  agents  as  Denikin  and  Kolchak. 

Arthur  Henderson,  chairman  of  the  gathering,  in  his 
opening  address,  declared  that  the  workers  of  Europe  were 
turning  their  attention  to  an  ever  greater  extent  to 
"  direct  action  "  as  a  means  of  relief.  He  dwelt  upon  the 
unemployment  and  famine  in  Europe,  and  prophesied  that, 
"  before  the  winter  ends,  a  dreadful  convulsion  of  anger 
and  despair  may  seize  the  people." 

Discussion  throughout  the  conference  showed  a  sharp 
division  of  opinion  regarding  vital  points  at  issue,  particu- 
larly concerning  the  Russian  situation.     Bernstein,  Van- 
dervelde,  Tseretelli  and  De  Brouckere  vigorously  criticized 
Bolshevik  methods,  Bernstein  maintaining  that  Bolshevism 
had   nothing   to   do    with    Marxism,    notwithstanding   iti 
"  revolutionary    verbiage " ;    Vandervelde    insisting    thai 
unity  between  the  second  and  the  third  (Moscow)  Inter- 
nationals was  impossible,  "  because  the  third  Internationa 
tended  to  minority  dictatorship  contrary  to  the  principles 
of  democracy."     The   Belgian  leader   also  declared   that 
the  reconstitution  of  the  International  was  impossible  until 
the  question  of  war  responsibility  had  been  determined. 

On  the  other  hand,  Troelstra  of  Holland  urged  that  the 
conference  follow  a  clear  policy  of  revolutionary  action, 
not  one  of  an  exclusively  parliamentary  nature.  Ramsay 
MacDonald  and  Marcel  Cachin  urged  energetic  action 


302      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

against  the  support  of  Kolchak  by  the  Entente  govern- 
ments. Friederich  Adler  emphasized  the  more  revolution- 
ary position. 

,£  Prior  to  adjournment  on  August  8,  the  conference  de- 
voided  to  hold  a  regular  International  Socialist  and  Labor 
^Conference  in  Geneva  on  February  2,  1920. 

THE  COMMUNIST  INTERNATIONAL 

Groups  Represented  —  Of  a  jnucJLinore  radical  nature 
than  the  Berne  Conference  was  the  first  gathering  of 
the  so-called  third  International  —  the  first  congress  of 
International  Communists  —  held  in  Moscow  from  March 


6,  1919.  The  call  was  issued  by  representatives  of 
socialist  groups  of  the  left  wing  in  nine  countries  and 
countersigned  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Rus- 
ajfr.  It  specified  numerous  left  wing  organizations  in  Eu- 
rope and  America  whom  it  deemed  worthy  to  be  called  to 
the  councils  of  the  revolutionary  International.  Thirty- 
two  delegates,  with  power  to  act,  were  present  at  the  con- 
ference from  parties  or  groups  in  Russia,  Germany,  Hun- 
gary, Norway,  Sweden,  Bulgaria,  Rumania,  Finland, 
Ukrainia,  Esthonia,  Armenia,  delegates  from  the  labor 
unions  of  Germans  in  Russia,  from  the  Balkan  Union  of 
"  Revolutionary  Socialists,"  and  from  the  "  Union  of  So- 
cialists of  Eastern  Countries." 

Others  were  there  with  consultative  powers  from 
roups  in  Switzerland,  Holland,  France,  Great  Britain, 
lohemia,  Jugo-Slavia,  Turkey,  Turkestan,  Persia,  Corea, 
?hina  and  the  United  States. 

The   Manifesto.  —  Qf  phief  import,  was  the  manifesto 
written    by    Lenin,    Trotsky,    Zinoviev,    Tchicherin    and 
Fritz   Plat  ten,  a  Swiss   Socialist,  and   issued  by  the  con- 
ference. 
\  The  manifesto  called  attention  to  the  bitter  struggle 


THE  MOSCOW  INTERNATIONAL          303 

of  the  proletariat  for  the  seventy-two  years  following  the 
issuance  of  the  Commwrust  Manifesto,  and  continued : 

"  The  period  of  the  last  decisive  struggle  has  begun  later 
than  was  desired  or  expected  by  the  apostles  of  social  revo- 
lution. But  it  is  here:  it  has  come.  We  communists  rep- 
resentative of  the  revolutionary  proletariat  in  different 
countries  in  Europe,  America,  and  Asia,  now  assembled  in  the 
powerful  soviet  city  of  Moscow,  both  feel  and  consider  our- 
selves to  be  followers  of,  and  participate  in,  a  cause  for  which 
the  program  was  drawn  up  seventy-two  years  ago.  Our  duty 
is  to  gather  together  the  revolutionary  experiences  of  the 
working  classes,  to  free  the  movement  from  the  harmful  inter- 
ference of  opportunist  and  social  patriotic  elements,  to  unite 
the  forces  of  all  genuine  revolutionary  parties  in  the  world 
proletariat,  and  thereby  to  facilitate  and  hasten  the  victory  of 
the  communist  revolution." 

Who  Will  Control  the  Economic  Life?  —  The  mani- 
festo declared  imperialism  to  be  at  the  root  of  the  Eu- 
ropean war  and  scoffed  at  those  socialists  who  tried  to 
find  its  cause  in  certain  personalities.  The  war  had 
caused  untold  agony  to  the  workers.  It  had  also  abol- 
ished forever  the  old  days  of  competition.  The  pro- 
nouncement continued: 

"  The  nationalization  of  economic  life,  which  was  so  obstin- 
ately opposed  by  capitalist  liberalism,  is  now  an  accepted 
fact.  Not  only  is  there  no  possible  return  to  free  competi- 
tion; there  is  none  either  to  trusts,  syndicates,  or  other 
economic  marvels.  The  only  question  is,  who  in  the  future 
is  to  conduct  nationalized  production,  the  imperialist  state 
or  the  victorious  working-class  state?  In  other  words,  is  the 
whole  of  laboring  mankind  to  become  serfs  and  day  laborers 
under  a  victorious  international  clique,  which,  in  the  name  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  and  assisted  by  an  '  international ' 
army  and  an  '  international '  fleet,  alternately  plunders  or  casts 


304      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

a  morsel  of  bread  to  the  needy,  but  everywhere  keeps  the 
proletariat  in  chains  with  the  sole  aim  of  retaining  its  own 
power;  or  shall  the  working  class  of  Europe  and  the  most 
civilized  countries  in  other  parts  of  the  world  take  into  their 
own  hands  the  shaken  and  ruined  world  economy  and  thus 
ensure  its  restoration  on  the  basis  of  socialism? 

f<  To  bring  to  an  end  the  prevailing  crisis  will  only  be  pos- 
sible with  the  help  of  proletarian  dictatorship,  which  will  not 
look  back  to  the  past  nor  show  consideration  for  inherited 
privileges  or  rights  of  property,  but  will  bear  in  mind  the 
necessity  of  saving  starving  multitudes,  and  will  mobilize 
all  their  forces  for  that  purpose;  will  introduce  a  general 
obligation  to  work  and  a  regime  of  discipline  in  work,  and 
will  in  this  manner,  in  the  space  of  a  few  years,  not  only 
heal  the  gaping  wounds  caused  by  the  war,  but  succeed  in 
raising  mankind  to  heights  hitherto  undreamed  of." 

The  Rights  of  Small  Nationalities. —  The  manifesto 
contended  that  the  salvation  of  small  states,  despite  the  al- 
leged solicitude  of  the  great  powers  for  the  rights  of  small 
nationalities,  was 

"  a  proletarian  revolution,  which  releases  all  the  productive 
forces  in  every  country  from  the  grip  of  national  states, 
unites  the  nations  in  the  close  economic  cooperation  based 
on  a  joint  social  economic  plan,  and  grants  to  the  smallest 
and  weakest  nation  the  possibility  of  developing  the  national 
culture  independently  and  freely  without  detriment  to  the 
united  and  centralized  economy  of  Europe  and  of  the  whole 
world.  .  .  .  Socialist  Europe  would  also  come  to  the  aid  of 
the  liberated  colonies  with  its  technique,  its  organizations, 
and  its  spiritual  influence,  to  facilitate  their  transition  to  a 
methodically  organized  socialist  establishment." 

Parliamentary  Democracy  vs.  the  Soviet. —  Next  was 
discussed  the  attitude  of  the  communist  toward  parlia- 
mentary democracy. 


THE  MOSCOW  INTERNATIONAL          305 

"  All  important  questions  concerning  the  fate  of  nations 
are  decided  by  the  financial  oligarchy  behind  the  back  of  the 
parliamentary  democracy.  .  .  .  When  the  financial  oligarchy 
consider  it  advisable  to  conceal  their  acts  of  violence  at  par- 
liamentary elections,  they  have  the  bourgeois  state  at  their 
disposal,  with  all  the  varied  means  inherited  from  previous 
centuries,  and  developed  by  the  marvels  of  capitalistic 
technique:  lies,  demagogism,  provocation,  contempt,  bribery, 
and  terrorism. 

"  To  expect  that  the  proletariat  in  the  final  settlement 
with  capitalism,  when  it  is  a  question  of  life  and  death, 
should  meekly  as  a  lamb  agree  to  the  demands  of  the  bourgeois 
democracy,  would  be  the  same  as  to  expect  a  man,  defend- 
ing his  life  and  existence  against  thieves,  to  follow  the 
arbitrary  rules  of  French  wrestling,  laid  down,  but  not 
adhered  to,  by  his  enemies.  .  .  . 

"  The  proletariat  must  create  his  own  apparatus.  .  .  . 
The  workmen's  councils  constitute  this  apparatus  ...  a  new 
form  of  apparatus  comprising  the  entire  working  class,  ir- 
respective of  their  being  ripe  in  an  expert  and  political  sense 
—  an  apparatus  so  elastic  that  it  can  always  be  renewed, 
always  be  extended,  always  attract  fresh  groups  within  its 
area,  and  open  wide  the  doors  for  the  group  of  workers 
in  town  and  country  who  are  in  close  touch  with  the 
proletariat.  This  invaluable  organization  for  the  self-admin- 
istration of  the  working  classes  in  their  fight  for,  and  in  future 
also,  in  their  conquest  of,  state  power,  has  been  tested  by 
experience  in  several  countries,  and  is  the  greatest  conquest 
and  the  most  powerful  weapon  for  the  proletariat  of  our  day." 

"  Bourgeois  Democracy." —  The  statement  called  on 
the  workers  of  various  countries  to  organize  workmen's 
councils,  declared  that  international  warfare  was  followed 
by  civil  warfare,  argued  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  prole- 
tariat to  shorten  the  duration  of  the  civil  war  against  them 
and  to  keep  down  the  number  of  victims  and  to  that  end 
to  arm  the  workers  and  disarm  the  bourgeoisie  and  de- 


306      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

scribed  the  outcry  of  the  bourgeoisie  against  civil  war  and 
the  Red  Terror  as  "  the  most  abominable  hypocrisy  ever 
noted  in  the  history  of  political  fighting." 

Weakness  of  Second  International. —  The  manifesto 
continued  by  criticizing  the  socialist  parties  of  Europe  for 
their  "  opportunism,  vacillation,  mendacity  and  super- 
ficiality." It  alleged  that  the  "  war  had  killed  the  second 
International  by  proving  that,  dominating  the  fraternal 
masses  of  the  workmen,  stood  parties  transformed  into  the 
cringing  organs  of  the  bourgeois  state."  It  concluded : 

"  Even  though  the  first  International  foresaw  the  coming 
development  and  inserted  a  wedge,  and  though  the  second 
International  collected  and  organized  millions  of  proletarians, 
Still  it  is  the  third  International  that  stands  for  the  open  ac- 
tion of  the  masses  and  for  revolutionary  operations. 

"  Socialist  criticism  has  thoroughly  stamped  the  bourgeois 
world-order.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  International  Communist 
Party  to  overthrow  that  order,  and  to  establish  instead  the 
system  of  socialist  order.  .  .  . 

"  Proletarians  of  all  lands !  Unite  to  fight  against  imperial- 
ist barbarity,  against  monarchy,  against  the  privileged  classes, 
against  the  bourgeois  state  and  bourgeois  property,  against  all 
kinds  and  forms  of  social  and  national  oppression. 

"  Join  us,  proletarians  in  every  country  —  flock  to  the  ban- 
ner of  the  workmen's  councils,  and  fight  the  revolutionary 
fight  for  the  power  and  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat."  * 

Conclusion. —  What  will  be  the  future  relation  between 
the  second  International  and  the  third  or  communist  In- 
ternational it  is  impossible  at  this  date  to  state.  In  June 
Messrs.  Macdonald  and  Buxton  of  the  Independent  Labor 
Party  visited  the  Italian  and  Swiss  socialists,  who  had  in- 
dorsed the  Lenin  group,  urging  them  to  join  with  the  In- 

•  For  complete  text,  see  Th«  Nation,  May  31,  1919. 


THE  BERNE  CONFERENCE  307 

ternational  represented  at  Berne.  The  Independent  Labor 
Party  and  the  majority  of  the  French  Socialist  Party 
gave  their  adherence  again  to  the  older  group  in  the  Spring 
of  1919.  The  Socialist  Party  of  Switzerland  in  the  early 
fall  of  1919,  while  denouncing  the  Berne  Conference,  re- 
fused to  join  the  Moscow  group,  and  called  for  the  thor- 
ough reconstitution  of  the  International.  The  Commun- 
ist and  Communist  Labor  parties  of  the  United  States 
indorsed  the  third  International,  while  the  Socialist  Party 
submitted  the  question  again  to  referendum  vote.  Within 
every  party  in  Europe  discussion  regarding  the  relative 
merits  of  each  International  is  at  present  writing  running 
high. 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION 

THROUGH    THE    MARCH    REVOLUTION 

Causes  of  Discontent. —  Every  move  made  in  Russia 
following  the  outbreak  of  the  war  seemed  calculated  to  lead 
the  country  ever  nearer  the  maelstrom  of  revolution.  The 
jcontinued  persecution  of  the  liberal  and  socialist  forces 
in  the  country;  the  imperialistic  aims  of  the  government; 
the  inefficiency,  corruption,  conservatism  and  pro-German 
character  of  many  of  the  officials  high  in  military  and 
governmental  circles;  the  conduct  of  the  Czar's  family, 
and,  most  important  of  all,  the  breakdown  of  the  economic 
system,  due  to  Russia's  inability  to  obtain  railway,  farm 
(and  industrial  equipment,  to  the  departure  of  German  in- 
dustrial managers  to  the  "  Fatherland,"  and  to  the  mobili- 
zation order  which  stripped  the  factories,  railroads,  mines 
and  fields  of  most  of  their  labor  power  —  all  whetted  the 
flames  of  discontent  among  the  various  strata  of  the  Rus- 
sian people. 

As  early  as  August  22,  1915,  the  liberal  groups  in  the 
Duma,  excluding  the  socialists,  formed  a  coalition  for 
the  purpose  of  demanding  a  responsible  government. 
This  attempt  at  organization  was  followed  within  two 
weeks  by  an  indefinite  suspension  of  the  Duma.  On  the 
reopening  of  that  body  on  November  14, 1916,  landholders, 
capitalists,  the  military,  professional  classes  and  peasants 

alike  voiced  bitter  opposition  to  the  government  for  its 

308 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  309 

inefficiency  and  its  attitude  toward  Germany.  Premier 
Stunner,  charged  with  disloyalty,  was  dismissed,  but  his 
place  was  taken  by  Trepov,  and  later,  following  the  assas- 
sination of  Rasputin,  by  another  reactionary.  On  New 
Year's  day,  1917,  the  progressive  members  of  the  Duma 
were  dismissed  and  conservatives  substituted.  The  re- 
opening of  the  Duma  was  postponed.  The  army  was 
given  but  two  days'  reserve  of  food.  Prices  soared  toward 
the  impossible.  Tens  of  thousands  were  face  to  face  with 
starvation,  and  the  masses  had  to  endure  a  bitter  winter 
without  fuel  and  without  adequate  clothing. 

Beginnings  of  the  March  Revolution. —  On  February 
27,  three  hundred  thousand  workers  went  on  a  protest 
strike  in  Petrograd.  The  aristocracy  felt  that  here  was 
an  opportunity  to  promote  an  immature  revolt,  which, 
once  crushed,  would  make  a  real  revolution  more  difficult.1 
The  bourgeoisie  and  the  liberal  groups,  fearing  that  the 
revolution  would  prove  abortive,  tried  to  ward  it  off. 

In  early  March,  great  demonstrations  took  place  for 
the  release  of  political  prisoners.  Riots  ensued,  and,  on 
March  3,  Petrograd  found  itself  under  martial  law.  Four 
days  later  huge  strikes  broke  out  among  the  textile  and 
other  workers.  The  cry  for  bread  was  everywhere  heard, 
mingled  with  the  demand  for  peace.  Industries  practi- 
cally came  to  a  standstill.  The  government  sent  out  the 
Cossacks  to  break  up  the  strikes,  but  instead  of  using  the 

i "  Several  months  before  the  revolution,"  declared  Arthur  Ran- 
some,  Russian  correspondent  of  the  London  Daily  News,  "they  [the 
government]  had  been  running  kindergarten  classes  for  policemen 
in  the  use  of  machine  guns  just  outside  Petrograd,  .  .  .  armored 
cars  had  been  kept  back  from  the  front  with  a  view  to  moving  target 
practice  in  the  streets  of  the  capital,  and  .  .  .  weeks  before  the 
actual  disorders  Petrograd  had  been  turned  into  a  fortified  battle- 
ground, with  machine  guns  embrasures  in  the  garrets  of  the  houses 
at  strategical  vantage  points."  Ransome,  On  Behalf  of  Russia, 
p.  8. 


310      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

sword,  the  Cossacks  smiled  approval,  and  from  that  smile 
came  the  victory  for  the  revolution. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Duma  became  more  vigorous  in 
its  opposition  to  the  government,  finally  resolving  that 
"  the  government,  which  covered  its  hands  with  the  blood 
of  the  people,  should  no  longer  be  admitted  to  the  Duma. 
With  such  a  government  the  Duma  breaks  all  relations 
forever."  This  resolution  was  followed  by  a  decree  of 
dissolution,  to  which,  however,  the  Duma  paid  no  atten- 
tion. 

Cossacks  Encourage  Revolutionists. —  The  crisis  came 
I  on  Sunday,  March  11,  1917.  The  Petrograd  thorough- 
fares were  black  with  people.  From  their  vantage  place 
on  the  roofs,  the  police  fired  on  the  masses,  but  the 
Volynski,  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Russian  regi- 
ments, when  ordered  to  shoot  into  the  crowd,  turned  on 
their  commander  and  killed  him  instead.  They  joined 
the  revolutionists  amid  the  acclaim  of  the  populace,  and 
were  swiftly  followed  by  other  regiments.  The  govern- 
ment seemed  impotent.  The  president  of  the  Duma  sent 
an  urgent  message  to  the  Czar,  at  the  General  Headquar- 
ters, alleging  a  state  of  anarchy  and  demanding  imme- 
diate action.  The  Czar  made  no  reply. 

Emergency  of  Workmen's  Councils. —  Since  the  non- 
socialist  groups  seemed  incapable  of  decisive  action,  the 
socialists  quickly  assumed  the  leadership.  All  day  they 
organized  the  masses  into  Councils  of  Workmen's  Depu- 
ties, after  the  example  set  in  the  1905  revolution,  and,  on 
the  following  morning,  March  12,  the  revolt  was  thor- 
oughly organized.  Huge  demonstrations  took  place  in 
various  parts  of  the  city.  Even  the  Guards'  Regiment, 
closest  to  the  Czar,  which  was  sent  to  take  the  place  of 
the  revolting  units,  joined  with  the  democratic  forces. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  311 

Arsenals  were  occupied,  the  police  silenced,  and  strong- 
holds of  the  monarchy,  such  as  the  Peter  and  Paul  Fort- 
ress, were  captured  and  their  inmates  released.  Espe- 
cially did  the  masses  rejoice  when  the  headquarters  of  the 
Secret  Service  was  captured  and  its  archives,  containing 
innumerable  records  of  the  revolutionary  leaders,  were 
burned. 

During  the  day,  the  Duma  remained  impotent.  Its 
president,  Rodzianko,  sent  another  message  to  the  Czar, 
which,  like  the  first,  remained  unanswered.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  workers  arranged  for  the  election  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Workers'  Deputies  and,  at  the  meeting  of  Monday 
night,  Tchcheidze,  the  leader  of  the  Social  Democrats, 
was  proclaimed  president  and  Kerensky,  then  of  the  Labor 
Party,  and  later  of  the  Social  Revolutionists,  vice-presi- 
dent. That  night  the  Council  issued  a  declaration  de- 
manding political  democracy  for  Russia.  "  All  together, 
with  united  forces,"  the  declaration  read,  "  we  will  strug- 
gle for  the  final  abolition  of  the  old  system  and  the  calling 
of  a  Constituent  Assembly  on  the  basis  of  universal,  equal, 
direct  and  secret  suffrage."  The  supreme  task  of  the 
Council  is  the  organization  of  "  the  people's  forces  and 
their  struggle  for  a  final  securing  of  political  freedom  and 
popular  government  in  Russia."  It  urged  the  country  to 
rally  around  the  Council,  to  form  local  committees  and  to 
take  over  the  management  of  local  affairs. 

The  Abdication  of  the  Czar — The  Duma  still  clung 
to  the  belief  that  the  monarchy  could  be  retained  and 
suggested  that  the  Grand  Duke  Michael  be  called  to  the 
throne  and  that  a  constitutional  monarchy  be  established. 
This  project  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  delegates  from 
the  Council  of  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies,  and,  on 
Thursday,  March  15,  1917,  Miliukov,  one  of  the  leaders 


I 

fn 


f 


312      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  Constitutional  Democrats  in  the  Duma,  announced 
to  the  masses  assembled  before  the  Taurida  Palace  that 
the  Duma  and  the  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  had 
agreed  to  depose  the  Czar,  to  form  a  provisional  gov- 
ernment consisting  of  representatives  of  all  parties  and  to 
issue  an  early  call  for  the  Constituent  Assembly,  which 
would  plan  a  democratic  form  of  government. 

iThe  Czar,  on  receiving  notice  of  this  decision,  imme- 
ately  signed  his  abdication  papers,  and  named  his 
rother,  the  Grand-Duke  Michael,  his  successor.  The 
following  day,  the  Grand-Duke  declared  his  willingness  to 
accept  "  this  supreme  power  only  if  this  be  the  will  of  our 
great  people,  who,  by  a  plebiscite  organized  by  their 
representatives  in  a  Constituent  Assembly,  shall  establish 
a  form  of  government  and  new  fundamental  laws  of  the 
Russian  state."  With  this  declaration  was  snuffed  out 
the  monarchy  of  Russia. 

KUSSIA    UNDER    THE    PROVISIONAL    GOVERNMENT 

The  First  Provisional  Government. —  The  provisional 
government,  which  was  immediately  formed,  containing  as 
it  did  but  one  socialist,  Kerensky  —  the  new  Minister  of 
Justice  —  and  representing  a  Duma  elected  under  the 
Czarist  regime,  bitterly  disappointed  the  masses  of  the 
people.2 

Political  Nature  of  March  Revolution. —  The  provi- 
sional government  did  not  realize  the  economic  significance 
of  the  Russian  revolution.  To  the  ministry  it  seemed 

sThe  Cabinet  contained,  among  others:  Premier,  Prince  George 
E.  Lvov,  president  of  Union  of  Zemstvos;  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, Paul  Miliukov,  leader  of  Constitutional  Democrats;  Minister  of 
War  and  Navy,  Alex.  Guchkov,  leader  of  Octobrist  Party  and  promi- 
nent Moscow  banker;  Minister  of  Finance,  M.  I.  Terestchenko,  sugar 
king;  Minister  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  A.  I.  Konovalov,  wealthy 
manufacturer. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  313 

only  to  indicate  that  the  people  desired  political  democracy 
and  a  more  vigorous  prosecution   of  the  war.     Accord- 
ingly, the  first  act  of  the  new  government  was  the  issuance, 
on  March  18,  1917,  of  a  program  of  political  reform, 
which  favored  amnesty  for  political  prisoners,  freedom  of 
speech  and  press,  freedom  to  organize  and  strike,  the  abo 
lition  of  social,   religious   and  national  restrictions,  uni 
versal  suffrage  and  the  calling  of  a  Constituent  Assembly. 

On  March  21,  amnesty  was  actually  granted  to  political 
and  religious  offenders  and  the  Finnish  Constitution  was 
restored.  A  few  days  later  the  government  abolished  the 
decrees  against  the  Jews  and  granted  self-government  to 
Poland.  It  removed  the  death  penalty,  confiscated  the 
large  holdings  of  the  imperial  family  and  of  the  monas- 
teries and  enacted  an  excess  profits  tax.  While  the 
cabinet  also  expressed  approval  of  woman  suffrage  and 
the  distribution  of  land  among  the  peasants,  it  declared 
that  these  things  should  be  left  for  action  to  the  Constitur 
ent  Assembly. 

Discontent  with  the  Provisional  Government — De- 
spite these  reforms,  the  people  viewed  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment with  ever  increasing  suspicion.  The  government 
delayed  the  solution  of  the  land  and  the  general  industrial 
problem.  It  failed  to  revolutionize  the  aims  of  the  war, 
Miliukov  going  so  far  as  to  state  that  he  regarded  the  pos- 
session of  Constantinople  by  Russia  a  necessary  step  in 
the  evolution  of  its  economic  life.  This  declaration  of 
the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  led  many  of  the  elements 
in  the  soviet,3  particularly  the  Bolsheviks,  to  launch  an 

3  Soviet  is  the  name  for  council.  The  sodiet  idea  first  became 
popular  in  the  revolution  of  1905,  when  a  council  consisting  of 
delegates  from  numerous  factories,  trades  and  other  industrial 
groups  in  Petrograd  became  the  center  of  revolutionary  activity. 
The  Soviets  formed  in  the  cities  of  Russia  after  the  March  revolu- 


314      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

attack  against  the  government.  Lvov,  in  defense  of  the 
government,  declared  that  Miliukov  merely  expressed  his 
personal  opinion,  and  that  the  provisional  government 
was  in  hearty  accord  with  the  policy  of  the  Soviets.  This 
statement,  however,  failed  to  allay  suspicion. 

Parties  in  Control. —  During  this  period,  the  Soviets, 
made  up  of  representatives  chosen  by  the  workers  in  the 
factories  and  the  soldiers  in  the  army,  were  growing  in 
power  and  exerting  increasing  pressure  on  the  provisional 
government.  They  were  first  controlled  by  the  moderate 
socialists  —  the  Social  Revolutionists  and  the  Mensheviks.4 

tion  were  in  their  make-up  somewhat  similar  to  the  central  labor 
unions  found  in  American  cities.  They  contained  delegates  from 
trades,  factory  shop  committees  and  professional  and  industrial 
groups,  thus  differing  from  the  local  political  government  where  rep- 
representation  is  based  on  geographical  units.  In  the  rural  districts, 
where  the  vast  proportion  of  the  population  consisted  of  peasants, 
representation  was  more  likely  to  be  based  on  residence. 

« At  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution,  the  controlling  bourgeois 
party  in  the  Duma  was  the  Octobrist  Party,  representing  the  feudal 
landlords  and  the  great  capitalists.  It  contained  such  leaders  as 
Rodzianko,  the  speaker  of  the  Duma  and  Gutchkov,  the  Moscow 
banker  and  Minister  of  War  in  the  provisional  government.  Next 
to  this  group  came  the  Constitutional  Democrats,  popularly  known 
as  the  Cadets,  consisting  largely  of  the  liberal  capitalists,  landowners 
and  professional  classes.  The  Cadets  had  as  their  ideal  a  bourgeois 
republic  or  a  constitutional  monarchy  similar  to  that  of  England. 
It  was  led  by  Miliukov  and  Lvov,  and  assumed  the  leadership  in 
the  first  provisional  government.  The  Octobrist  and  other  monarch- 
ist and  reactionary  parties  practically  disappeared  after  the  March 
Revolution. 

Midway  between  the  bourgeois  and  socialist  groups  came  the  small 
Labor  Party,  which  made  its  appeal  to  the  more  conservative  peas- 
ants and  was  distinctly  nationalistic  in  its  outlook. 

Then  followed  the  socialist  parties  which  were  divided,  prior  to 
the  revolution,  into  two  main  groups  — the  Social  Democrats  and 
the  Social  Revolutionists.  The  first  group  emphasized  its  Marxist 
character,  made  its  main  appeal  to  the  proletariat  of  the  city,  and 
placed  little  reliance  on  the  revolutionary  character  of  the  peasants. 
The  Social  Revolutionists,  on  the  other  hand,  conducted  its  propa- 


ig  the  peasantry.  A  considerable  section  of  the 
ts,  including  Katharine  Breshkovskaya,  relied  on 
as  a  means  of  advancing  the  revolution. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  315 

Congress  of  Soviets. —  On  April  16,  a  national  congress 
of  the  Council  of  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  was 
called.  This  congress  urged  the  Russian  people  to  sup- 
port the  Council  "  as  the  center  of  organized,  democratic 
forces  that  are  capable,  in  unison  with  other  progressive 
forces,  of  counteracting  any  counter-revolutionary  at- 

ganda  chiefly  among  the  peasantry.     A  considerable  section  of  the 
Social  Revolutionist 
terroristic  methods  as 

In  1903,  the  Social  Democratic  Party  split  into  two  main  groups, 
the  Bolsheviks  (meaning  the  majority),  and  the  Mensheviks  (the 
minority).  From  the  1905  to  the  1917  revolutions  the  latter,  how- 
ever, were  the  real  majority  in  the  party.  The  Menshevik  group, 
which  contained  a  large  number  of  the  so-called  "  intellectuals,"  be- 
lieved that  it  was  necessary  for  Russia  to  pass  through  the  capital- 
istic era  of  development  before  it  was  ripe  for  socialism.  With  the 
downfall  of  the  monarchy,  they  contended,  Russia  should  inaugurate 
a  parliamentary  republic.  The  Bolsheviks,  on  the  other  hand,  com- 
posed more  largely  of  the  militant  proletariat  and  the  poorer  peas- 
antry, believed  it  possible  for  Russia  to  jump  certain  stages  in  indus- 
trial development  and  to  advance  from  feudalism  directly  into  so- 
cialism. 

Besides  these  groups  in  the  Social  Democratic  Party  was  the 
small  Menshevik  Internationalist  movement  of  which  Trotsky  was 
formerly  a  member.  The  members  of  this  group  were  opposed  to 
coalition  with  the  propertied  classes,  but  were  unwilling  to  break 
with  the  Mensheviks.  There  was  also  the  Unified  Social  Democratic 
Internationalists,  of  which  Maxim  Gorky  was  a  member.  Gorky 
and  his  followers  refused  to  tie  themselves  up  with  either  of  the 
two  great  factions,  but  otherwise  resembled  in  social  outlook  the 
Menshevik  Internationalists. 

The  second  main  group  of  socialists  was  the  Social  Revolutionary 
Party,  originally  the  fighting  revolutionary  party  of  the  peasants. 
These  emphasized  the  abolition  of  private  property  in  land.  At 
first  they  favored  compensation,  but  later  advocated  confiscation. 
This  party  was  swept  into  power  at  the  time  of  the  March  revolu- 
tion. Kerensky,  formerly  of  the  Labor  Party,  joined  its  ranks,  as 
did  very  large  numbers  possessed  of  no  particular  social  philosophy. 
A  branch  of  this  peasants'  party  was  the  Left  Social  Revolutionists, 
led  by  Spiridonova,  and  other  extremists.  The  Left  Social  Revolu- 
tionists withdrew  several  times  from  the  provisional  government, 
supported  the  Soviets  —  although  not  agreeing  with  the  tactics  of 


316      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

tempt,  and  of  consolidating  the  conquests  of  the  revolu- 
tion." It  also  warned  the  people  to  suppress  any  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  government  to  elude  the  control  of 
democracy,  and  asked  for  the  support  of  the  provisional 
government  "  as  long  as  it  continues  to  consolidate  and 
develop  the  conquests  of  the  revolution  —  and  as  long  as 
the  basis  of  its  foreign  policy  does  not  rest  upon  aspira- 
tions for  territorial  expansion."  Thus  was  evidenced  the 
beginning  of  the  antagonism  between  the  Soviets  and  the 
provisional  government  that  was  to  play  such  an  im- 
portant role  in  the  next  few  months. 

The  Resignation  of  Miliukov — Following  this  con- 
gress, the  provisional  government,  on  April  27,  announced 
its  agreement  with  the  Soviets  and,  on  May  1,  issued  a 
manifesto,  urging  the  Allied  governments  to  restate  their 
war  aims.  The  manifesto,  however,  was  accompanied  by  a 
note  which  declared  that  the  provisional  government  "  will 

the  Bolsheviks  —  and,  after  the  November  revolution,  supported  and 
then  opposed  the  Bolsheviks. 

The  Maximalists  and  Minimalists  were  also  offshoots  of  the  Social 
Revolutionists,  the  former  demanding,  as  their  name  suggests,  the 
immediate  carrying  out  of  the  maximum  socialist  program. 

As  the  November  revolution  approached,  the  parties  gradually 
began  to  align  themselves  as  Bolshevik  and  anti-Bolshevik  groups. 

The  Social  Revolutionists  and  the  Mensheviks,  as  will  be  seen, 
favored  in  general  the  continuance  of  the  war  on  the  side  of  the 
Allies,  supported  the  provisional  government,  felt  that  coalition  was 
necessary,  and  were  inclined  to  leave  fundamental  changes  in  the 
economic  structure  to  the  Constituent  Assembly.  They  first  were 
of  the  opinion  that  the  Soviets  should  assume  merely  advisory  func- 
tions. 

The  Bolsheviks,  on  the  other  hand,  cooperating  at  times  with  the 
Left  Social  Revolutionists,  demanded  that  support  be  withdrawn 
from  the  provisional  government,  that  all  power  be  given  to  the 
Soviets,  that  the  latter  proceed  immediately  to  take  over  the  land 
and  the  monopolistic  industries  and  to  a  realization  of  socialism; 
that  all  imperialistic  wars  and  all  governments  that  wage  them  be 
opposed;  that  the  standing  army  be  abolished  and  that  an  armed 
ile  be  substituted  therefor. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  317 

maintain  a  strict  regard  for  its  agreement  with  the  allies 
of  Russia."  This  note  was  immediately  interpreted  by 
many  as  a  willingness  on  the  part  of  the  government  that 
the  Allies  should  ignore  the  manifesto.  Huge  anti- 
governmental  demonstrations  ensued.  The  ministry  an- 
nounced that  the  note  had  been  misinterpreted,  that  its 
aims  were  not  imperialistic,  and,  by  a  small  majority,  the 
soviet  on  May  4  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the  gov- 
ernment. The  incident,  however,  gave  an  immense  im- 
petus to  the  parties  of  the  left. 

This  trend  became  more  pronounced  on  the  arrival  in 
late  April  in  Petrograd  of  Nicholai  Lenin,5  who  had  been 

5  I  .ruin,  whose  real  name  is  Vladimir  Ilyich  Ulianov,  is  a  hereditary 
nobleman,  a  son  of  a  councillor  of  state  of  the  government  of  Sim- 
birsk. He  was  horn  April  10,  1870,  and  is  a  Greek  Catholic  by 
profession.  He  was  educated  at  the  Simbirsk  gymnasium,  and,  in 
1887,  entered  the  University  of  Kazan,  from  which  he  was  soon  ex- 
pelled for  political  agitation  among  the  students,  exiled  from  Kazan 
and  placed  under  secret  police  surveillance.  In  1886  his  brother  was 
executed  for  participation  in  a  terrorist  act  against  Alexander  III. 
In  1891  Lenin  entered  the  University  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  devoted 
himself  to  literary  work.  He  later  became  an  attorney. 

In  1895  he  left  Russia  and  organized  a  service  for  the  introduction 
of  revolutionary  literature  into  Russia.  On  his  return  he  became  a 
contributor  to  the  underground  publication,  Labor's  Work.  On  Jan- 
uary 29,  1897,  by  an  imperial  ukase,  he  was  exiled  to  eastern  Siberia 
because  of  his  activity  in  connection  with  the  Social  Democratic  circle 
of  Petrograd.  There  he  remained  for  three  years  under  police  sur- 
veillance. For  the  next  three  years  he  was  forbidden  to  return  to 
industrial  or  university  centers.  On  July  16,  1900,  he  went  abroad 
as  a  delegate  of  the  central  committee  of  the  Russian  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party,  and  soon  attained  a  leading  position  among  the  Russian 
political  refugees  abroad. 

In  1903  he  led  the  Bolshevik  group  at  the  second  congress  of  the 
Russian  Social  Democratic  Party.  In  1905,  when  the  first  revolu- 
tion broke  out,  he  returned  to  Russia,  later  fleeing  to  Finland 
(1906),  to  Switzerland  (1907),  and  to  Paris  (1908),  where  he  edited 
socialist  periodicals.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he  was  in  Austriaa. 
Here  he  was  imprisoned,  but  later  released.  Returning  to  Switzer- 
land, he  took  up  the  fight  for  peace  and  was  active  in  the  Zimmer- 


318      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

for  some  time  biding  his  time  in  Switzerland.  Lenin  de- 
manded immediate  peace  negotiations  and  the  restatement 
of  war  aims  by  the  Allies.  On  May  13,  as  a  result  of 
growing  criticism,  Guchtov  resigned,  declaring  that  anar- 
chy had  entered  into  the  conduct  of  the  army.  Three 
days  later  Miliukov  tendered  his  resignation,  on  account 
of  the  increased  pacifism  in  the  socialist  movement.  On 
the  following  day,  May  17,  Leon  Trotsky  returned  from 
America,  and  gave  additional  impetus  to  the  left  wing 
agitation.6 

The  Military  Situation. —  In  the  meanwhile  conditions 
at  the  front,  left  by  the  Czarist  regime  in  a  tragic  state, 
were  going  from  bad  to  worse.  Under  the  Czar,  the  sol- 
diers were  kept  to  their  tasks  by  iron  discipline,  but  with 
the  revolution  the  hand  of  the  monarchy  was  paralyzed 
and  the  one  thing  which  had  kept  them  bound  to  the 
trenches  was  removed.  They  still  regarded  the  war  as 
that  of  the  Czar's.  Why,  they  asked,  should  we  continue 

wald  Conference.  After  the  March  revolution,  he  was  allowed  to 
return  to  Russia  accompanied  by  one  hundred  revolutionists  of  va- 
rious factions.  He  was  the  author  of  Development  of  Capitalism 
in  Russia  and  numerous  other  economic  works.  (See  Williams, 
Lenin,  the  Man  and  His  Works.) 

•  Trotsky,  on  his  return  to  Russia,  was  about  forty  years  of  age. 
Leaving  the  University  of  Odessa  in  the  late  nineties,  he  immedi- 
diately  threw  himself  into  the  revolutionary  movement  in  Russia. 
In  1900  and  again  after  the  1905  revolution  he  was  imprisoned  and 
sent  to  Siberia  for  his  revolutionary  activity  and  twice  escaped.  In 
the  1905  revolution,  he  became  the  chairman  of  the  Petrograd 
soviet.  After  his  second  escape,  he  remained  in  Vienna  until  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  editing  a  revolutionary  magazine  that  was 
smuggled  into  Russia.  Thence  he  went  to  Switzerland,  to  Paris,  to 
Spain,  and,  in  the  winter  of  1916-17,  to  the  United  States.  He  helped 
to  edit  a  socialist  newspaper  in  this  country,  and,  on  the  outbreak 
of  the  revolution,  returned,  with  difficulty,  to  Russia.  From  the 
1905  revolution,  he  had  emphasized  the  immediate  transition  from 
absolutism  to  sorialism  through  the  medium  of  the  Soviets.  (See 
Our  Revolution  by  Leon  Trotsky,  translated  by  Olgin.) 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  519 

to  serve  and  die,  why  not  return  home  and  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  the  revolution?  They  held  frequent  meetings. 
On  May  10,  delegates  from  the  soldiers  at  the  front  opened 
a  conference  in  Petrograd,  which  expressed  the  belief  that 
the  war  was  "  at  present  conducted  for  purposes  of  con- 
quest and  against  the  interest  of  the  masses  "  and  urged 
the  Council  of  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  to  take  the 
most  energetic  measures  "  for  the  purpose  of  ending  this 
butchery,  on  the  basis  of  free  self-determination  of  nations 
and  of  renunciation  by  all  belligerent  countries  of  annexa- 
tions and  indemnities.  Not  a  drop  of  Russian  blood  shall 
be  given  for  aims  foreign  to  us." 

The  New  Coalition  Government —  The  resignations  of 
Miliukov  and  Guchtov  gave  rise  to  another  controversy 
in  the  Soviets  as  to  whether  the  council  should  participate 
in  the  new  coalition  ministry  about  to  be  formed.  The 
moderates  again  won  out  and  the  ministry  was  indorsed 
by  a  vote  of  41  to  19.  The  resulting  cabinet  contained 
six  as  against  one  socialist  representative,  although  the 
non-socialists  were  still  in  the  majority,  with  some  seven 
Constitutional  Democrats  and  two  Octobrists.7 

The  Petrograd  soviet  approved  the  selections,  while  the/ 
Bolsheviks,  under  the  leadership  of  Trotsky,  strongly  ob-j 
jected.     "  There  are  three  commandments  for  the  prole-/' 
tariat,"  declared  Trotsky,  in  this  his  maiden  address  after 
his  return  to  Russia.     "They  are:  First,  transmission  of 
power  to   the  revolutionary   proletariat;  second,   control 

7  Lvov  was  again  chosen  Premier.  Kerensky  was  transferred 
from  Minister  of  Justice  to  Minister  of  War  and  head  of  the  army 
and  navy.  Another  Social  Revolutionist  was  selected  Minister  of 
Justice  and  Terestchenko,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Three  other 
socialists,  Chernov,  Skobelev  and  Tseretelli,  were  appointed  re- 
spectively Ministers  of  Agriculture,  of  Labor  and  of  Posts  and 
Telegraphs. 


320      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

over  their  leaders ;  and  third,  confidence  in  their  own  revo- 
lutionary powers." 

The  Land  Problem. —  During  these  months  also  the 
peasants  were  becoming  ever  more  restless  on  account  of 
the  failure  of  the  government  to  pursue  a  consistent  course 
with  regard  to  the  distribution  of  land.  On  May  17,  the 
All-Russian  Congress  of  Peasants,  controlled  by  the  Social 
Revolutionists,  met  in  Petrograd.  It  urged  that  the  pro- 
posed Constituent  Assembly  declare  for  the  abolition, 
without  compensation,  of  private  property  in  land  and 
natural  resources  and  demanded  that  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment issue  "  an  absolutely  clear  statement  which  will 
show  that  on  this  question  the  provisional  government  will 
allow  nobody  to  oppose  the  people's  will."  Kerensky,  at 
this  gathering,  stated  that  he  intended  "  to  establish  an 
iron  discipline  in  the  army."  Nine  days  thereafter  he 
signed,  under  pressure,  the  Declaration  of  Soldiers'  Rights, 
which,  among  other  things,  placed  the  management  of  the 
army  in  the  hands  of  committees  on  which  the  men  had 
four-fifths  representation  and  the  officers,  one-fifth. 

The  Discussion  of  Peace  and  of  All  Power  to  the 
Soviet —  Throughout  June,  1917,  the  place  of  Russia  in 
the  war  was  hotly  debated  from  many  angles.  In  the  All- 
Russian  Congress,  opened  on  June  22,  a  memorable  debate 
on  tactics  took  place  between  Kerensky,  who  supported 
the  war,  and  Lenin,  who  regarded  its  continuance  as  "  an 
act  of  treason  against  the  socialist  International."  The 
congress  still  supported  the  coalition  ministry  by  a  large 
majority  and  declared  that  the  passing  of  all  power  to 
the  Soviets  would  drive  away  the  elements  that  were  still 
capable  of  serving  the  revolution.  It  declared,  however, 
that  the  giving  of  all  power  "  to  the  bourgeois  elements 
would  deal  a  blow  at  the  revolutionary  cause,"  and  in- 
sisted that  the  socialist  ministers  be  directly  responsible 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  321 

to  the  Soviets.  The  Bolsheviks  planned  a  huge  demon- 
stration in  front  of  the  headquarters  of  the  congress  for 
the  purpose  of  pressing  home  the  thought  that  the  Soviets 
should  assume  all  power,  but  the  demonstration  was  for- 
bidden. 

The  July  Days. —  July  the  first  witnessed  a  massed  un- 
armed demonstration  in  Petrograd,  encouraged  by  the 
Soviets.  To  the  surprise  of  the  soviet  leaders,  and  the 
delight  of  the  Bolsheviks,  the  banners  displayed  by  the 
marchers,  instead  of  expressing  support  for  the  coalition, 
were  inscribed  with  the  words,  "  Down  with  secret 
treaties,"  "  Long  live  a  just  peace,"  "  Down  with  the  ten 
capitalistic  ministers." 

About  that  time  occurred  the  long  expected  July  offen- 
sive. The  bourgeoisie  favored  the  drive  as  an  aid  to  the 
restoration  of  army  discipline,  and  as  a  means  of  strength- 
ening their  position  in  the  government.  The  Bolsheviks 
opposed  it  on  the  ground  that  it  would  give  rise  to  re- 
pressive measures,  necessitate  "  the  concentration  of  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  military,  diplomatic  and  capitalistic 
groups  affiliated  with  English,  French  and  American  im- 
perialism, and  thus  free  them  from  the  necessity  of  reckon- 
ing later  with  the  organized  will  of  Russian  democracy." 
The  provisional  government  was  largely  influenced  by 
pressure  from  the  Allied  Embassies.  The  offensive  at  first 
met  with  considerable  success,  but,  because  of  the  pitifully 
poor  equipment  of  the  army,  the  inadequacy  of  supplies 
and  the  soldiers'  lack  of  morale  —  due  partly  to  anti-war 
propaganda  —  defeat  quickly  ensued. 

July  Outbreaks —  Dissatisfaction  caused  by  defeat,  the 
continued  chaos  in  the  army,  despite  the  demand  by  Allied 
generals  for  renewed  discipline,  uncertainty  regarding  the 
settlement  of  the  land,  industrial  and  peace  problems  and 
the  postponement  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  —  all  led 


322      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

to  an  increasing  demand  that  the  Constitutional  Demo- 
crats, popularly  known  as  Cadets,  be  asked  to  resign  from 
the  ministry. 

This  discontent  led,  on  July  17,  to  a  revolutionary 
demonstration  which  the  Bolsheviks  were  charged  with 
instigating,  but  which  they  declared  was  spontaneous, 
being  guided  by  them  "  only  in  a  political  way."  Great 
crowds  surrounded  the  Tauride  Palace  where  the  Central 
Executive  Committee  was  located.  Demands  were  made 
for  the  arrest  of  Chernov  and  Tseretelli  and  for  the  dis- 
persal of  the  Executive  Committee.  Delegates  sent  into 
the  Palace  to  urge  reforms  were  met  with  evasions  until 
the  arrival  of  the  Volynsky  regiment,  when  bayonets  were 
drawn  and  the  revolt  crushed,  but  not  before  some  five 
hundred  men  and  women  were  killed  in  the  resulting  tur- 
moil. The  Bolsheviks  maintained  that  they  had  not  at- 
tempted to  seize  power  by  armed  revolt.  This  event 
showed  them,  however,  that  the  government  could  not 
depend  on  the  Petrograd  regiments  for  active  assistance 
in  time  of  crises. 

Kerensky  Becomes  Premier. —  On  July  20,  Lvov  re- 
signed from  the  ministry  and  Kerensky  began  his  spec- 
tacular career  as  Premier.  Two  days  later,  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  All-Russian  Council  of  Workers', 
Soldiers'  and  Peasants'  Deputies  decided  to  confer  supreme 
and  unlimited  authority  on  the  Kerensky  cabinet,  and 
brought  the  Bolsheviks  to  task  for  refusing  their  support. 
Kerensky  immediately  began  a  vigorous  suppression  of 
Bolshevik  papers.  Trotsky,  Kollontay  and  others  were 
arrested  and  sent  to  prison,  charged  with  organizing  the 
revolt  of  July  in  collusion  with  German  authorities. 
Lenin  went  into  hiding. 

Conditions  at  the  front,  however,  continued  to  grow 
worse.  Finally,  Chernov  resigned  as  Minister  of  Agri- 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  323 

culture,  and  Kerensky,  as  Premier.  The  latter,  however, 
was  unanimously  requested  by  the  provisional  government, 
and  later  by  leaders  of  various  political  parties  and  the 
Duma,  to  remain  at  the  post.  Kerensky  remained  and 
formed  a  new  cabinet,  in  which  four  socialist  parties  and 
two  liberal  parties  were  represented.  Chernov  returned 
to  office. 

The  Moscow  Conference —  But  the  defeat  without  and 
disintegration  within  continued.  Kerensky's  next  move 
was  the  calling  of  an  Extraordinary  National  Conference 
at  Moscow  for  August  26.  Here  were  gathered  some 
1,400  delegates,  invited,  for  the  most  part,  by  the  govern-  { 
ment  —  representatives  of  the  Soviets,  the  cooperatives, 
the  municipalities,  the  trade  unions,  the  Duma,  the  zem- 
stvos,  etc.  The  Bolsheviks  claimed  that  the  main  purpose 
of  this  conference  was  to  secure  a  sufficiently  conservative 
composition  to  dissolve  the  Soviets  and  to  gain  a  firm 
footing  against  the  Bolsheviks.8 

Message  From  President  Wilson. —  It  was  this  con- 
ference to  which  President  Wilson  addressed  his  message, 
pledging  "  every  material  and  moral  assistance,"  and  at 
which  Kerensky  warned  that  any  attempt  to  raise  an 
armed  hand  against  the  people's  power  would  be  stopped 
with  blood  and  iron.  General  Kornilov  demanded  the  re- 
turn of  rigid  discipline  in  the  army.  The  veteran  so- 
cialist, Plechanov  appealed  for  a  coalition  government  on 
the  ground  that  the  workers  were  not  as  yet  ready  to 
exercise  power.  Men  and  women  of  all  shades  of  opinion, 
excluding  the  Bolsheviks,  addressed  the  conference.  The 
gathering  did  give  an  opportunity  to  many  groups  to  ex- 
press their  convictions,  but  far  from  unifying  the  various 
forces,  if  anything,  it  led  to  greater  schisms.  Following 

s  Trotsky,  From  October  to  Brest-Litovak,  p.  28. 


324      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  conference  came  military  disaster  after  military  dis- 
aster and,  on  September  3,  Riga  was  surrendered  to  the 
Germans.9 

The  Kornilov  Revolt — On  September  9  came  the 
Kornilov  revolt.  General  I.  C.  Kornilov,  on  August  2,  had 
succeeded  General  Brusilov  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Russian  armies.  In  that  position  he  sent  many  bitter 
notes  to  the  provisional  government  regarding  the  lack  of 
discipline  in  the  army.  On  September  8,  according  to 
Kerensky,  Vladimir  Lvov,  a  member  of  the  Duma,  visited 
the  Premier  and  told  him  that  Kornilov  demanded  that 
the  military  power  be  handed  over  to  him  as  well  as  the 
selection  of  the  new  government.  Kerensky  thereupon 
demanded  that  Kornilov  give  up  his  position  as  command- 
er-in-chief  and  declared  Petrograd  in  a  state  of  siege. 
Kornilov  afterwards  denied  that  he  had  sent  Lvov  to  the 
Premier,  declaring  that  it  was  Kerensky  who  had  first  dis- 
patched Lvov  to  him.  The  truth  of  the  involved  relation- 
ship will  probably  never  be  fully  known.  Kerensky 's  ex- 
planation never  proved  satisfactory,  even  to  his  friends. 
However,  Kornilov,  on  receiving  Kerensky's  message,  re- 
fused to  resign  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  be- 
gan his  march  on  Petrograd.  The  provisional  govern- 
ment issued  orders,  but  the  Petrograd  Council  of  Workers* 
and  Soldiers'  Deputies  carried  on  the  main  defense.  The 
Kronstadt  sailors  were  summoned  to  Petrograd  in  defense 
of  the  revolution,  and  the  Petrograd  Soviets  armed  the 
workingmen.  Some  forty  thousand  soldiers  advanced  with 
Kornilov.  When  they  approached  the  city,  the  Petrograd 
workers  streamed  out  to  meet  them.  The  Soviets  sent  not 

•  Many  Bolsheviks  afterwards  claimed  that  Riga  was  not  prop- 
erly defended,  and  that  many  of  the  military  leaders  were  not  ad- 
verse to  the  surrender  of  the  city,  feeling  that  it  would  "  bring  the 
people  to  their  senses." 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  325 

only  soldiers,  but  also  orators.  The  agitators  asked 
Kornilov's  followers  why  they  wished  to  fight  against  the 
revolution  and  induced  them  to  appoint  a  committee  to 
investigate  the  condition  of  the  city.  When  the  com- 
mittees returned  to  the  regiments  and  declared  that  they 
had  been  deceived,  the  soldiers  laid  down  their  arms  and 
refused  to  fight.  The  revolt  gave  further  impetus  to  the 
Bolshevik  argument  that  cooperation  between  the  bour- 
geoisie and  the  socialist  elements  in  the  government  would 
prove  fatal  to  the  revolution.  The  immediate  outcome  of 
the  revolt  was  the  appointment  of  Kerensky  as  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  army. 

The  Democratic  Conference. —  The  Kornilov  revolt  was 
followed  by  a  bitter  fight  for  supremacy  in  the  Petrograd 
soviet  between  che  right  and  left  wings.  Prior  to  this 
event,  the  Bolsheviks  had  no  representation  in  the  Petro- 
grad Executive  Committee,  though  they  at  times  marshaled 
one-third  of  the  votes.  After  the  revolt,  they  asked  that 
the  principle  of  proportional  representation  be  adopted 
in  the  soviet  elections,  but  this  request  was  denied.  Soon 
the  group  was  able  to  command  a  majority  on  various 
questions,  and  from  this  time  they  began  to  fight  for  the 
convocation  of  the  Second  All-Russian  Congress  of  So- 
viets, then  about  due.  This  convocation  was  opposed  by 
the  moderate  socialists,  and,  as  a  compromise,  in  order  to 
satisfy  the  public  demand  for  a  national  conference,  with- 
out running  the  risk  of  losing  control  of  the  soviet  ma- 
chinery, and  in  order  to  make  a  last  desperate  attempt  to 
unify  the  divergent  elements  in  Russia,  the  United  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Soviets  called  a  national  gathering 
for  September  27,  1917,  known  as  the  Democratic  Con- 
ference. 

This  conference  was  more  progressive  in  its  make-up 
than  was  the  Moscow  gathering,  and  the  representatives 


326      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  big  industrial  interests  were  less  in  evidence.  It 
created  a  new  coalition  ministry,  containing  eight  Cadets, 
five  Social  Democrats,  and  two  non-partisans.  By  a  slight 
majority  the  conference  favored  the  coalition.  It,  how- 
ever, opposed  the  entrance  of  Cadets  in  the  ministry,  al- 
though these  were  appointed  under  the  name  of  social 
workers.  Owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Bolsheviks,  a 
{resolution  favoring  the  continuance  of  the  war  was  with- 
drawn. The  Democratic  Conference  also  picked  repre- 
sentatives for  a  Pre-Parliament,  which  was  to  function 
prior  to  the  convocation  of  the  Constituent  Assembly. 
Contrary  to  the  hopes  of  Tseretelli,  the  Pre-Parliament 
was  given  no  authority  over  the  ministry.  This  failure  to 
make  the  ministry  responsible  to  any  group  of  the  Russian 
people  —  a  condition  that  had  pertained  ever  since  the 
July  days  —  meant,  according  to  the  radicals,  responsi- 
bility merely  to  the  Cadets  and  to  the  Allied  Embassies. 

The  Preliminary  Parliament. —  The  Pre-Parliament 
opened  its  sessions  October  8,  1917.  In  it  were  some  344 
representatives  of  the  working  class,  and  153  delegates 
from  the  middle  class.  The  53  Bolshevik  members  and  5 
from  other  factions  took  the  position  that  the  new  regime 
meant  "  the  restoration  and  perpetuation  of  the  coali- 
tion with  the  liberal  bourgeoisie,"  and  left  the  Pre-Parlia- 
ment.10 

The  war  dragged  on.     The  new  cabinet  issued  a  state- 

10  In  commenting  on  the  newly  formed  coalition  government, 
Trotsky  declared:  "The  attitude  of  the  masses  toward  Miliukov's 
party  was  one  of  the  deepest  hostility.  At  all  elections  during  the 
revolutionary  period,  the  Cadets  suffered  merciless  defeat,  and  yet, 
the  very  parties  —  i.e.,  the  Social  Revolutionists  and  Mensheviks  — 
which  victoriously  defeated  the  Cadet  party  at  the  elections,  after 
election,  gave  it  the  place  of  honor  in  the  coalition  government.  It  is 
natural  that  the  masses  realized  more  and  more  that  in  reality  the 
fusionist  parties  were  playing  the  rdle  of  stewards  to  the  liberal 
bourgeoisie.  (Trotsky,  October  to  Breit-Litovtk,  p.  31.) 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  327 

ment  declaring  that  the  provisional  government  would  in 
the  next  few  weeks  take  part  in  the  conference  of  the  Allied 
Powers,  "  and  calling  for  immediate  and  active  participa- 
tion in  the  preparations  for  the  convocation  of  the  Consti- 
tutional Assembly  in  the  shortest  period  of  time."  The 
Parliament  lasted  until  November  7,  1917,  at  which  date 
it  was  dispersed  by  the  Bolsheviks. 

The  Bolshevik  Revolution —  After  the  March  Revolu- 
tion, the  Bolsheviks  constantly  increased  in  strength, 
for  with  the  passing  months  their  arguments  bore  ever 
greater  weight  with  the  masses.  The  provisional  govern- 
ment, they  declared,  had  promised  the  country  peace. 
What  had  been  done?  The  government  had  asked  the 
Allies  to  restate  their  war  aims.  The  Allies  promised  such 
a  restatement  at  their  Paris  conference  but  the  conference 
was  put  off  from  month  to  month,  and  finally  an  an- 
nouncement made  that  they  intended  to  discuss  merely 
military  issues.  In  the  meanwhile  tens  of  thousands  of 
Russians  were  being  sacrificed  and  no  relief  was  in  sight. 
The  continuance  of  the  war  would  lead  to  physical  ex- 
haustion of  the  revolutionized  proletariat  and  the  fruits 
of  the  revolution  would  be  sacrificed. 

The  socialists  of  the  left  further  claimed  that  the 
provisional  government  had  failed  to  take  any  decisive 
stand  on  the  land  question.  It  feared  to  advocate  confis- 
cation of  the  land  because  the  value  of  foreign  securities 
depended  on  the  income  derived  from  it.  In  certain  dis- 
tricts it  had  introduced  martial  law  and  arrested  many 
peasants  who  attempted  to  carry  out  the  Petrograd  so-) 
viet's  program  by  transferring  land  to  the  peasant  com- 
mittees. 

Indecision  of  Provisional  Government. —  The  provi- 
sional government  had  no  definite  policy  on  the  question  of 
the  socialization  of  industries.  It  had  postponed  the  call- 


328      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ing  of  the  Constituent  Assembly.  And,  declared  Trotsky, 
"  there  were  no  guarantees  that  it  [this  assembly]  really 
would  be  called.  The  breaking  up  of  the  army,  mass  de- 
sertions, disorganization  of  the  supplies'  department,  agra- 
rian revolution  —  all  this  created  an  environment  which 
was  unfavorable  to  the  elections  for  the  Constituent  As- 
sembly. The  surrender  of  Petrograd  to  the  Germans, 
furthermore,  threatened  to  remove  altogether  the  question 
of  elections  from  the  order  of  the  day.  And,  besides,  even 
if  it  were  called  according  to  the  old  registration  lists 
under  the  leadership  of  the  old  parties,  the  Constituent 
Assembly  would  be  but  a  cover  and  a  sanction  for  the 
coalition  power.'5  n 

The  provisional  government  still  clung  to  the  idea  of 
coalition  which  meant  control  by  the  bourgeoisie  and 
Allies.  It  refused  to  recognize  the  real  power  of  Russia, 
the  soviet. 

Program  of  Bolsheviks — The  Bolsheviks  had  a  defi- 
nite  program  on  all  questions  in  dispute.  They  demanded 
that  entire  power  be  given  to  the  Soviets;  that  land  be 
immediately  distributed  without  compensation;  that  in- 
dustries be  socialized  and  workers'  committees  formed,  and 
that  immediate  negotiations  be  started  for  a  general, 
democratic  peace.  While  the  Bolshevik  propaganda  along 
these  lines  was  urgent  and  active,  "  it  was  much  like  the 
case  of  a  man  blowing  with  his  breath  in  the  same  direction 
with  a  full  grown  natural  tornado,"  12  for  their  demands 
but  voiced  the  growing  aspirations  of  the  people. 

Defense  by  Kerensky  Government. —  The  provisional 
government  conducted  a  vigorous  counter-propaganda. 
It  declared  that  it  had  not  unduly  postponed  the  Assem- 

«  Trotsky,  op  cit.,  p.  34. 

«  See  article  by  William  Hard  on  Colonel  Robins'  view  of  Russia 
in  the  Metropolitan,  June,  1919. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  329 

bly.  On  March  20,  1917,  the  coalition  ministry  had 
promised  to  convoke  the  Assembly  "  as  soon  as  possible." 
The  second  cabinet  repeated  the  promise.  It  was  first 
necessary  to  organize  a  thoroughly  representative  com- 
mittee to  work  out  the  election  laws.  This  organization 
took  some  time.  The  commission's  sessions  opened  June 
7,  1917.  On  June  22,  the  third  cabinet  designated  Sep- 
tember 29  as  the  date  for  the  elections.  This  date  was 
changed  once,  when,  on  August  22,  Kerensky  declared  that, 
because  of  the  enormous  amount  of  work  involved  in  hold- 
ing the  elections,  voting  must  be  postponed  until  Novem- 
ber 25,  1917.  The  convocation  of  the  Assembly  was 
called  for  December  12,  1917. 

Regarding  the  immediate  negotiations  for  peace,  the 
provisional  government  declared  that  Russia  must  remain 
loyal  to  the  Allies,  and  that  only  by  defending  Russia 
against  German  militarism  could  the  fruits  of  the  revolu- 
tion be  preserved.  The  moderate  socialists  admitted,  how- 
ever, that  much  of  their  argument  for  the  continuance  of 
the  war  had  been  greatly  weakened  by  the  refusal  of  the 
Allies  to  restate  their  war  aims,  as  well  as  by  the  Allies' 
refusal  to  give  passports  to  delegates  to  the  Stockholm 
Peace  Conference  called  by  the  Russians.  The  land  and 
industrial  problems,  they  maintained,  would  be  taken  up 
by  the  Constituent  Assembly.  They  claimed  that  the 
coalition  ministry  was  necessary,  as  Russia  could  not  jump 
immediately  out  of  the  stage  of  feudalism  into  that  of 
socialism,  and  that,  during  the  transition  period,  the  work- 
ers must  have  the  cooperation  of  the  bourgeoisie. 

Calling  of  All-Russian  Congress — Despite  these  re- 
plies, the  movement  swung  incessantly  to  the  left.  Under 
pressure  of  the  Bolsheviks,  the  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  the  Soviets  called  an  All-Russian  Congress  of 
Soviets  in  Petrograd  for  November  7.  The  calling  of  this 


assembly  was  a  signal  to  the  Bolsheviks  to  prepare  for  the 
capture  of  the  governmental  machinery. 

Struggle  Over  the  Petrograd  Garrison. —  The  first 
struggle  occurred  over  the  Petrograd  garrison.  The 
General  Staff  decided  that  this  garrison,  composed  of  revo- 
lutionary troops,  should  be  sent  to  the  front  in  exchange 
for  others.  The  Petrograd  Soviets  were  asked  to  approve 
of  the  plan  of  exchange,  but  the  Soviets'  executive  com- 
mittee refused  to  give  its  approval.  At  the  same  time  a 
Military  Revolutionary  Committee  was  organized  and 
both  sides  strove  to  win  the  support  of  the  Petrograd 
garrison.  The  Bolsheviks  felt  sure  that  the  All-Russian 
Congress  would  favor  transference  of  power  to  the  Soviets, 
but  they  knew  that  a  resolution  to  that  effect  would  be 
worthless  unless  backed  by  force.  Force  must  be  placed 
on  the  side  of  the  Bolsheviks.  In  this  struggle  soldiers 
and  workmen  began  to  take  the  keenest  interest.  On  Oc- 
tober 23,  a  secret  meeting  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the 
Bolsheviks  was  held  in  Petrograd,  with  Lenin  present.  At 
this  meeting,  with  but  two  dissenting  votes,  it  was  decided 
that  "  the  only  means  of  saving  the  revolution  and  the 
country  from  final  dissolution  lay  in  armed  insurrection 
which  must  transfer  power  into  the  hands  of  the  Soviets." 

The  first  act  of  the  Military  Revolutionary  Committee 
was  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  all  parts  of  the 
Petrograd  garrison  and  to  all  of  the  most  important  insti- 
tutions of  the  capital  and  its  environs.  The  various 
Petrograd  regiments  finally  agreed  to  recognize  only  the 
commissioners  from  the  Petrograd  soviet.  The  govern- 
ment then  proceeded  vigorously  against  the  rebels  and 
destroyed  their  headquarters  and  their  printing  plant. 
These,  however,  were  soon  replaced.  In  early  November, 
the  staff  tried  to  come  to  some  mutual  understanding  in 
regard  to  the  removal  of  the  Petrograd  garrison,  but  the 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  331 

garrison   declared   that,  without   the   Petrograd   Soviet's 
decision,  it  would  move  nowhere. 

Petrograd  Soviet  Day — On  November  4,  1917,  the 
Bolsheviks  announced  a  "  Petrograd  Soviet  Day,"  which 
brought  out  great  masses  of  men  and  women,  with  their 
signs  of  "  Down  with  Kerensky's  Government,  Down  with 
the  War !  All  power  to  the  Soviets !  *'  The  Semyonovski 
regiment,  regarded  as  the  bulwark  of  Kerensky's  govern^ 
ment,  decided,  during  the  day,  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority, to  support  the  Bolsheviks.  The  insurgents  also 
occupied  the  Fortress  of  Peter  and  Paul.  During  the 
following  days  the  Military  Revolutionary  Committee  ap- 
pointed committees  to  take  charge  of  all  railroad  depots, 
and  established  telephonic  communications  with  outlying 
Soviets.  Red  Guards  and  sailors  occupied  the  telegraph 
station,  post  office  and  other  institutions,  and  prepared  to 
take  possession  of  the  state  bank,  while  Smolny  Institute, 
the  headquarters  of  the  Central  Executive  and  of  the 
Military  Revolutionary  Committee,  was  turned  into  a 
fortress. 

On  November  6,  Kerensky  demanded  that  the  Pre-Par- 
liament  approve  repressive  measures  against  the  Bolshe- 
viks. A  resolution  was  passed  condemning  the  rebellious 
movement  of  the  soviet,  but  laying  the  responsibilities  at 
the  door  of  the  anti-democratic  policy  of  the  government. 
That  night  the  government  ordered  artillery  from  the 
Peterhof  School  of  Ensigns,  and  gathered  cadets  and  offi- 
cers at  the  Winter  Palace,  while  the  Bolsheviks  placed 
military  defenses  on  all  roads  leading  to  Petrograd,  and 
sent  agitators  to  meet  and  to  argue  with  military  detach- 
ments called  by  the  government.  During  the  night  most 
of  the  important  points  in  the  city,  including  the  state 
bank,  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Bolsheviks  without 
struggle  or  bloodshed. 


332      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  Fall  of  the  Kerensky  Regime —  On  November  7, 
the  Winter  Palace,  occupied  by  the  provisional  govern- 
ment, was  gradually  surrounded,  and,  at  one  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  Trotsky  declared,  at  a  session  of  the  Petrograd 
soviet,  that  the  government  of  Kerensky  had  ceased  to 
exist,  and  that,  until  the  All-Russian  Congress  would 
otherwise  decide,  the  power  would  pass  into  the  hands  of 
the  Military  Revolutionary  Committee.  In  the  mean- 
time the  government  institutions  were  occupied  one  by  one 
by  soldiers,  sailors,  and  red  guards. 

That  evening  the  preliminary  session  of  the  Second  Ail- 
Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  was  held,  and  while  Dan,  a 
leader  of  the  Social  Revolutionists,  was  delivering  an  in- 
vective against  the  insurgents,  in  the  name  of  the  Central 
Executive,  the  besiegers  were  closing  in  on  the  Winter 
Palace,  and  the  boom  of  cannon,  pointed  toward  the 
palace,  was  heard  throughout  the  city.  Presently  the 
directors  of  operations  against  the  headquarters  of  the 
provisional  government  appeared  in  the  hall,  and  re- 
ported that  the  Winter  Palace  had  been  taken,  that  Keren- 
sky  had  fled  and  that  other  ministers  were  arrested  and 
consigned  to  the  Fortress  of  Peter  and  Paul.  The  first 
chapter  of  the  November  revolution  was  closed. 


UNDER    THE    SOVIET    GOVERNMENT 

The  Formation  of  the  Soviet  Government. —  With  the 
downfall  of  the  provisional  government,  the  power  passed 
immediately  over  to  the  Military  Revolutionary  Committee. 
^The  first  order  of  the  new  power  was  the  abolition  of  the 
death  penalty  and  the  ordering  of  reelections  in  the  army 
committees.  On  the  succeeding  evening,  at  an  executive 
session  of  the  Soviets,  Lenin,  who  had  returned  from  hiding 
in  Finland,  introduced  decrees  on  peace  and  on  land, 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  333 

which   were    unanimously    adopted.     The    Central    Com- 
mittee of  the  Bolsheviks  thereupon  invited  the  Left  Social 
Revolutionists  to  participate  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Soviet  Government.     The  latter  hesitated  on  the  grounc  / 
that  the  government  should  contain  members  of  all  of  the 
parties  that  were  represented  in  the  soviet.     The  Menshe- 
viks  and  the  Right  Social  Revolutionists  broke  completely 
with    the    Bolsheviks,    maintaining    that    the    governmen 
should  contain  anti-soviet  parties  as  well.     The  Bolshe 
viks  then  selected  the  People's  Commissars,  composed  ex- 
clusively of  members  of  the  Communist  Party  —  for  by 
this   title  the  Bolsheviks  soon  began   to  call  themselves. 
Lenin  was  appointed  President,  and  Trotsky,  Minister  of 
Foreign   Affairs.     The   Lenin   government    dissolved   the 
Pre-ParEamenl   and,    following   the   withdrawal    of   anti- 
Bolshevik  delegates,  secured  the   sanction   of   the   soviet 
congress  to  this  procedure. 

Attacks  on  New  Government. —  The  new  government 
was  bitterly  attacked  from  all  sides.  On  November  8,  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  All-Russian  Council  of  Peas- 
ants' Deputies  issued  a  manifesto  declaring  that  the  revo- 
lution was  perishing,  that  the  presence  of  a  few  peasants' 
deputies  at  the  soviet  congress  in  violation  of  the  decision 
of  the  peasants'  executive  committee  in  no  way  indicated 
the  peasants'  support  of  the  government  and  that  the 
Council  of  Peasants'  Deputies  refused  to  recognize  the 
new  Bolshevik  regime. 

The  Central  Committee  of  the  Social  Revolutionists  ex- 
pelled from  the  party   all   those  who   took  part   in   the 
"  Bolshevik    adventure "   "  for   gross    violation    of   party 
discipline."     On   November   10,  this  committee  issued   a/. 
manifesto,    in    which    it    declared    that    the    All-Russianj| 
Congress  of  Soviets  had  no  authority  to  recognize  the  coup^\ 


334      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

d'etat,  as  most  of  the  socialist  delegates  had  left  the  coun- 
cil and  as  the  peasant  delegates  had  refused  to  attend  be- 
cause they  were  busy  with  the  elections  for  the  Constituent 
Assembly.  The  appeal  concluded: 

"  Join  hands  with  the  All-Russian  Committee  for  the  Sal- 
vation of  the  country  and  revolution,  unite  with  the  Socialist 
Parties!  They  will  create  a  new,  united  revolutionary  and 
democratic  government  and  this  government  will  at  once 
transfer  all  land  to  the  land  committee,  will  offer  all  belliger- 
ent countries  a  democratic  peace,  will  suppress  the  anarchy 
and  the  counter-revolution  and  will  bring  the  country  to  the 
Constituent  Assembly." 

The  Petrograd  Committee  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  and  various  other  groups  also  issued  appeals 
igainst  the  new  power.  The  intelligentsia  refused  at  first 
cooperate  with  the  new  regime,  the  technical  workers 
ind  clerks,  the  telegraph  operators,  typewriters  and  others 
sabotaging  the  government.  The  communication  with 
the  provinces  was  for  some  time  completely  cut  off. 

Suppression  of  Counter-Revolutionary  Forces. —  The 
Bolsheviks  then  undertook  to  clear  Petrograd  of  those  who 
openly  defied  their  rule.     The  cadets  were  disarmed,  the 
'.participants  in  the  insurrection  against  the  new  regime 
I  were  arrested  and  imprisoned  or  deported  and  "  all  pub- 
ilications  that  openly  preached  revolt  against  soviet  au- 
jithority  were  promptly  suppressed.     All  military  resist- 
v  Wee  in  the  capital  was  crushed  absolutely. 

Next  came  the  reports  of  the  Kerensky  advance  on 
Petrograd.  The  Cossacks  accompanying  the  former 
Premier  took  possession  of  the  powerful  telegraph  radio- 
station  at  Tsarskoye-Selo  and  of  several  local  Soviets. 
The  soldiers  in  Petrograd,  not  knowing  the  size  of  the  ad- 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  335 

vancing  force  and  deprived  of  effective  artillery  and  of 
trained  officers,  at  first  showed  little  enthusiasm  about  op- 
posing their  forces  to  Krasnov's  Cossacks,  but  the  factory 
workers  of  Petrograd  formed  a  Red  Guard  and  large  num- 
bers enthusiastically  supported  the  new  government.  On 
November  12,  they  met  the  Cossacks,  engaged  in  a  fierce 
artillery  duel  with  them  and  forced  a  retreat  to  Gatch- 
insk.  Kerensky  fled  while  General  Krasnov  was  endeavor- 
ing to  find  an  escort  to  take  him  back  to  Petrograd. 

The  Fight  Against  the  Constituent  Assembly.  —  After 
quelling  armed  opposition  within  and  without  the  capital, 
the  Bolsheviks  turned  their  attention  to  the  Constituent 
Assembly.  On  November  25,  1917,  the  elections  took 
place  throughout  Russia,  and  resulted  in  a  majority  vote 
for  the  Social  Revolutionists,  the  Jjolsheviks  xibtaining  less 
onf-third  ftf  thp  votes 


In  late  November  and  early  December  a  group  of  As- 
sembly delegates  met  at  Tauride  Palace,  but  were  finally 
excluded  by  the  Bolsheviks  from  this  gathering  place. 
The  Assembly  was  formally  opened  on  January  18,  1918, 
and  Chernov,  the  leader  of  the  Social  Revolutionists,  was 
elected  chairman  by  a  vote  of  244  to  151. 

Bolshevik  Demand  on  Assembly.  —  Sverdlov,  chairman 
of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Soviets,  thereupon  read; 
the  "  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  the  Toiling  and  Ex-! 
ploited  People,"  and  urged  its  passage  by  the  Assembly. 
The  declaration  virtually  called  on  the  Assembly  to  give  all 
power  to  the  Soviets. 

The  declaration,  which  was  later  adopted  as  a  part  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  Soviet  Government,  virtually  called 
on  the  Assembly  to  give  all  power  to  the  Soviets  ;  provided 
for  the  abolition  of  all  private  property  in  land,  the  so- 
cialization of  mineral  resources,  workmen's  control  of  in- 
dustry, the  establishment  of  the  Supreme  Soviet  of  Na- 


336      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

tional  Economy,  the  nationalization  of  banks,  the  enforce- 
ment of  general  compulsory  labor,  the  arming  of  the  work- 
ers, the  disarming  of  the  exploiting  classes  and  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Red  Guards. 

AH  Power  to  the  Soviet. —  The  declaration  called  upon 
the  Constituent  Assembly  to  accept  completely  the  policy 
of  the  Soviets,  "  whose  duty  it  is  to  publish  all  secret 
treaties,  to  organize  the  most  extensive  fraternization  be- 
tween the  workers  and  the  peasants  of  the  warring  armies, 
and  by  democratic  methods  to  bring  about  a  democratic 
peace  among  all  the  belligerent  nations  without  annexa- 
tions and  indemnities,  on  the  basis  of  the  free  self-deter- 
mination of  nations  —  at  any  price.'' 

The  resolution  further  urged  that  the  Assembly  com- 
pletely  separate  itself  from   "  the  brutal   policy   of   the 
ourgeoisie  " ;  that  it  accept  the  policy  of  the  Council  of 
eople's  Commissars  in  giving  complete  independence  to 
inland,  in  beginning  the  withdrawal  of  troops  from  Per- 
ia,  and  in  declaring  for  Armenia  the  right  of  self-de- 
rmination. 

"  A  blow  at  international  financial  capilal,"  it  main- 
1  tained,  "  is  the  soviet  decree  which  annuls  foreign  loans 
made  by  the  governments  of  the  Czar,  the  land-owners  and 
the  bourgeoisie.  The  Soviet  Government  is  to  continue 
firmly  on  this  road  until  the  final  victory  from  the  yoke 
of  capitalism  is  won  through  international  workers'  re- 
volt." It  continued : 

"  As  the  Constituent  Assembly  was  elected  on  the  basis  of 
candidates  nominated  before  the  November  revolution,  when 
the  people  as  a  whole  could  not  rise  against  their  exploiters, 
and  did  not  know  how  powerful  would  be  the  strength  of  the 
exploiters  in  defending  their  privileges,  and  had  not  yet 
begun  to  create  a  socialist  society,  the  Constituent  Assembly 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  337 

considers  it,  even  from  a  formal  point  of  view,  unjust  to  op- 
pose the  soviet  power." 

The  declaration  concluded  by  stating  that  the  exploiters 
must  not  have  a  seat  in  the  government,  and  urging  the 
Constituent  Assembly  to  limit  its  activities  to  "  outlining 
the  basis  of  the  Federation  of  the  Russian  Soviet  Repub- 
lics, leaving  it  to  the  people,  in  their  soviet  meetings,  to  de- 
cide under  what  conditions  they  prefer  to  join  the  feder- 
ated government  and  other  federations  of  soviet  enter- 
prise." 

Dissolution  of  Assembly —  At  two  o'clock  of  the  morn- 
ing of  January  19,  this  resolution  was  put  to  a  vote  and 
lost.  The  Bolshevik  element  thereupon  read  a  resolution, 
stating  that  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  refused  to 
recognize  the  results  of  the  great  November  revolution ; 
that  it  was  directing  the  fight  of  the  bourgeoisie  against 
the  workers'  revolution ;  that  it  was  "  in  reality  a  bour- 
geois counter-revolutionary  party ";  that  it  had  been 
elected  "  on  the  basis  of  obsolete  party  lists  "  and  that  it 
promised  everything,  but  in  reality  had  "  decided  to  fight 
against  the  Soviet  Government,  against  the  socialist  meas- 
ures giving  the  land  and  all  its  appurtenances  to  the 
peasants  without  compensation,  nationalizing  the  banks, 
and  canceling  the  national  debts." 

The  Bolsheviks,  the  Left  Social  Revolutionists  and  the 
Unified  Social  Democratic  Internationalists  then  with- 
drew from  the  chamber  "  in  order  to  allow  the  soviet 
power  finally  to  decide  the  question  of  its  relations  with 
the  counter-revolutionary  sections  of  the  Constituent  As- 
sembly." 

An  hour  afterward  the  Assembly  addressed  a  resolution 
to  Russia  and  other  countries  in  which  it  favored  most  of 
the  Bolshevik  demands  except  that  of  giving  all  power  to 


338      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  Soviets.  It  proclaimed  the  Russian  State  to  be  a  Rus- 
sian Democratic  Federated  Republic;  abolished  the  right 
to  privately  owned  land ;  confiscated  without  compensation 
all  land,  mines,  forests,  waters,  owned  by  individuals,  asso- 
ciations and  institutions;  urged  that  the  war  be  immedi- 
ately discontinued ;  appealed  to  the  Allied  countries  to  de- 
fine jointly  the  exact  terms  of  a  democratic  peace  accept- 
able to  all;  appointed  a  peace  delegation  to  meet  with  the 
Allies ;  and  accepted  "  the  further  carrying  on  of  negotia- 
tions with  the  countries  warring  against  us  in  order  to 

!  work  toward  a  general  democratic  peace  which  shall  be  in 
,  accordance  '  with  the  people's  will  and  protect  Russia's 

H  interests.' ' 

The  Assembly  was  thus  one  with  the  Bolsheviks  in  favor- 
ing confiscation  of  land  and  an  immediate  peace.  At  four 
o'clock  of  the  following  morning,  January  19,  1918,  a 
Cronstadt  sailor  on  guard  asked  why  the  members  did  not 
go  home.  They  went  and  with  their  departure  ended  the 
constituent..  A  decree  of  dissolution  was  passed  by  the 
Soviet  Government  on  January  26. 

Protests  Over  Dissolution. —  The  dissolution  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly  brought  storms  of  protests  from 
those  who  formerly  favored  the  Assembly,  as  well  as  from 
those  who  had  formerly  opposed  it,  but  who  now  clung  to 
it  as  the  lesser  of  two  evils. 

The  Social  Revolutionists  and  the  Mensheviks  argued 
that  an  election  based  on  universal  suffrage  in  November, 
in  which  the  electors  voted  for  candidates  listed  in  Octo- 
ber and  September,  could  not  legitimately  be  considered  as 
"  unrepresentative  "  and  "  obsolete  "  in  January ;  that  the 
November  election  called  forth  millions  of  men  and  women, 
and  its  results  were  therefore  much  more  representative  of 

i  the  aspirations  of  the  Russian  people  than  were  those  of 
the  Soviets  whose  total  membership  at  that  time  was  a  few 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  339 

hundred  thousands ;  furthermore,  that  the  election  of  the 
Constitutional  Assembly,  which  took  place  three  weeks 
after  the  coup  d'etat,  and  in  which  the  majority  of  the 
Bolshevik  candidates  were  defeated,  should  be  looked  upon 
as  a  later  expression  of  the  will  of  the  Russian  people  than 
the  coup  d'etat  itself. 

The  Bolshevik  action  also  proceeded  with  poor  grace 
from  a  group  which  had  consistently  attacked  the  Keren- 
sky  government  for  its  postponement  of  the  Assembly, 
which  had  issued  a  decree,  after  coming  into  power,  order- 
ing the  elections  to  be  held  as  arranged,  and  had  announced 
that  the  Bolshevik  "  Commissars  of  the  People  "  would 
hold  complete  power  "  until  the  meeting  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly."  It  was  also  idle,  they  contended,  to  call  the 
majority  of  those  in  control  of  the  Constituent  Assembly 
counter-revolutionists  when  this  majority  were  socialists 
who  had  fought  for  years  against  the  dreaded  autocracy 
of  the  Czar.  And  did  not  these  non-Bolsheviks  show  their 
revolutionary  character  on  the  first  day  and  only  day  of 
the  Assembly,  by  the  passage  of  such  fundamentally  radi- 
cal measures  as  those  for  the  abolition  of  privately  owned 
land  without  compensation,  for  nationalization  of  mines, 
forests  and  waters,  and  for  early  peace  negotiations?  1; 

Defense  by  Bolsheviks — In  justifying  their  action, 
the  Bolsheviks  replied  that  the  Constituent  Assembly  mem- 
bers had  been  elected  from  old  lists;  that  sentiment 
throughout  Russia  had  swung  definitely  to  the  left  since 
the  selection  of  the  assembly  candidates ;  that  the  slowness 
of  communications  in  Russia  had  made  it  impossible  ade- 
quately to  apprise  the  inhabitants  of  rural  districts  of 
the  November  revolution  prior  to  the  elections,  and  that  a 
ministry  selected  by  the  Constituent  Assembly  would  have 
been  impotent  because  it  would  not  have  had  the  support 
is  See  Spargo,  Bolshevism,  Ch.  VI. 


340      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  active  groups  in  the  population.  Furthermore, 
during  revolutionary  days,  the  soviet  form  of  government 
was  much  more  responsive  to  the  changing  will  of  the  peo- 
ple than  were  the  older  democratic  forms.14 

The  Move  for  Peace. —  Immediately  after  the  Bolshe- 
viks became  the  controlling  power  in  Russia,  they  began 
their  drive  for  peace.15  On  November  20,  a  wireless  com- 
munication was  sent  to  the  Allies  and  to  the  Central 
Powers  offering  to  conclude  a  general  peace.  The  Allied 
governments  replied  that  further  steps  toward  separate 
peace  negotiations  would  lead  to  the  gravest  consequences. 
The  soviet,  on  receipt  of  this  reply,  declared  that  "  under 
no  circumstances  would  it  permit  the  army  to  shed  its 
blood  under  the  club  of  the  foreign  bourgeoisie."  This  it 
followed  up  with  the  publication  of  the  secret  treaties  and 
the  statement  that  Russia  would  relinquish  everything  in 
these  treaties  which  were  against  the  interest  of  the  masses 
of  the  people  in  all  countries. 

On  December  7,  a  truce  was  signed  with  the  Germans 
calling  for  a  discontinuance  of  military  operations  on  the 
entire  front,  and  again  the  Allies  were  requested  to  join  in 
the  peace  negotiations.  This  time  the  Allies  made  no 
answer.  On  December  22,n918>  peace  negotiations  were 
actually  begun.  \  '\ 

At  Brest-Litovsk — The  Russian  delegates  went  to 
Brest-Litovsk,  and  set  forth  the  basis  for  a  general,  demo- 
cratic peace  • —  a  peace  without  annexations  and  indemni- 
ties, favoring,  self-detMtnip^ftftn,.  etc.  The  Germans'  re- 
ply  expressed  general  agreement  with  the  Russian  formula, 

i«  One  of  the  most  vigorous  defenses  of  the  actions  of  the  Bol- 
sheviks In  breaking  up  the  Constituent  Assembly  is  that  made  by 
Leon  Trotsky  in  From  October  to  Brett-Litovtk  (pp.  77-9). 

B  For  a  documentary  history  of  peace  negotiations  between  Ger- 
many and  Russia  see  Ru»»ia  and  Germany  at  Brett-Litovtk,  by 
Judah  W.  Magnes  (N.  Y.:  Rand  School,  1919). 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION     v       341 

but  a  few  days  later  the  Russian  delegates  returned  to 
Russia  carrying  "  those  brigand  demands,  which  Mr. 
Kuehlmann  made  to  us  in  the  name  of  the  Central  Empires 
as  an  interpretation  of  his  '  democratic  '  formulae."  ie 

The  delegates  returned  again  to  Brest-Litovsk,  and  en- 
deavored to  obtain  better  conditions,  all  the  time  publish- 
ing every  portion  of  the  negotiations,  and  hoping  against 
hope  that  the  workers  of  the  Central  Powers  would  revolt 
against  their  governments,  prevent  the  Germans  from  im- 
posing their  terms  and  ignite  a  European  revolution. 
They  urged  that  the  negotiations  be  held  in  Stockholm  or 
some  other  neutral  center,  but  this  request  was  denied. 
Unable  to  induce  a  peace  on  the  basis  of  the  Russian^ 
formula,  on  February  10,  1918,  they  broke  off  negotia-j 
tions,  stating  that  they  could  not  sign  a  formal  treaty^ 
but  that  they  regarded  the  state  of  war  to  be  at  an  enc 
and  ordered  an  immediate  demobilization. 

"  The  peace  you  are  forcing  down  our  throats,"  they  de- 
clared, "is  a  peace  of  aggression  and  robbery.  We  cannot 
permit  you,  Messrs.  Diplomats,  to  say  to  the  German  work- 
ingmen:  '  You  have  characterized  our  demands  as  avaricious, 
as  annexationist.  But  look,  under  these  very  demands  we 
have  brought  you  the  signature  of  the  Russian  revolution.' 
Yes,  we  are  weak,  we  cannot  fight  at  present.  But  we  have 
sufficient  revolutionary  courage  to  say  that  we  shall  not  will- 
ingly affix  our  signature  to  the  treaty  which  you  are  writing 
with  the  sword  on  the  body  of  living  people."  " 

Signing  of  "  Tilsit "  Peace  —  No  Reply  from  Allies 

Before  the  expiration  of  the  seven-day  period  for  the 
signing  of  the  treaty,  the  Germans  began  their  advance 
and  finally,  on  March  3,  the  Russian  delegation  was  com- 

i«  Trotsky,  op.  cit.,  p.  85. 
IT  Trotsky,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 


pelled  to  sign  the  "  Tilsit  "  peace.     Discussion  then  cen- 
tered  on   whether   the   All-Russian   Congress   of    Soviets 
ld  ratify  the  treaty.     Trotsky  and  Lenin  promised 
Colonel  Robins  that  they  would  use  their  influence  with  the 
.All-Russian  Congress  to  continue  the  war,  if  the  Allies 
would    guarantee    economic    and    military    aid.     Colonel 
Robins  and  other  officials,  bankers  and  newspaper  corre- 
spondents of  Allied  countries,  on  the  basis  of  this  promise, 
|  cabled  various  Allied  countries,  urging  that  such  aid  be 
'extended.18     No    reply,   however,   was    received,   and,    on 
March  16,  the  Fourth  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets, 
at  Moscow,  ratified  the  treaty  with  Germany  by  a  vote  of 
I  704-  to  261. 

Lenin,  in  urging  this  course,  maintained  that  Russia 
was  helpless  against  foreign  aggression.  It  "  must  have 
a  breathing  spell  for  internal  stabilization  and  for  an  in- 
crease of  the  Russian  power  of  resistance.  The  point  is 
not  to  fight  with  honor,  but  to  achieve  ultimate  victory. 
The  Russian  revolution  must  survive,  must  avoid  fighting 
an  uneven  battle,  and  must  gain  time  in  the  hope  that  the 
western  revolutionary  movement  will  come  to  its  aid. 
Germany  is  still  engaged  in  a  fierce  struggle.  Only  be- 
cause of  this  is  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Russia  and 
Germany  at  all  possible.  We  must  fully  avail  ourselves 
of  this  situation.  The  welfare  of  the  revolution  is  the 
highest  law.  We  must  accept  the  peace  we  are  unable  to 
reject." 

Many  opposing  the  ratification,  on  the  other  hand, 
argued  that  the  success  of  Germany  in  the  war  would 
mean  the  death  of  the  revolution  in  Russia,  and  that  the 
fight  should  be  continued  against  Prussian  militarism  at 
all  hazards. 

i*  See  Raymond  Robin's  story,  told  by  William  Hard,  Metropolitan 
Magazine,  August,  1919,  p.  73. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  34,3 

The  Soviet  Constitution. —  Perhaps  the  most  important 
social  contribution  made  by  the  Bolsheviks  during  1918 
was  the  Soviet  Constitution,  adopted  on  July  10,  1918,  by 
the  Fifth  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  as  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  land  —  the  most  radical  code  of  laws 
ever  adopted  by  a  nation  of  any  considerable  size. 

-Article  one  of  the  Constitution,  largely  a  repetition  of 
"  The  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  the  Toiling  and  Ex- 
ploited People,"  urged  for  adoption  before  the  Constitu- 
tional ^sseliibly,  provided,  as  first  steps  toward  a  social- 
ist society,  for  the  assumption  of  power  by  the  Soviets,  for 
the  socialization  of  the  land,  of  natural  resources,  of  the 
balnks  and  of  certain  of  the  factories,  for  the  arming  of 
tin-  toilers  and  for  the  disarming  of  the  propertied  classes. 

The  Dictatorship  of  the  Proletariat. —  Under  article 
two,  which  contains  the  "  general  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Republic,"  the  dictatorship  of  the  prole- 
tariat is  proclaimed  in  the  following  language : 

"  The  fundamental  problem  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
Russian  Socialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  involves,  in  view 
of  the  present  transition  period,  the  establishment  of  a 
dictatorship  of  the  urban  and  rural  proletariat  and  the  poor- 
est peasantry  in  the  form  of  a  powerful  All-Russian  Soviet 
authority,  for  the  purpose  of  abolishing  the  exploitation  of 
men  by  men  and  of  introducing  socialism  in  which  there  will 
be  neither  a  division  into  classes  nor  a  state  of  autocracy." 

Article  two  also  provides  that  free  and  full  education  be 
furnished  to  workers ;  that  the  government  help  in  the 
organization  of  the  producers ;  that  halls  be  extended  free 
to  those  who  toil,  and  that,  in  order  to  secure  freedom  of 
expression,  all  "  dependence  of  the  press  on  capital  "  be 
abolished. 

Continuing,  the  Constitution  reads :     "  The  Russian  So- 


344      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

cialist  Federated  Soviet  Republic  considers  work  the  duty 
of  every  citizen  of  the  Republic,  and  proclaims  as  its  motto : 
*  He  shall  not  eat  who  does  not  work.'  .  .  ."  Political 
rights  are  granted,  "  in  consequence  of  the  solidarity  of 
the  toilers  of  all  nations,  to  foreigners  who  live  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Russian  Republic  and  are  engaged  in  toil  and 
who  belong  to  the  toiling  class."  Shelter  is  also  offered 
"  to  all  foreigners  who  seek  refuge  from  political  and  re- 
ligious persecution,''  and  equal  rights  are  granted  to  citi- 
zens of  various  races  and  nations.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
constitution  "  deprives  all  individuals  and  groups  of  rights 
which  could  be  utilized  by  them  to  the  detriment  of  the 
socialist  revolution." 

Construction  of  the  Soviet  Power. —  Article  three 
deals  with  the  construction  of  the  soviet  power.  The  A1I- 
Russian  Congress  of  Soviets  is  made  the  supreme  power  of 
the  republic.  This  congress  is  composed  of  representa-  ~~ 
tives  of  city  Soviets  (one  delegate  for  25,000  voters),  and 
of  representatives  of  the  provisional  congresses  of  Soviets 
(  one  delegate  for  1 25 *QOjQ_ inliabitant&JLt— 

The  All-Russian  Congress  is  convoked  by  the  All-Rus- 
sian Central  Executive  Committee  at  least  twice  a  year 
and  may  be  called  together  at  other  times.  The  congress 
elects  a  Central  Kxecutive  Commit  tee  of  not  more  than  5200 
members,  which,  in  the  periods  between  the  convocation  of 
the  congresses,  is  the  supreme  power  of  the  republic.  .JThe 
Executive  Committee,  however,  is  entirely  responsible  to 
the  congress  for  its  acts. 

The  Executive  Committee  is  given  wide  powers,  includ- 
ing_the  direction  in  a  general  way  of  the  activity  of  the 
government  and  of  the  organs  of  soviet  authority  in  the 
country;  the  coordination  and  regulation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  of  the  resolutions  of  the  congresses ;  the  con- 
sideration and  enactment  of  all  measures  and  proposals  in- 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  345 

troduced  by  the  Soviets  of  People's  Commissars  or  of 
various  departments ;  the  issuance  of  its  own  decrees ;  the 
convocation  of  the  congress,  and  the  formation  of  Peo- 
ple's Commissars  for  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
republic. 

The  People's  Commissars — The  management  of  the 


affairs  of  the  republic  is  placed  largely  in  the  hands  of  the 
Council  of  People's  Commissars,  seventeen  in  number,  who 
are  appointed  by  the~Ceirbral  Executive  "Committee,  and 
are  responsible  to  this  Committee  and  to  the  All-Russian 
Congress.  This  Council  has  the  power  of  issuing  decrees 
and  attending  to  the  details  of  management,  but  all  de- 
crees of  great  political  significance  have  first  to  be  ap- 
proved by  the  Central  Executive,  except  those  requiring 
immediate  execution.  Each  Commissar  has  the  aid  of  a 


committee  of  which  he  is  president,  and  the  members  of 


which  are  appointed  by  the  Council  of  People's  Com- 
missars.15 

The  Ail-Russian  Congress  has  exclusive  jurisdiction 
over  the  ratification  and  the  amendment  of  the  fundamen- 
tal principles  of  the  Soviet  Constitution,  the  ratification  of 
peace  treaties,  and,  together  with  the  Central  Executive 
Committee,  possesses  general  powers  common  to  supreme 
legislative  bodies,  and  has  control  over  the  appointment 
and  dismissal  of  any  or  all  of  the  members  of  the  Council 
of  People's  Commissars. 

The  Constitution  also  provides  for  regional,  provincial, 
county  and  rural  Soviets,  delegates  to  each  of  which  are 

i»  These  Commissars  have  charge  of  the  following  departments : 
(1)  Foreign  Affairs,  (2)  Army,  (3)  Navy,  (4)  Interior,  (5)  Justice, 
(6)  Labor,  (7)  Social  Welfare,  (8)  Education,  (9)  Post  and  Tele- 
graph, (10)  National  Affairs,  (11)  Finances,  (12)  Ways  of  Com- 
munication, (13)  Agriculture,  (14)  Commerce  and  Industry,  (15) 
National  Supplies,  (16)  State  Control,  (17)  Supreme  Soviet  of  Na- 
tional Economy,  (18)  Public  Health. 


346      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

elected  either  from  the  next  lower  Soviets,  or  from  the 
smallest  unit.  Provision  is  furthermore  made  for  the 
Soviets  of  deputies  elected  in  city  or  town,  one  deputy  in 
the  city  for  every  1,000  inhabitants. 

The  Right  to  Vote —  Article  four,  which  deals  with  the 
"Right  to  Vote,"  has  been  subject  to  the  severest  criti- 
cism. It  reads : 

"  The  right  to  vote  and  to  be  elected  to  the  Soviets  is  en- 
joyed by  the  following  citizens,  irrespective  of  religion,  na- 
tionality, domicile,  etc.,  of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federated 
Soviet  Republic,  of  both  sexes,  who  have  completed  their 
eighteenth  year  by  the  day  of  election. 

"  a.  All  who  have  acquired  the  means  of  living  through 
labor  that  is  productive  and  useful  in  society,  and  also  per- 
sons engaged  in  housekeeping,  which  enables  the  former  to  do 
productive  work,  i.  e.,  laborers  and  employees  of  all  classes 
who  are  employed  in  industry,  trade,  agriculture,  etc.;  and 
peasants  and  Cossack  agricultural  laborers  who  employ  no 
help  for  the  purpose  of  making  profits. 

"  b.  Soldiers  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  Soviets. 

"  c.  Citizens  of  the  two  preceding  categories  who  have 
to  any  degree  lost  their  capacity  to  work. 

"  Note  1 :  Local  Soviets  may,  upon  approval  of  the  central 
power,  lower  the  age  standard  mentioned  herein. 

"  Note  2:  Non-citizens  mentioned  in  Paragraph  20  (Article 
Two,  Chapter  5)  have  the  right  to  vote. 

"  The  following  persons  enjoy  neither  the  right  to  vote 
nor  the  right  to  be  voted  for,  even  though  they  belong  to  one 
of  the  categories  enumerated  above,  namely: 

"  a.  Persons  who  employ  hired  labor  in  order  to  obtain 
from  it  an  increase  in  profits. 

"  b.  Persons  who  have  an  income  without  doing  any  work, 
such  as  interest  from  capital,  receipts  from  property,  etc. 

"  c.  Private  merchants,  trade  and  commercial  brokers. 

"  d.  Monks  and  clergy  of  all  denominations. 

"  e.  Employees    and    agents    of    the    former    police,    the 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  347 

gendarme  corps,  and  the  Okhranan  (Czar's  secret  service), 
also  members  of  the  former  reigning  dynasty. 

"  f.  Persons  who  have  in  legal  form  been  declared  de- 
mented or  mentally  deficient,  and  also  persons  under  guardian- 
ship. 

"  g.  Persons  who  have  been  deprived  by  a  soviet  of  their 
rights  of  citizenship  because  of  selfish  or  dishonorable  of- 
fences, for  the  period  fixed  by  the  sentence." 

Lenin's  Program  for  Higher  Productivity. —  The  chief 
problem  facing  the  Soviet  Government  after  its  installa- 
tion in  the  industrial  field  was  that  of  increased  produc- 
tivity. The  lack  of  raw  material  and  of  adequate  machin- 
ery, the  sabotaging  by  technical  experts  in  the  early  days 
of  the  soviet  ryle,  the  physical  condition  of  the  workers 
and  the  war  without  and  within  were  among  the  factors 
that  made  this  problem  particularly  difficult.  The  Soviet 
Government's  approach  to  this  problem  was  indicated  in 
the  address  of  Premier  Lenin  to  the  soviet  delivered  in  the 
Spring  of  1918,  in  which  he  advocated  self-discipline 
among  the  masses,  the  utilization  of  the  principles  of  scien- 
tific management,  the  employment  of  technical  experts,  the 
use  of  the  press  in  stimulating  emulation,  and  compulsory 
labor.  He  said  in  part : 

"  The  victory  of  the  socialist  revolution  will  not  be  as- 
sured unless  the  proletariat  and  the  poorest  peasantry  mani- 
fests sufficient  consciousness,  idealism,  self-sacrifice  and  per- 
sistence." 

In  the  creation  of  the  soviet  state  the  main  difficulty  is 
"  in  the  economic  domain :  to  raise  the  productivity  of  labor, 
to  establish  strict  and  universal  accounting  and  control  of 
production  and  distribution,  and  actually  to  socialize  produc- 
tion. .  .  . 

' '  Keep  accurate  and  conscientious  accounts ;  conduct  busi- 
ness economically;  do  not  loaf;  do  not  steal;  maintain  strict 


348      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

discipline  at  work.  .  .  .  The  practical  realization  of  these 
slogans  by  the  toiling  masses  is,  on  one  hand,  the  sole  condi- 
tion for  the  salvation  of  the  country.  .  .  . 

"  Without  the  direction  of  specialists  of  different  branches 
of  knowledge,  technique  and  experience,  the  transformation 
toward  socialism  is  impossible.  We  should  try  out  every 
scientific  and  progressive  suggestion  of  the  Taylor  system. 
.  .  .  The  possibility  of  socialism  will  be  determined  by  our 
success  in  combining  the  soviet  rule  and  the  soviet  organi- 
zation of  management  with  the  latest  progressive  measures  of 
capitalism."  20 

The  Pre»s.  The  press  should  cease  to  "  amuse  and  fool 
the  masses  with  spicy  political  trifles."  It  "  should  serve  as 
a  weapon  of  socialist  construction,  giving  publicity  in  all  de- 
tails to  the  success  of  the  model  communes,  studying  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  success,  their  methods  of  economy.  .  .  .  Sta- 
tistics under  capitalism  were  used  exclusively  by  government 
employees  or  narrow  specialists  —  we  must  bring  them  to  the 
masses,  we  must  popularize  them  so  that  the  toilers  gradually 
learn  to  understand  and  see  for  themselves  that  work  and  how 
much  work  is  needed  and  how  much  rest  they  can  have.  In 
this  way  a  comparison  between  the  results  of  the  enterprise 
of  different  communes  will  become  a  subject  of  general  interest 
and  study." 

Compulsion.  Efficient  organization  and  higher  discipline 
requires  compulsion.  The  introduction  of  obligatory  labor 
service  should  be  started  immediately,  but  it  should  be  intro- 
duced gradually  and  with  great  caution,  testing  every  step  by 
practical  experience. 

"  The  old  state  of  society  left  the  people  with  a  great 
distrust  of  anything  connected  with  the  state.  But  without 
thorough  state  accounting  and  control  of  production  and  dis- 
tribution the  authority  of  the  toilers,  and  their  freedom  can- 
not last,  and  a  return  to  the  yoke  of  capitalism  is  inevitable." 

Social  and  Economic  Results. —  It  is  impossible  at  this 
»o  See  Lenin,  The  Soviett  at  Work. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  349 

early  date  to  reach  any  sure  judgment  regarding  the 
social  achievements  of  the  Soviet  Government.  Many 
attacks  have  been  made  against  the  soviet  regime  on  the 
ground  that,  under  its  "  dictatorship,"  the  Russian  in- 
dustrial system  has  become  ever  more  chaotic.21  On  the 
other  hand,  while  admitting  that  conditions  are  still  in 
a  tragic  state  in  Russia,  the  Soviet  Government  main- 
tains that,  despite  difficulties  —  including  the  difficulties 
raised  by  the  Allied  blockade  —  productivity  increased 
in  certain  parts  of  the  country  during  the  first  year  of 
the  soviet  rule.22 

Work  in  Education  and  Art. —  The  Soviet  Government 
has  also  given  much  attention  to  education  and  culture. 
Maxim  Gorky,  at  first  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  soviet 
regime,  later  a  supervisor  in  the  Department  of  Foreign 
Literature,  paid  a  high  tribute  late  in  1918  to  this  phase 
of  the  Soviet's  work,  in  part  as  follows: 

"  The  creative  cultural  work  of  the  Russian  Government, 
which  operates  under  the  most  difficult  conditions  and  at  the 
price  of  heroic  effort,  has  begun  to  take  a  leap  forward  and 
a  form  as  yet  unknown  in  human  history.  That  is  not  an 
exaggeration.  Only  a  short  time  ago,  I  was  an  enemy  of 
the  government,  and  am  still  at  the  present  time  in  disagree- 
ment with  it  in  its  methods  of  work.  But  I  know  that  the 
historians  of  the  future,  when  they  come  to  estimate  the 
value  of  what  has  been  accomplished  by  the  Russian  work- 
ingmen  in  the  course  of  one  year  will  not  be  able  to  refrain 
from  admiring  the  magnificence  of  their  creative  work  in  the 
domain  of  culture."  23 

21  See  The  Living  Age,  Apr.  12,  1919,  p.  121  et  seq. 

22  Such  is  the  report  of  A.  Lomov,  attached  to  the  People's  Com-\ 
missariat  of  Industry,  appearing  in  a  volume  published  in  Moscow  j 
in  December,  1918,  and  published  in  The  Nation  of  May  17,  1919. 

23  In  Le  Populaire,  Jan.  12,  1919.     Arthur  Ransome  in  "  Russia  in 
1919''   (pp.  179-188),  writes  of  the  growth  of  the  universities  from 


350      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Anti-Bolshevik  Russian  Forces —  During  1918,  the 
Soviet  Government  was  bitterly  opposed  by  numerous  Rus- 
sian forces,  who  received  the  aid  of  the  Allies,  by  the 
Czecho-Slovaks  and  by  the  troops  of  other  countries. 
In  August,  1918,  some  200  members  of  the  dismissed 
Constituent  Assembly  met  in  Samara  in  an  attempt  to 
organize  another  national  government,  but  without  suc- 
cess. A  failure  also  was  the  attempt  of  Paul  Miliukov 
to  form  a  "  League  for  the  Rebirth  of  Russia,"  from 
among  the  members  of  the  old  Constitutional  Democrats. 
In  October,  1918,  a  national  convention  was  held  in 
Ufa,  in  eastern  Russia,  composed  of  members  of  various 
political  parties,  excluding  the  Bolsheviks.  This  conven- 
tion, after  adopting  a  provisional  plan  for  the  government 
of  Russia,  appointed  a  directorate  of  five  with  full  power. 

In  mid-August  also,  under  the  protection  of  the  military 
and  naval  forces  of  the  Allies,  was  formed  the  "  Govern- 
ment of  Northern  Russia  "  led  by  Nicholas  Tchaikovsky, 
for  many  years  a  leader  of  the  peasant  and  revolutionary 
movements.  This  government  proposed  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  local  self-government,  and  advocated  universal 
suffrage,  the  reorganization  of  the  national  army,  the  re- 
newal of  the  war  against  Germany,  and  the  repudiation 
of  the  treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk. 

Kolchak  and  Semenov — In  May,  General  Semenov, 
an  anti-Bolshevik  commander,  and  Admiral  Kolchak, 
formerly  commander  of  the  Black  Sea  Fleet,  set  up  an 
independent  government  in  Eastern  Siberia,  near  Lake 
Baikal.  A  bitter  quarrel,  however,  took  place  between 
the  two  leaders,  and  for  a  time  the  whole  movement  seemed 

6  to  16,  the  increase  In  the  number  of  libraries,  reading  rooms,  etc., — 
an  increase  of  educational  institutions  in  Moscow  alone  from  369  to 
1  1,357  —  the  astonishingly  large  number  of  classics  reprinted  by  the 
Russian  Soviet  Government,  etc.  See  also  the  report  of  A.  V. 
Lunacharsky,  Commissar  of  Education,  The  Liberator,  May,  1919. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  351 

to  be  about  to  fall  into  pieces.  The  landing  of  the  forces 
of  the  Japanese  and  other  Allies  at  Vladivostok,  and  the 
development  of  an  army  of  some  50,000  Czecho-Slovaks, 
former  prisoners  of  war,  helped  to  stimulate  the  Semenov- 
Kolchak  forces. 

On  July  26,  another  government,  claiming  power  over 
Siberia,  was  formed  at  Omsk.  The  succeeding  month, 
August  25,  General  Horvath  declared  himself  military  dic- 
tator over  all  of  the  Russian  forces  in  the  Far  East  and, 
in  early  October,  an  attempt  was  made  to  capture  the 
Omsk  Government,  but  this  came  to  grief  through  the 
intervention  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks. 

Kolchak  Coup  d'Etat.—  On  October  7,  the  Horvath  and 
Omsk  governments  were  merged,  the  cabinet  consisting 
of  the  directorate  of  five  formerly  appointed  at  Ufa. 
This,  however,  failed  to  settle  the  dissensions  and,  on 
November  18,  a  further  coup  d'etat  occurred,  and  three 
of  the  five  directors  were  arrested  after  which,  with  the 
consent  of  the  chief  of  the  council  of  ministers,  Kolchak 
proclaimed  himself  dictator  and  commander  of  the  All- 
Russian  army  and  navy.  A  month  later,  it  was  an- 
nounced that  harmony  between  Semenov  and  Kolchak  had 
been  restored,  on  condition  that  the  latter  would  retire 
in  favor  of  General  Denikin,  the  leader  of  the  Cossacks, 
when  the  union  of  the  Cossack  and  Siberian  forces  could 
be  effected. 

On  November  20,  a  force  of  Cossacks,  led  by  General 
Denikin,  expelled  the  Ukrainian  National  Assembly  and 
established  a  provisional  government,  anti-Bolshevik  in 
its  make-up. 

Foreign  Intervention. —  Numerous  Allied  military  ex- 
peditions took  place  during  the  year  on  Russian  soil. 
On  April  5,  1918,  contingents  of  Japanese  and  British 
forces  were  landed  at  Vladivostok,  for  the  purpose  of 


35S      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

protecting  property,  and,  nine  days  later,  it  was  an- 
nounced that  British  and  French  troops  had  been  landed 
at  Murmansk  to  reinforce  a  marine  detachment  sent  there 
some  weeks  before,  with  the  stated  object  of  protect- 
ing munitions  and  stores  against  a  Finnish-German  attack. 
On  August  3,  President  Wilson  made  the  following  declara- 
tion regarding  the  position  of  the  United  States : 

"  Military  intervention  is  admissible  in  Russia  now  only  to 
render  such  protection  and  help  as  is  possible  to  the  Czecho- 
slovaks against  the  armed  Austrian  and  German  prisoners 
who  are  attacking  them  and  to  steady  any  efforts  at  self-gov- 
ernment and  self-defense  in  which  the  Russians  themselves 
may  be  willing  to  accept  assistance. 

"  Whether  from  Vladivostok  or  Murmansk  and  Archangel, 
the  only  present  object  for  which  American  troops  will  be  em- 
ployed will  be  to  guard  military  stores  which  may  subsequently 
be  needed  by  Russian  forces  and  to  render  such  aid  as  may 
be  acceptable  to  the  Russians  in  the  organization  of  their  own 
self-defense."  2* 

Socialist  Critics  of  the  Bolsheviks. —  The  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment in  Russia  has  been  widely  applauded  and  bitterly 
condemned  by  socialists  and  non-socialists  throughout  the 
world.  The  socialists  who  condemn  the  soviet  rule  dwell, 
principally,  not  on  the  ultimate  goal  of  the  Bolsheviks, 
but  on  the  methods  employed.  They  condemn  the  Com- 
munist Party  for  regarding  the  moderate  socialists  as 
cmyiier-revaLutionists ;  for  dissolving  the  Constituent  As- 
sembly; for  suppressing  free  press  and  free  speech;  for 

"  This  statement  was  reiterated  by  the  President  on  July  25,  1919, 
when  he  declared  to  the  Senate  his  intention  of  keeping  troops  in 
Siberia.  The  main  difficulty  with  the  anti-Bolshevik  forces  was  that 
they  had  no  unity  of  purpose,  outside  of  their  opposition  to  the  Bol- 
sheviks. They  consisted  of  monarchists,  liberals  and  socialists  and 
were  hopelessly  split  whenever  a  constructive  program  was  con- 
sidered. 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  353 

arresting,  jailing  and  killing  anti-soviet  forces,25  and, 
most  of  all,  for  their  advocacy  of  "  the  dictatorship  of  the 
proletariat,**  and  the  soviet  form  of  government  as  con- 
trasted with  a  democracy  under  universal  suffrage. 

Berne  Conference  Condemnation. —  Undoubtedly  one 
of  the  most  authoritative  statements  issued  by  socialists 
against  the  soviet  rule  was  the  resolution  of  the  Inter- 
national Socialist  Conference  at  Berne  in  February,  1919, 
in  part  as  follows : 

"  The  reorganization  of  society,  as  it  becomes  more  and 
more  permeated  with  socialism,  cannot  be  realized,  much  less 
established  unless  it  rests  upon  the  triumph  of  democracy 
and  is  firmly  rooted  in  the  principles  of  liberty. 

"  The  institutions  which  form  the  basis  of  all  democracy : 
liberty  of  speech  and  the  press,  the  right  of  assembly,  uni- 
versal suffrage,  the  parliamentary  system  with  governmental 
responsibilities,  the  right  of  coalition,  etc.,  provide  the  work- 
ing masses  with  the  instruments  necessary  for  carrying  on 
their  struggles. 

"  As  the  result  of  recent  events,  the  conference  desires  to 
make  the  constructive  character  of  the  socialist  program 
absolutely  clear  to  all.  Socialization  consists  in  the  methodi- 
cal development  of  different  branches  of  economic  activity 
under  the  control  of  democracy.  The  arbitrary  taking  over 
of  a  few  undertakings  by  small  groups  of  men  is  not  social- 
ism, it  is  nothing  less  than  capitalism  with  a  large  number 
of  shareholders. 

"  Since,  in  the  opinion  of  the  conference,  the  effective 
development  of  socialism  is  only  possible  under  democratic 
law,  it  follows  that  it  is  essential  to  eliminate  from  the  out- 

25  In  the  summer  of  1918,  during  a  period  characterized  by  bitter1 
agitation  against  the  government,  many  socialists  and  non-socialists ; 
were  summarily  executed.  Widespread  protests  were  made  against! 
the  government  for  this  action,  President  Wilson  vigorously  de-\ 
noundng  the  "mass  terrorism"  of  the  soviet  regime. 


354.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

set  all  methods  of  socialization  which  would  have  no  chance 
of  gaining  the  adhesion  of  the  majority  of  the  people. 

"  Such  a  dictatorship  would  be  all  the  more  dangerous 
if  it  rested  upon  the  support  of  only  one  section  of  the 
proletariat.  The  inevitable  consequence  of  such  a  regime 
could  only  be  to  paralyze  the  forces  of  the  proletariat  by 
fratricidal  war.  The  result  would  be  the  dictatorship  of  re- 
action." 2e 

Bolsheviks  Non-Marxian?  —  The  Bolshevik  position, 
its  opponents  claim,  is  non-Marxian.  When  Marx  advo- 
cated the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat,  he  had  in  mind 
a  prolei^ri&n  movement  which  had  become  "  the  self- 
conscionsr  in^ppfiBJJMt  mftTement  of  the  ifBfH^BfT  "**• 
.jorjiy."  Furthermore,  he  urged  that  the  great  change 
be  made  only  when  industrial  development  was  prepared 
therefor,  and  frowned  upon  various  proposals  of  gaining 
power  by  a  coup  d'etat.  In  Russia  the  Soviet  Government 
i  \\lobtained  control  as  a  result  of  the  coup  d'etat  of  a  minor- 
ity.27 After  it  secured  the  reigns  of  government,  as  a 

2*  While  this  resolution  received  the  support  of  the  majority  pres- 
ent, it  was  opposed  by  Longuet,  Adler  and  others,  who  introduced 
another  resolution  claiming  that  the  conference  did  not  have  suf- 
ficient knowledge  at  its  command  regarding  the  Russian  situation 
to  warrant  any  resolution  of  condemnation.  (See  section  under 
"  The  Berne  Conference." 

27  Mr.  Spargo  (Bolthevitm,  pp.  211-12)  quotes  a  statement  from 
Lenin  (taken  from  the  New  International,  Apr.,  1918)  as  follows: 

"Just  as  150,000  lordly  landowners  under  Czarism  dominated  the 
130,000,000  of  Russian  peasants,  so  200,000  members  of  the  Bolshevik 
party  are  imposing  their  proletarian  will  on  the  mass,  but  this 


time  in  the  interest  of  the  latter." 

Mr.  William  Hard,  in  The  New  Republic  (July  9,  1919,  p.  306), 
however,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  sentence  was  written 
before  the  Bolshevik  revolution;  that  Lenin  was  alluding  to  the  fact 
that  the  party  voter »  of  any  political  party  are  many  times  more 
numerous  than  the  p&rty-membert.  He  calculated  that  the  Bolshevik 
party  then  had  a  strength  of  240,000,  and  a  voting  strength  of 
1,000,000.  He  declared  furthermore  that  they  could,  by  summoning 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  355 

minority,  the  opponents  maintained,  it  was  necessary  to 
use  coercion  to  suppress  the  majority,  and  not  only  were 
the  anti-Bolshevik  forces  outside  of  the  Soviets  harshly 
dealt  with,  but  certain  Soviets  were  dispersed,  where  they 
did  not  roll  up  a  Bolshevik  majority. 

Soviets  Called  Undemocratic. —  Furthermore,  urges 
the  anti-Bolshevik,  the  soviet  constitution  does  not  give  a 
vote  to  all  citizens.  A  vote  is  given  only  to  those  who  do 
"  productive  and  useful  work  in  society,"  and  an  arbitrary 
authority  is  left  to  decide  what  is  productive  and  what  is 
not.  A  vote  under  the  constitution  is  withheld  from  per- 
sons who  hire  help  in  order  to  obtain  profit,  from  private 
merchants,  from  trade  and  commercial  brokers,  and  from 
persons  who  derive  their  income  without  doing  any  work. 
Clergy  and  monks  of  all  denominations  are  denied  the  vote, 
as  well  as  "  persons  who  have  been  deprived  of  their 
rights  of  citizenship  because  of  selfish  or  dishonest  offenses, 
for  the  period  fixed  by  the  sentence."  Apparently  the 
proletariat  of  the  city  have  a  larger  representation  than 
the  rural  voters.  When  once  the  principle  of  one  vote 
one  man  is  ignored,  the  way  is  opened  to  a  dangerous 
dictatorship. 

Lenin  has  not  only  introduced  the  rule  of  the  minority 
in  politics,  but  also  in  industry  he  points  out  the  need 
for  compulsion  and  dictatorship,  the  "  complete  submis- 
sion to  a  single  will."  28  Is  not  such  dictatorship  re- 
pugnant to  the  spirit  of  democratic  socialism?  29 

Defense  of  Bolshevik  Methods. —  The  replies  to  most 
of  these  objections  have  been  set  forth  in  the  preceding 
pages.  Dealing  with  the  right  to  vote  under  the  soviet 

the  poor  to  the  work  of  managing  the  state,  increase  their  state 
apparatus  many  fold. 

28  Lenin,  The  Soviets  at  Work,  pp.  29,  32,  34  et  seq. 

2»  See  Spargo,  Bolshevism,  Chs.  VI,  VII;  see  also  Bullard,  Th0 
Russian  Pendulum,  Ch.  XIII. 


856      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

regime,  defenders  of  the  Soviet  Government  maintain  that 
all  who  are  willing  to  work  are  given  the  right  to  vote; 
that  the  Russian  citizen  has  the  alternative  of  enjoying 
the  special  privilege  of  an  unearned  income,  or  the  privilege 
of  participating  in  the  control  of  politics  and  industry ; 
that  there  is  some  discrimination  against  voters  in  every 
country  —  in  the  United  States,  in  many  states,  against 
women,  against  the  negro  and  against  the  migratory 
worker,  who  is  generally  unable  to  vote  because  of  resi- 
dential requirements  —  while  naturalization  and  other  re- 
strictions, not  evidenced  in  Russia,  disfranchise  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  population. 

Representation  by  Occupations. —  Defenders  of  the 
Bolshevik  regime  furthermore  declare,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  that  the  Soviets  have  many  advantages  over  the  old 
form  of  political  organization,  inasmuch  as  "  all  bureau- 
cratic formalities  and  limitations  of  elections  are  done 
away  with,"  while  the  city  Soviets  emphasize  a  valuable 
variation  in  political  government  —  representation  ac- 
cording to  occupation,  rather  than  according  to  territorial 
groupings.30 

In  reply  to  the  accusation  of  tyranny  in  the  workshop, 
the  Bolsheviks  point  to  the  actual  examples  of  democratic 
control  with  workshop  committees  that  have  been  develop- 
ing all  over  Russia.  Accused  of  suppressing  anti-Bolshe- 
vik papers,  they  state  that  those  papers  which  advised 
armed  insurrection  against  the  government  were  sup- 
pressed, but  that  criticism  against  the  administration  was 
in  general  permitted.  It  must  be  added,  they  declare, 
that  the  country  was  defending  itself  on  all  fronts,  and 
that  it  was  also  being  attacked  from  within.81 

»o See  tupra,  discussion  under  "The  Nature  of  the  State." 

8i  See  Nnt>  Republic,  July  9,  1919,  p.  306  et  »eq.;  see  also,  in  re- 

ird  to  the  so-called  Red  Terror,  The  Nation,  Oct.  4,  1919   (The 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  357 

Allied  Advances — In  the  early  part  of  February, 
1919,  William  C.  Bullitt  of  the  American  Peace  Delegation 
was  sent  on  a  special  mission  to  Russia,  accompanied  by 
Captain  W.  W.  Pettit  and  Lincoln  Steffens,  with  an  offer 
for  Allied  peace  with  Russia,  proposing  an  armistice  on 
all  Russian  fronts.  Lenin  accepted  the  offer,  but  the  open 
invitation,  which  was  supposed  to  be  dispatched  on  April 
10,  1919,  never  appeared,  and  the  formal  negotiations 
were  nipped  in  the  bud  in  a  manner  similar  to  the  Prini- 
cipo  proposals.32 

During  the  summer  and  fall  of  1919,  the  Allies  gave 
military  and  economic  aid  to  Admiral  Kolchak  and  Gen- 
erals Denikin  and  Yudenitch.  In  the  late  fall  it  was  re- 
ported that  the  Soviet  Government  had  captured  Omsk, 
the  headquarters  of  Kolchak,  and  had  repulsed  Yudenitch 
in  the  northwest.  It  was  repeatedly  reported  that  the 
Bolsheviki  had  united  with  other  Russian  parties,  in  order 
that  the  Soviet  Government  might  present  a  united  front 
against  their  opponents,  and  that  the  government  had 
adopted  a  more  opportunistic  position  than  formerly. 

Summary. —  As  we  have  seen,  in  March,  1917,  as  a  re- 
sult of  a  combination  of  political  and  economic  forces, 
Russia  passed  painlessly  from  black  autocracy  to  a  politi- 
cal democracy  —  the  Czar  being  actually  deposed  on 
March  15.  The  revolutionists,  however,  wanted  a  change 
more  fundamental  —  they  wanted  industrial  democracy. 
The  government  shifted  from  the  control  of  the  liberals 
to  that  of  the  Social  Revolutionists.  The  latter,  however, 

Bullitt  Report),  Ransome,  Russia  in  1919,  and  the  reply  of  Maxim 
Litvinov  to  President  Wilson.  For  accusations  against  Admiral 
Kolchak's  anti-soviet  forces,  see  The  New  Republic,  July  9  and  16, 
1919. 

32  See  Th«  Nation,  July  1-2,  1919,  p.  31,  and  October  4,  1919,  pp. 
475-82;  also  Ransome,  op.  cit.,  pp.  44-63.  See  also  Bullitt,  Tin 
Bullitt  Mission  to  Russia. 


358      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

retained  non-socialists  in  the  ministry,  and,  during  the 
Summer,  failed  to  take  any  decisive  steps  toward  solving 
the  problems  of  peace,  and  of  control  of  land  and  indus- 
try. The  Bolsheviks,  with  their  more  definite  program 
and  a  program  more  akin  to  the  wishes  of  the  active 
masses,  became  increasingly  stronger,  and,  finally,  by  a 
coup  (Tttat,  on  November  7,  1917,  obtained  control  of  the 
government,  dissolved  the  Constituent  Assembly,  trans- 
ferred all  power  to  the  Soviets,  started  peace  negotiations, 
declared  an  end  to  private  ownership  in  land,  socialized  im- 
portant industries,  and  proclaimed  a  temporary  dictator- 
ship of  the  proletariat. 

The  anti-Bolshevik  forces  became  active,  particularly  in 
Siberia,  where  Admiral  Kolchak  established  a  dictatorship 
and  immediately  sought  the  aid  of  the  Allies.  Such  aid 
was  extended  during  the  Spring  of  1919  in  one  form  or 
another,  against  the  protests  of  numerous  labor  groups 
in  Allied  countries,  while  a  strict  blockade  was  kept  up 
against  the  Soviet  Government.  Later  aid  was  given  to 
Denikin  and  other  opponents  of  Bolshevism.  England 
withdrew  further  military  aid  from  the  anti-Bolshevik 
forces  in  the  Fall  of  1919,  and  the  Soviet  Government, 
after  capturing  Omsk,  continued  its  efforts  to  obtain 
peace. 

It  is  as  yet  too  early  to  judge  what  results  have  been 
attained  by  the  Soviets.  On  the  one  hand  the  Bolshevik 
regime  has  been  characterized  by  observers,  non-socialists, 
jand  many  socialists,  as  devoid  of  any  redeeming  feature. 
kl)n  the  other  hand,  numerous  non-socialist  and  socialist 
observers  have  declared  that  the  Soviet  Government,  des- 
pite very  great  obstacles,  has  been  responsible  for  a 
number  of  valuable  social  achievements. 


CHAPTER  XII 

REVOLUTIONS  IN  THE  CENTRAL  EMPIRES: 
GERMANY  —  AUSTRIA  —  HUNGARY 

GERMANY 

Beginning  of  Opposition  to  War. —  As  has  been 
pointed  out,  the  Social  Democrats  in  the  Reichstag  voted 
as  a  unit  for  the  first  war  budget  on  August  4,  1914,  al- 
though some  fourteen  members  had  so  vigorously  opposed 
this  decision  at  the  caucus  that  Liebknecht  was  led  later 
to  describe  the  session  as  accompanied  by  "  a  violence 
hitherto  unknown  in  our  deliberation." 

With  the  passage  of  time,  opposition  to  the  decision  of 
the  majority  grew.  The  Berlin  Vorwaerts  maintained  a 
critical  attitude  toward  the  government  and  was  several 
times  suspended  for  its  vigorous  attacks.  Richard  Fi- 
scher, who  finally  replaced  the  radical,  Stadhagen,  agreed 
that  the  paper,  during  the  war,  would  make  no  further 
mention  of  class  hatred  or  the  class  struggle.  The  Vor- 
reaerts  and  other  papers,  however,  continued  to  attack 
the  malady  of  jingoism  with  which  the  German  people 
was  stricken. 

In  the  Prussian  Landtag,  the  socialist  group  maintained 
its  position  of  opposition  to  the  government  policy  and 
continued  its  fight  for  democratic  measures.  Because  of 
the  failure  of  the  government  to  make  any  concessions  in 
respect  to  suffrage,  the  laws  regarding  association  and 
the  exceptional  laws,  the  group  of  ten  Social  Democrats 

refused,  in  March,  1915,  to  vote  for  the  Prussian  budget. 

359 


360      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Liebknecht's  Stand. —  On  the  occasion  of  the  second 
war  budget,  December  2,  1914,  the  socialists  again  voted 
for  the  loan,  fifteen,  however,  abstaining.  Haase  again 
read  the  position  of  the  majority,  and  declared,  in  justifi- 
cation of  the  stand  of  his  fellows,  that  the  frontiers  of 
the  country  were  still  menaced  by  hostile  troops.  He 
demanded  that  "  the  end  be  made  to  war  as  soon  as  the 
goal  of  safety  has  been  reached  and  the  enemy  is  disposed 
to  make  peace  and  that  this  peace  be  one  that  makes  pos- 
sible friendship  with  neighboring  nations."  The  group 
also  condemned  the  government  for  its  opposition  to  the 
invasion  of  Belgium. 

A  sensation  was  created  at  this  time  by  the  negative 
vote  of  Karl  Liebknecht,  accompanied  by  the  following 
strong  statement  of  condemnation: 

"  This  war,  which  none  of  the  peoples  interested  wanted, 
was  not  declared  in  the  interests  of  the  Germans  or  of  any 
other  people.  It  is  an  imperialistic  war  for  capitalization  and 
domination  of  the  world  markets,  for  political  domination  of 
important  quarters  of  the  globe,  and  for  the  benefit  of  bankers 
and  manufacturers.  From  the  viewpoint  of  the  race  of  arma- 
ments, it  is  a  preventive  war,  provoked  conjointly  by  the  war 
parties  of  Germany  and  Austria  in  the  obscurity  of  semi- 
absolutism  and  secret  diplomacy.  It  is  also  a  Bonaparte-like 
enterprise  tending  to  demoralize  and  destroy  the  growing 
labor  movement." 

Liebknecht  was  later  condemned  by  the  Social  Demo- 
pratic  group  by  a  vote  of  82  to  15  for  breach  of  party 
discipline. 

When  the  third  budget  was  passed  upon  in  March, 
1915  —  a  budget  for  civil  as  well  as  military  purposes  — 
thirty  socialist  members  absented  themselves  from  the 
Reichstag.  Liebknecht  and  Ruehle  alone,  however,  voted 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  361 

against  the  loan.  Haase  took  occasion  to  demand  equal 
civil  rights  and  to  protest  against  the  cutting  down  and 
destruction  of  the  rights  acquired  by  socialist  and  labor 
unions. 

The  Party  Split. —  The  opposition  to  the  majority  ac- 
tion continued  to  increase  and,  on  the  passage  of  the 
fourth  budget,  December  15,  1915,  a  group  of  twenty 
voted  against  the  loan.  This  group,  led  by  some  of  the 
most  powerful  of  the  socialist  leaders,  including  Ledebour, 
Haase,  the  former  chairman  of  the  Social  Democrats; 
Bernstein,  the  revisionist;  and  Kautsky,  the  foremosl; 
Marxist  scholar,  thereupon  formed  a  "  Social  Democratic 
Workers'  Community,"  a  separate  Reichstag  group. 
This  group  finally  took  the  momentous  step  at  Gotha  oi 
organizing  a  separate  party,  the  Independent  Socia 
Democratic  Party  of  Germany.  This  party  at  first  com 
tained  the  Internationale  group,  of  which  Mehring,  the 
historian  of  the  movement,  Liebknecht,  Rosa  Luxemburg 
and  Clara  Zetkin  were  the  moving  spirits.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  one  or  two  minor  branches  on  the  extreme  left 
of  the  movement,  including  the  "  Spartacus  "  group,  most 
of  the  anti-governmental  forces  joined  the  new  organiza- 
tion. The  "  Independents  "  were  practically  one  in  their 
fight  against  imperialism  and  their  advocacy  of  disarma- 
ment and  peace. 

Intense  government  opposition  to  this  group  inevitably 
arose.  Many  of  their  number  were  put  in  jail  until  the 
end  of  the  war,  their  newspapers  were  suppressed  and  the 
national  conference,  arranged  for  August,  1917,  was  for- 
bidden. Liebknecht  was  arrested  for  delivering  a  May 
Day  address  in  Berlin  in  1916,  which  concluded:  "Let 
thousands  of  voices  shout :  '  Down  with  the  shameless  ex- 
termination of  nations !  Down  with  those  who  are  re- 
sponsible for  these  crimes  ! ' 


362      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

He  was  first  sentenced  to  thirty  months'  imprisonment, 
and,  on  appeal,  to  more  than  four  years.  In  1917,  Rosa 
Luxemburg  and  Franz  Mehring  were  also  imprisoned. 
Mehring,  however,  was  released,  on  account  of  the  condi- 
tion of  his  health.  Two  months  later,  he  was  elected  to 
the  Reichstag  from  a  district  left  vacant  by  Liebknecht, 
by  an  overwhelming  vote  against  the  combined  opposition 
of  the  Majority  socialists  and  the  non-socialist  forces. 

Peace  Proposals  (1915-1917). —  On  several  occasions, 
both  Majority  and  Independent  socialists  formulated  peace 
proposals.  In  August,  1915,  for  instance,  the  party  com- 
mittee and  the  socialist  members  of  the  Reichstag  issued 
a  joint  statement  opposing  annexations  and  economic 
barriers  after  the  war  and  favoring  an  international  court 
for  the  settling  of  disputes,  freedom  of  the  seas,  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  right  of  capture  and  the  internationalization 
of  important  straits. 

Scheidemann's  visit  to  Stockholm,  the  Russian  revolu- 
tion and  Lloyd  George's  Glasgow  speech  were  among  the 
factors  which  led,  in  the  summer  of  1917,  to  a  renewal  of 
peace  discussion. 

Reichstag  Resolution — The  Majority  socialist  press 
openly  hinted  that  the  Social  Democrats  were  not  inclined 
to  vote  the  credits  unless  they  received  from  the  chancellor 
a  public  indorsement  of  their  peace  formula,  "  without 
annexations  and  indemnities,"  as  well  as  the  assurance  of 
immediate  political  reform.  Early  in  July,  Erzberger, 
the  leader  of  the  Catholic  Center  Party,  deserted  the  Pan- 
Germans  and,  on  July  18,  a  Reichstag  "bloc,"  formed  of 
the  socialists,  the  catholic  center  and  the  "  liberals,"  in- 
troduced a  resolution  which  declared  in  part: 

"  Germany  took  up  arms  in  defense  of  its  liberty  and  in- 
dependence and  for  the  integrity  of  its  territories.  The 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  363 

Reichstag  labors  for  peace  and  a  mutual  understanding  and 
lasting  reconciliation  among  the  nations.  Forced  acquisitions 
of  territory  and  political,  economic  and  financial  usurpations 
are  incompatible  with  such  a  peace.  The  Reichstag  rejects 
all  plans  aiming  at  an  economic  blockade  and  the  stirring 
up  of  enmity  among  the  people  after  the  war.  The  freedom 
of  the  seas  must  be  assured.  Only  an  economic  peace  can 
prepare  the  ground  for  the  friendly  association  of  the 
peoples." 

The  resolution  also  favored  "  the  creation  of  interna- 
tional judicial  organizations  "  and  declared  that,  so  long 
as  the  Allied  countries  did  not  accept  such  a  peace  as 
was  here  proposed,  so  long  the  German  people  would  stand 
together  as  one  man. 

It  was  the  belief  of  many  that  Chancellor  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  wanted  to  come  out  publicly  in  favor  of  the 
formula  "  no  annexation,  no  indemnities,"  and  to  take 
steps  toward  parliamentary  government.  On  July  14, 
however,  after  the  emperor  had  conferred  with  the  Crown 
Prince,  Hindenburg  and  Ludendorff,  the  chancellor  fell. 
The  July  19th  speech  of  the  new  Chancellor  Michaelis, 
who  was  appointed  at  the  behest  of  the  military  party, 
caused  keen  disappointment.  He  declared  that  no  parley 
was  possible  with  an  enemy  who  demanded  the  cession  of 
German  soil  and  that  "  we  must  by  means  of  understand- 
ing and  in  a  spirit  of  give  and  take  guarantee  conditions 
of  the  existence  of  the  empire  upon  the  continent  and 
overseas."  "  These  aims,"  he  continued,  "  may  be  at- 
tained within  the  limits  of  your  resolution,  as  I  interpret 
it." 

Following  this  speech,  the  Reichstag  resolution  was 
passed  by  a  vote  of  212  to  126,  twenty-two  of  the  Minority 
socialists  voting  against  it  on  the  ground  that  it  was  too 
conservative.  Herr  Scheidemann  of  the  Majority  social- 


364      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ists  expressed  the  hope  that  "  other  people  would  under- 
stand that  we  are  not  aiming  at  the  acquisition  of  foreign 
property  and  that  we  are  ready  for  a  righteous  peace, 
secured  by  international  legal  guarantees."  He  pro- 
tested against  submarine  warfare  as  calculated  to  do  more 
harm  than  good ;  declared  that  neither  Germany  nor  its 
enemies  "  are  able  to  bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion  by 
military  means,"  and  asserted  that  the  chancellor's  re- 
marks about  democracy  were  unsatisfactory.  "  Prussian 
electoral  reform,"  he  declared,  "  must  come  this  autumn. 
We  demand  the  deliverance  of  the  press  from  the  censor- 
ship and  the  liberation  of  political  offenders  and  we  vote 
for  the  war-budget  in  the  spirit  of  the  resolution." 

Opposition  to  Resolution — Haase,  leader  of  the  Mi- 
nority socialists,  demanded  as  an  urgent  preliminary  con- 
dition of  peace  "  the  complete  democratization  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  Administration  of  the  empire  and  its  several 
states  "  and  vigorously  attacked  the  monarchical  system. 
He  declared: 

"  Our  monarchical  institutions  have  not  stood  the  test  and 
must  be  set  aside.  .  .  .  The  people  has  awake\ied  from  its 
war-intoxication.  .  .  .  The  origin  of  the  war  was  quite  dif- 
ferent from  the  superficial  account  of  it  which  was  given 
by  the  new  Imperial  Chancellor  and  it  is  quite  impossible 
for  anybody  to  wipe  away  the  policy  of  conquest  which  has 
been  pursued  for  years.  .  .  .  All  [German]  attempts  hitherto 
to  reach  peace  have  been  mistaken  and  the  memorandum  of 
the  Socialist  Majority  at  Stockholm  was  not  calculated  to 
promote  peace;  it  has  been  rejected  everywhere.  .  .  .  We  re- 
ject the  war  credits,  because  we  have  no  confidence  in  the 
government." 

Discontent  Among  the  Masses  (1918). —  Michaelis 
soon  resigned,  von  Hertling  being  appointed  in  his  place. 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  365 

The  socialists  continued  their  pressure  for  a  peace  offer, 
but  without  avail.  During  the  Fall,  there  were  mutinies 
at  Kiel  and  strikes  in  the  munition  shops,  the  strikers  de- 
manding peace  without  indemnity  and  annexations.  The 
difficulty  of  getting  food,  the  profiteering,  the  slow  prog- 
ress of  democratic  legislation,  and  the  Brest-Litovsk 
treaty  increased  the  discontent. 

On  January  6,  1918,  when  the  terms  exacted  at  Brest- 
Litovsk  became  public,  the  Social  Democrats  held  great 
protest  meetings  throughout  Germany,  described  by  the 
Vorwaerts  as  "  perhaps  the  most  momentous  since  August, 
1914."  Herr  Scheidemann  and  Haase  bitterly  attacked 
the  treaty  in  the  Reichstag,  Scheidemann  declaring  that 
"  the  socialists  stand  for  the  unrestricted  self-determina- 
tion of  the  people,"  while  the  Social  Democratic  Party 
resolved  resolutely  "  to  combat  the  misuse  of  the  right  of 
self-determination  for  the  purpose  of  disguised  annexa- 
tions." 

The  socialists,  likewise,  in  a  number  of  instances,  broke 
up  the  meetings  of  the  Fatherland  Party,  arranged  to  cele- 
brate the  treaties.  At  Jena,  the  socialists  entered  the 
hall,  passed  a  vote  for  "  a  general  peace  of  understand- 
ing "  and  expelled  the  Fatherlanders.  At  Frankfort,  also, 
they  turned  the  mass  meeting  of  the  Pan-Germans  into  a 
huge  demonstration  in  favor  of  peace  and  political  reform. 

Effect  of  Austrian  Strikes. —  Later  in  January,  1918, 
further  discontent  was  evidenced  when  the  news  of  the 
Austrian  strikes  reached  Germany.  The  Vorwaerts  was 
suspended  for  three  days  for  suggesting  that  the  Austrian 
strikers  be  extended  a  helping  hand.  Herr  Frederich 
Ebert  welcomed  the  action  of  the  proletariat  of  Austria- 
Hungary,  and  added :  "  German  workmen,  when  neces- 
sary, will  use  their  full  power  to  combat  the  efforts  of 
those  who  are  preventing  an  early  peace  based  on  under- 


366      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

standing  and  right."  Scheidemann  warned  the  authori- 
ties that  they  were  playing  with  fire. 

A  week  later  the  strike  reached  Germany.  Nearly  a 
million  workers  left  the  factories  and  shipyards,  demand- 
ing internal  reforms  and  peace  on  the  Russian  terms. 
Martial  law  was  proclaimed  and  the  newly  formed  workers' 
council  of  500  delegates  from  different  parts  of  Germany 
was  dissolved.  Deputy  Dittmann  and  other  strike  leaders 
were  given  a  five  years'  sentence.  The  Majority  Party 
Executive  used  its  efforts  to  stop  the  strike  which  soon 
died  out.  "  It  is  all  very  well  for  the  Allies  to  talk  of  the 
German  people  rebelling  against  their  government,"  de- 
clared the  Vorwaerts  at  that  time,  "  but  if  they  did,  the 
Entente  armies  would  be  in  Cologne  in  a  week." 

Growing  Unrest —  During  the  Spring  and  Summer,  the 
main  attention  of  the  people  was  given  to  the  German 
drive.  All  during  the  early  Fall,  discontent  among  the 
masses  constantly  increased.  War  weariness,  the  suc- 
cesses of  the  Allies,  the  refusal  of  the  government  to  grant 
suffrage  and  other  reforms,  the  constant  agitation  of 
many  of  the  socialists,  and  the  economic  situation  and  the 
growing  belief  that  the  Allies,  in  any  peace  negotiations 
that  might  be  undertaken,  would  adhere  to  the  fourteen 
points  put  forth  by  President  Wilson,  were  all  factors  in- 
creasing the  gap  between  the  government  and  the  people. 
In  the  debates  in  the  Reichstag,  demands  for  peace  and 
for  the  abdication  of  the  Kaiser  were  heard  with  ever  re- 
curring frequency,  while  the  troops  demanded  peace  and 
demobilization. 

In  October,  the  government,  fearful  of  the  results  of  this 
agitation,  invited  Scheidemann  and  other  Majority  social- 
ists into  the  cabinet.  They  entered,  making  it  a  condi- 
tion, however,  that  the  government  repudiate  any  policy 
of  annexations  and  indemnities,  that  it  grant  suffrage  re- 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  367 

forms  and  adopt  other  liberal  measures.  These  conces- 
sions, however,  failed  to  stem  the  tide  of  growing  discon- 
tent, and  the  radicals  bitterly  attacked  the  Scheidemann 
group  for  accepting  governmental  responsibility,  and 
thereby  retarding  the  movement  toward  revolution. 

"  Workers,  awake ! "  reads  one  of  the  appeals  of  the 
Spartacus  group.  "  The  dreams  of  world  domination  of  Ger- 
man imperialism  have  vanished  into  smoke.  On  heaps  of 
corpses,  in  seas  of  blood,  they  wanted  to  establish  that  domina- 
tion. Vain  are  their  efforts !  .  .  . 

"  At  this  moment  the  government  socialists,  the  Scheide- 
manns,  offer  their  services  to  sustain  the  tottering  power  of 
the  German  bourgeoisie.  .  .  .  They  want  to  patch  up  things, 
to  blur  the  class  character  of  capitalist  rule  and  Prussian  re- 
action, in  order  to  make  these  acceptable  to  the  people.  .  .  . 
The  proletariat  of  all  countries  must  end  the  slaughter  by 
means  of  revolt.  .  .  .  The  revolutionary  proletariat  alone  can 
dictate  terms  of  peace  in  the  interest  of  freedom  and  social- 
ism." 

Thousands  besieged  the  government  for  the  release  of 
Liebknecht  and  other  political  prisoners,  and,  on  October 
24<,  when  Liebknecht  left  prison,  big  demonstrations  were 
given  in  his  honor.  At  first  the  Majority  socialists  depre- 
cated all  talk  about  revolution.  On  October  17,  the  execu- 
tive committee  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  declared 
that  agitation  for  a  revolution  made  peace  and  democracy 
more  difficult.  It  added: 

"  As  the  authorized  representatives  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party  have  always  declared,  we  wish  to  transform 
our  political  structure  into  a  democracy  and  our  economic 
life  into  socialism  by  means  of  a  peaceful  change.  All  agita- 
tion for  an  attempted  revolt  runs  counter  to  this  road  and 
serves  the  cause  of  the  counter-revolution." 


368      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  Revolution. —  The  revolt  proper  may  be  said  to 

have  started  on  November  5,  with  a  mutiny  among  the 

|  sailors  of  the  German  fleet  at  Kiel.1      The  sailors  of  the 

i  Baltic  fleet  refused  to  obey  orders  when  it  was  rumored 

that  preparations  were  being  made  to  attack  the  British 

fleet,  and  soon  practically  every  battleship  in  the  German 

fleet  was  sailing  the  red  flag. 

As  the  revolt  spread,  the  Majority  socialists  began  to 
change  their  attitude  and  to  demand  the  abdication  of  the 
Kaiser,  and,  as  late  as  Friday  morning,  November  8,  the 
socialist  ministers,  Ebert  and  Scheidemann,  were  appar- 
ently of  the  belief  that  the  revolution  could  be  avoided  by 
the  Kaiser's  removal.  In  their  ultimatum  issued  that 
morning  to  Prince  Max's  government,  they  demanded, 
among  other  things,  the  abdication  of  the  Kaiser  and 
Crown  Prince  by  Friday  mid-day  ;  the  strengthening  of  the 
Social  Democratic  element  in  the  government  and  the  con- 
version of  the  Prussian  ministry  to  conform  with  the  pro- 
gram of  the  majority  parties  of  the  Reichstag.  "If  no 
satisfactory  answer  is  given  by  Friday  mid-day,"  they 
declared,  "  then  the  Social  Democrats  will  resign  from  the 
government."  The  time  was  afterwards  extended  from 
mid-day  to  Friday  night. 

During  the  day  events  moved  with  great  rapidity  and 
when,  early  Saturday  morning,  the  Kaiser  had  at  last 
consented  to  leave  Germany  for  Holland,  the  mass  will 
had  determined  on  revolution.  That  morning  the  work- 
ers struck  in  many  of  the  factories  of  Berlin,  and,  at  one 
o'clock,  both  branches  of  the  socialist  movement  sent  a 

i  This  was  approximately  a  year  after  the  Bolshevik  revolution  in 
Russia.  For  a  more  complete  account  of  the  activities  of  the  German 
socialists  from  the  outbreak  of  the  war  to  the  revolution,  see  German 
Social  Democracy  during  the  War,  by  Edwyn  Bevan  (Dutton,  1919). 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  369 

proclamation  broadcast  throughout  the  country,  calling  a 
general  strike.     It  read  in  part  as  follows: 

"  The  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Council  of  Berlin  has  de- 
cided to  call  the  general  strike.  All  factories  are  to  stop. 
The  necessary  feeding  of  the  population  will  continue.  A 
large  part  of  the  garrison  has  put  itself  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Council  in  units  armed  with  machine 
guns  and  rifles.  The  movement  is  to  be  led  jointly  by  the 
Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany  and  the  Independent 
Party  of  Germany.  Workers  and  Soldiers !  See  to  it  that 
quiet  and  order  are  maintained!  Long  live  the  Socialist  Re- 
public !  " 

A  few  hours  were  all  that  were  required  to  accomplish 
the  "  bloodless  revolution."  By  three  o'clock  Saturday 
afternoon  motor  cars  were  rushing  through  the  streets 
proclaiming  the  success  of  the  revolution,  the  abdication 
of  the  Kaiser,  and  the  appointment  of  Ebert  as  Imperial 
Chancellor. 

The  Formation  of  the  Government. —  The  proclama- 
tion called  upon  the  people  not  to  dishonor  the  revolution 
by  any  act  of  thoughtlessness  and  was  signed  by  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Social  Democracy  of  Germany 
and  the  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Council.  That  afternoon 
Scheidemann  appeared  on  the  balcony  of  the  Reichstag 
and  announced  the  change  of  government,  while  Prince 
Max  handed  over  the  chancellorship  to  Ebert.2 

That  afternoon  and  evening  were  consumed  with  nego- 
tiations between  the  Majority  Social  Democrats  and  the 

2  While,  for  all  practical  purposes,  the  Kaiser's  abdication  took 
place  on  November  9,  the  official  abdication  did  not  occur  until  nine- 
teen days  thereafter  (November  28),  at  which  time  the  Kaiser  re- 
nounced "  forever  the  rights  to  the  crown  of  Prussia  and  to  the 
German  Imperial  Crown  "  and  released  all  officials  from  their  oaths 
of  loyalty  to  him. 


370      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Independents.  The  latter,  prior  to  cooperation,  demanded 
that  Germany  become  a  Socialist  Republic ;  that  the  whole 
executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  power  of  the  republic 
tbe  placed  "  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  chosen  men  of 
the  total  laboring  population  and  the  soldiers  " ;  that  the 
government  exclude  from  its  councils  all  bourgeois  mem- 
bers ;  that  departmental  ministers  count  merely  as  techni- 
cal assistants,  and  that  equal  power  be  given  to  the  joint 
presidents  of  the  cabinet.  They  desired  the  cooperation 
between  the  two  groups  to  last  for  but  three  days. 

Independent  Socialists  Join  Government. —  The  Ma- 
jority socialists  replied  that  their  goal  was  socialism,  but 
that  the  Constituent  Assembly  would  be  the  final  judge  of 
developments.  They  rejected  a  policy  of  "  dictatorship 
of  the  proletariat  "  and  believed  that  the  exclusion  of 
bourgeois  members  would  interfere  with  the  smooth  run- 
ning of  governmental  machinery  and  thus  endanger  the 
food  supply.  They  agreed  to  the  subordination  of  de- 
partmental ministers  and  to  equality  of  power  as  between 
cabinet  members.  They  felt  that  the  coalition  govern- 
ment, composed  of  Majority  and  Minority  socialists, 
should  remain  in  office  until  the  meeting  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly.  Following  the  reply,  the  Independents  agreed 
to  join  with  the  Majority  socialists,  and  a  coalition  was 
formed  with  Ebert,  Scheidemann,  and  Landsberg  repre- 
senting the  Majority  group  and  Haase,  Dittmann,  and 
Bart h,  the  Independents.3 

» The  cabinet  positions  were  as  follows:  Premier  and  Interior 
and  Military  Affairs,  Frederich  Ebert;  Foreign  Affairs,  Hugo 
Haase;  Finance  and  Colonies,  Philip  Scheidemann ;  Demobilization, 
Transport,  Justice  and  Health,  Wilhelm  Dittmann;  Publicity,  Art 
and  Literature,  Herr  Landsberg;  Social  Policy,  Richard  Barth. 

Two  days  later,  however,  a  Council  of  National  Plenipotentiaries 
insisted  that  another  and  more  representative  cabinet  be  appointed, 
which,  for  some  time,  acted  in  cooperation  with  the  former.  Dr.  W. 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  371 

The  Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Council. —  In  the  mean- 
while the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Council  became  active. 
On  Sunday,  November  10,  the  council  members  held  their 
first  meeting,  elected  Herr  Barth,  a  member  of  the  social- 
ist left  wing,  chairman  of  the  meeting,  and  chose,  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Committee,  six  Majority  socialists, 
six  Independent  socialists  —  including  Barth  and  Lede- 
bour  —  and  twelve  representatives  of  the  soldiers  —  in- 
cluding Molkenbuhr  and  Haase.  The  council  issued  a 
manifesto,  emphasizing  the  socialistic  character  of  the 
revolution,  in  part  as  follows: 

"  The  old  Germany  is  no  more.  .  .  .  The  workers'  and 
soldiers'  councils  are  now  the  bearers  of  political  sovereignty. 
In  garrisons  where  no  workers'  and  soldiers'  councils  exist, 
the  formation  of  such  councils  will  proceed  rapidly.  In 
the  rural  districts  peasants'  councils  will  be  formed  for  the 
same  purpose." 

The  manifesto  declared  that  the  first  task  of  the  pro- 
visional government  was  "  to  conclude  an  armistice  in 
order  to  end  the  bloody  massacre.  Immediate  peace  is  the 
watchword  of  the  revolution.  Whatever  that  peace  may 
be  it  will  be  better  than  a  prolongation  of  the  atrocious 
butchery." 

Its  program  of  economic  reconstruction  was  a  radical 
one: 

"  In  view  of  the  social  structure  of  Germany  and  the 
degree  of  development  of  its  economic  and  political  organiza- 
tion, a  rapid  and  consistent  socialization  of  the  capitalistic 
means  of  production  can  be  accomplished  without  serious  dis- 

S.  Solf  was  appointed  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  this  second 
body,  under  the  Prime  Ministership  of  Ebert,  and  Matthias  Erzber- 
ger,  a  Minister  without  portfolio.  On  December  20,  Count  Brock- 
dorff  was  appointed  Foreign  Minister  to  succeed  Solf. 


372      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ruption.  This  is  necessary  in  order  that  a  new  economic 
structure  may  arise  out  of  the  blood-soaked  ruins,  and  to 
avert  the  economic  enslavement  of  the  masses  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  civilization." 

The  manifesto  called  on  all  workers  of  hand  and  brain 
desiring  to  assist  in  the  realization  of  this  ideal  to  co- 
operate with  the  council  and  declared  that  it  was  con- 
vinced "  that  a  revolution  for  the  accomplishment  of  the 
same  ends  is  in  the  process  of  formation  in  the  entire 
world,"  and  that  "  it  confidently  expects  that  the  prole- 
tariat in  other  countries  will  set  in  motion  all  its  powers 
to  prevent  a  violation  of  the  German  people  at  the  ter- 
mination of  the  war."  Greetings  were  sent  to  the  Soviet 
Government  and  hope  expressed  that  international  rela- 
tions be  immediately  resumed  with  Russia. 

The  same  day  an  appeal  was  issued  to  the  rural  popu- 
lation of  Germany  to  form  peasants'  councils  "  in  order 
to  render  secure  the  food  supply  to  the  people  and  pre- 
serve peace  and  order." 

The  Program  of  the  Coalition  Government —  The 
program  of  the  new  government,  announced  on  Tuesday, 
November  12,  was  concerned  primarily  with  political  re- 
forms and  social  legislation,  and  was  of  a  less  radical  na- 
ture than  the  proclamations  of  the  council.  It  proclaimed 
the  unlimited  right  of  association,  the  abolition  of  the 
censorship,  and  the  establishment  of  freedom  of  expres- 
sion; granted  amnesty  to  political  prisoners;  restored  pre- 
war labor  legislation ;  declared  that  the  eight-hour  law 
would  be  enforced  after  January  1,  1919;  favored  a 
better  system  of  social  insurance ;  promised  that  efforts 
would  be  made  to  solve  the  unemployment  problem,  to 
feed  the  population  and  to  build  house's,  and  proclaimed 
that  all  elections  would  be  carried  out  "  according  to 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  373 


equal,  secret,  direct,  and  universal  franchise  on  the 

of  proportional  representation  for  all  males  and  female* 

of  not  less  than  20  years  of  age." 

The  same  day  the  government  issued  a  statement  to 
soldiers,  maintaining  that  discipline  must  be  maintained 
in  the  army,  so  as  to  avoid  the  evils  of  chaotic  demobiliza- 
tion, and  urging  "  the  willing  submission  of  the  ranks  to 
the  officers  and  comradely  treatment  by  the  officers  of  the 
ranks."  In  a  further  appeal  to  the  soldiers,  the  govern- 
ment expressed  its  approval  of  the  socialization  of  those 
industries  which  were  ready  for  it.  It  reiterated  its  other 
promises,  and  declared  that  the  soldiers  had  gone  forth 
from  a  land  in  which  they  had  no  say,  "  in  which  a  handful 
of  men  in  authority  had  shared  out  between  themselves 
power  and  possession."  Now  "  you  are  returning,"  the 
appeal  read,  "  not  only  to  find  all  the  political  rights  of 
which  hitherto  you  have  been  deprived;  your  country  is 
also  to  become  your  possession  and  your  inheritance  in  an 
economic  way,  in  that  no  one  shall  any  more,  without  your 
consent,  exploit  and  enslave  you."  And  in  its  various 
manifestoes,  the  government  urged  the  maintenance  of 
order,  so  that  the  feeding  of  the  people  might  be  carried 
on  more  expeditiously. 

The  Reforms  of  the  New  Government — On  Novem- 
ber 13,  in  order  to  deal  with  the  unemployment  problem, 
the  government  established  an  Imperial  Bureau  for  Eco- 
nomic Demobilization,  urged  industries  to  hire  their  old 
hands  and  declared  that  the  state  would  provide  for  all 
persons  unable  to  find  employment.  On  November  15,  the 
censorship  over  the  postal  and  telegraphic  communications 
was  lifted,  in  so  far  as  "  military  or  political  matters  " 
were  concerned.  Next  all  military  agencies  were  placed 
under  the  Ministry  of  War,  and  this  ministry  under  the 
control  of  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Council. 


374      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Several  reassuring  manifestoes  were  issued  about  that 
time.  The  government  asserted  that  it  had  no  intention 
of  seizing  deposits  in  banks,  etc.,  of  declaring  loan  sub- 
scriptions or  of  making  claims  for  salaries.  The  Bundes- 
rat  was  officially  permitted  to  continue  its  administra- 
tive functions  and  the  following  day  a  further  ordinance 
continued  in  force  the  law  insuring  the  payment  of  war 
taxes. 

Power  in  the  Councils —  No  sooner  did  the  govern- 
ment start  to  function  than  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers' 
Councils  began  to  assert  their  power,  and  within  a  few 
days  after  the  revolution  the  Council  of  Greater  Berlin 
and  the  Council  of  People's  Commissioners  came  to  a  joint 
agreement  regarding  the  vesting  of  power  during  the  tran- 
sition period,  as  follows: 

(1)  That  all  political  power  be  vested  in  the  Workmen's 
and  Soldiers'  Councils  of  the  German  Socialistic  Republic, 
their  duty  being  to  preserve  the  results  of  the  revolution 
and  to  repress  the  counter-revolution;  (2)  that  the  Berlin 
Executive  Committee  exercise  the  functions  of  the  Workmen's 
and  Soldiers'  Council  of  the  German  Republic,  acting  in  con- 
cert with  the  Councils  of  Greater  Berlin,  until  the  assembly 
of  the  delegates  of  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils  has 
elected  an  executive  committee  of  the  German  Republic;  (3) 
that  the  Council  of  People's  Commissioners,  appointed  by  the 
Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils  of  Greater  Berlin  be  given 
executive  power;  (-1)  that  the  appointment  and  discharge  of 
members  of  the  acting  cabinet  be  vested  in  the  Central  Execu- 
tive Committee,  (5)  which  committee  is  to  be  consulted  with 
reference  to  the  appointment  by  the  cabinet  of  technical  heads 
of  ministries. 


This  assumption  of  power  by  the  Berlin  Council  gave 
rise  to  protests  from  certain  Majority  socialists  who  were 
fearful  of  the  idea  of  proletarian  dictatorship.  The  fear 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  375 

of  the  alleged  dictatorship,  however,  was  allayed  by  the 
action  on  November  23  of  the  Councils  of  Great  Berlin  in 
issuing  a  call  for  a  Congress  of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers' 
Councils  throughout  Germany,  to  be  held  in  Berlin  not 
later  than  December  16,  and  by  the  enlargement  of  the 
Executive  Committee  to  include  representatives  from  vari- 
ous parts  of  Germany. 

The  Demand  for  the  Dictatorship  of  the  Proletariat. 
—  These  steps  on  the  part  of  the  government,  however, 
failed  to  satisfy  the  socialists  of  the  left  wing,  and  a  de- 
mand began  to  be  voiced  —  particularly  by  the  Sparta- 
cans  —  that  Germany  follow  in  the  steps  of  Russia ;  that 
all  power  be  given  to  the  Councils  of  Workers'  and  Sol- 
diers' Deputies ;  that  a  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat  be 
established;  that  the  proletariat  be  armed  and  the  bour- 
geoisie disarmed,  and  that  the  government  proceed  to  the 
.immediate  socialization  of  industry.  The  Spartacans 
opposed  the  calling  of  a  Constituent  Assembly  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  delay  the  progress  of  the  revolution 
and  rob  the  advanced  proletariat  of  their  power.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Majority  socialists  urged  the  Assembly's 
speedy  convocation,  claiming  that  the  Allies  would  not 
recognize  any  but  a  responsible  government  formed  as  a 
result  of  such  an  assembly.  The  Independents  finally  came 
around  to  a  compromise  position,  favoring  the  calling  of 
the  assembly,  as  an  accelerator  of  peace,  but  urging  its 
postponement  until  the  government  had  time  to  socialize 
industry.4 

The  Spartacans,  during  these  days,  urged  every  op- 
portunity to  create  sentiment  against  what  they  conceived 

*  Kautsky,  however,  declared  that  a  postponement  would  "  give  an 
impression  of  insincerity,  of  hesitation  and  lack  of  faith  in  one's 
own  strength,"  and  that  socialization  could  not  be  carried  out  with 
the  present  government  machinery. 


376      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

to  be  the  reactionary  policy  of  the  government.  From 
their  motor  trucks,  which  were  constantly  rushing  through 
Berlin's  thoroughfares,  they  distributed  thousands  of  cir- 
culars, which  warned  the  people  that  the  revolution  was 
in  gravest  danger,  and  called  on  them  to  hold  mighty 
protest  meetings  against  the  timid  policy  of  the  coalition 
government.  They  frequently  came  into  sharp  conflict 
with  the  government  forces,  and,  on  December  11,  no  less 
than  11  were  reported  killed  and  35  wounded.  The  mili- 
tant program  enunciated  by  the  Spartacans  at  that  time 
was  as  follow- : 

"  Disarmament  of  the  police  officers,  non-proletarian  soldiers 
and  all  members  of  the  ruling  classes;  confiscation  by  the 
Soldiers'  and  Workmen's  Councils  of  arms,  munitions  and 
armament  works;  arming  of  all  adult  male  proletarians  and 
the  formation  of  a  Workers'  Militia;  the  formation  of  a 
proletarian  Red  Guard;  abolition  of  the  ranks  of  officers  and 
non-commissioned  officers,  removal  of  all  military  officers 
from  the  Soldiers'  and  Workmen's  Councils;  abolition  of  all 
parliaments,  and  municipal  and  other  councils,  the  election 
of  a  general  council  which  will  elect  and  control  the  execu- 
council  of  the  soldiers  and  workmen;  repudiation  of  all 
state  and  other  public  debts,  including  war  loans  down  to  a 
certain  fixed  limit  of  subscriptions ;  expropriation  of  all  landed 
estates,  banks,  coal  mines  and  large  industrial  works;  con- 
fiscation  of  all  fortunes  above  a  certain  amount." 

The  Congress  of  Councils. —  The  Congress  of  Councils 
of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Deputies,  which  met  in  the 
Lower  House  of  the  Prussian  Diet  on  December  16,  1918, 
was  dominated  throughout  by  the  moderate,  rather  than 
the  extreme,  element  among  the  socialists.  It  twice  re- 
fused to  permit  Karl  Liebknecht  and  Rosa  Luxemburg  to 
address  the  delegates.  It  expressed  its  confidence  in  the 
Ebert  government.  It  criticized  the  soviet  executive  for 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  377 

using  money  from  an  unknown  source.  It  refused  to  as- 
sume dictatorship  over  the  empire,  and  agreed,  by  a  vote 
of  400  to  70,  to  transfer  legislative  and  executive  power 
to  the  People's  Commissioners  until  the  meeting  of  the 
National  Assembly.  It  decided  on  an  early  convocation 
of  this  assembly  —  January  19,  1919,  instead  of  March 
15  as  urged  by  the  Independents.  It  abolished  the  Berlin 
Soviet  Executive,  and  constituted  a  Central  Council  of 
German  Soviets  composed  of  27  Majority  socialists.  The 
Independents,  who  opposed  this  plan,  refused  to  put  for- 
ward their  candidates.  Throughout  the  council's  ac- 
tions were  motived  largely  by  a  desire  to  effect  an  early 
peace.  Such  arguments  as  those  advanced  by  the  Vor- 
waerts  had  sunk  deep: 

"  It  must  be  declared  openly  that  there  is  danger  of  the 
whole  government  apparatus  crumbling  and  the  armistice 
and  peace  negotiations  being  broken  off  on  the  ground  that 
no  competent  German  Government  exists,  and  then  all  Ger- 
many will  be  occupied  by  Entente  troops." 

Scheidemann  also  stressed  this  note,  declaring  that,  if 
the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  continued  in  opera- 
tion, unspeakable  woe  would  befall  Germany.  The  warn- 
ing against  Bolshevism  was  frequently  heard  at  the  Con- 
gress. 

Spartacan  Activity —  The  left  wing  groups,  neverthe- 
less, were  not  completely  silenced.  Ebert  was  severely 
criticized  for  refusing  to  have  dealings  with  the  Moscow 
Government,  for  arousing  national  indignities  against  the 
Poles,  and  for  the  government's  food  policy.  A  delega- 
tion of  soldiers  demanded  the  dismissal  of  all  officers  and 
military  control  by  the  councils  while  a  committee  repre- 
senting a  large  number  outside  of  the  Diet  submitted  a 
list  of  Spartacan  demands. 


378      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Two  democratic  measures  passed  by  the  congress  were 
the  extension  to  the  soldiers  of  the  privilege  of  appointing 
their  own  officers,  and  the  abolition  of  orders,  badges  and 
honors  of  nobility. 

After  this  congress  the  Spartacans  continued  an  aggres- 
sive agitation,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Ebert  govern- 
ment, feeling  more  secure  than  formerly,  began  a  syste- 
matic campaign  for  disarming  the  opposition.  The  first 
step  in  this  campaign  was  the  order  of  Otto  Wels,  the 
Military  Commander  of  Berlin,  to  disband  the  majority 
of  the  2,000  revolutionary  sailors  in  that  city  who  were 
causing  considerable  anxiety  among  the  mass  of  citizens 
and  the  government.  The  sailors  refused  to  disarm  or 
to  leave  Berlin  and,  on  December  23,  they  appointed  a 
delegation  of  these  to  march  to  the  headquarters  of  Wels 
on  Unter  den  Linden  to  protest  against  this  order.  The 
protest  was  answered  by  machine  guns  from  the  Repub- 
lican Guards.  This,  in  turn,  led  to  counter  attacks  by 
the  sailors,  who  seized  the  headquarters  and  made  Wels  a 
prisoner.  A  further  detachment  of  sailors  marched  to 
the  chancellor's  palace  to  interpellate  the  ministers,  but 
was  confronted  by  the  Potsdam  Guard.  Sailors  and 
civilians  thereupon  seized  the  Royal  Castle  and  the  ad- 
joining stables,  and  occupied  the  Konigstrasse.  Other 
groups  captured  the  Vorwaerts*  office,  and  issued  a  Red 
Vorwaerts,  while  demonstrations  were  held  throughout  the 
city  demanding  that  a  new  government  be  formed  by  Lieb- 
knecht  and  Ledebour.  Street  fights  were  of  frequent  oc- 
currence. The  Spartacans  were  joined  by  the  Alexander 
and  Franzer  regiments,  and  General  Lequis  was  brought 
from  the  front  by  the  government  to  crush  the  opposition. 
After  a  hot  exchange  of  shots,  a  compromise  was  finally 
effected  between  the  contestants,  the  government  agreeing 
to  send  the  Lequis  soldiers  out  of  the  city;  the  sailors  in 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  379 

turn  declaring  that  they  would  not  take  part  in  any  future 
revolt  against  the  government. 

The  Resignation  of  the  Independents. —  The  events  of 
these  days,  and  particularly  the  government's  order  to 
shoot  down  the  sailors,  caused  the  three  Independent  mem- 
bers of  the  cabinet  to  appeal  to  the  decision  of  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils. 
Ebert  and  Scheidemann  assumed  full  responsibility  for 
the  events ;  claimed  that  "  the  strongest  and  most  un- 
compromising action  must  be  taken  to  prevent  riots  and 
further  lawbreaking  by  civilians  as  well  as  the  military," 
and  threatened  to  resign  unless  they  were  supported  in 
their  attitude.  They  added : 

"  There  is  no  government  without  power.  Without  power 
we  become  a  prey  of  any  one  sufficiently  unscrupulous  to  use 
his  comrades  and  their  arms  for  vainglorious  purposes  and 
his  own  profit.  Do  you  really  desire  a  German  Social  Demo- 
cratic republic?  Do  you  want  us  to  make  peace  as  soon  as 
possible  and  secure  food  for  the  starving?  If  so,  then  help 
the  government  to  create  a  people's  army  that  may  protect 
its  dignity  and  freedom  of  decision  and  action  against  base 
attacks  and  coups." 

Haase,  Dittmann  and  Barth,  on  the  other  hand,  de- 
manded that  the  council  state  its  attitude  toward  the  ac- 
tion of  Ebert,  Scheidemann  and  Langsberg,  in  giving  un- 
limited power  to  the  War  Minister  to  use  military  force 
against  the  sailors  in  the  castle  and  royal  stables,  toward 
General  Lequis'  ultimatum,  the  abolition  of  all  distinc- 
tions of  military  rank,  the  removal  of  the  government  from 
Berlin  to  central  Germany,  and  the  complete  demobiliza- 
tion of  the  standing  army.  Finally,  the  Independents 
asked  : 


380      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  Is  the  council  of  the  same  view  with  us  that  the  Socialist 
Republic  must  not  rest  on  the  support  of  generals  and  the 
rest  of  the  standing  army,  but  on  Citizen's  Guards  to  be 
formed  on  democratic  principles? 

"  Does  the  council  approve  that  the  socializing  of  industriet 
as  far  as  practicable  should  begin  at  once?  " 

The  council  replied  that  it  approved  of  the  use  of  force 
against  the  sailors ;  that  it  was  opposed  to  General  Le- 
quis'  ultimatum,  and  that  it  would  have  to  have  more 
complete  reports  before  answering  the  other  questions. 

In  turn  it  put  the  following  questions  to  the  ministers : 

"  Are  the  People's  Commissioners  prepared  to  protect  public 
order  and  security  and  especially  private  and  public  prop- 
erty against  violent  aggression? 

"  Are  the  People's  Commissioners  in  a  position  to  defend 
with  what  forces  they  command  the  public  offices  against 
any  violence,  no  matter  from  what  side,  so  as  to  secure  their 
own  administration  and  the  effective  service  of  subordinate 
organs  ?  " 

On  December  30,  the  three  Independent  socialists  re- 
signed on  the  ground  that  they  could  not  approve  of  the 
use  of  force  against  the  sailors,  as  a  proper  attitude  on 
the  part  of  the  government  would  have  made  force  un- 
necessary, and  as  they  did  not  believe  that  the  power  of 
life  and  death  should  be  given  to  a  representative  of  the 
old  regime. 

Noske  and  Wissel  were  appointed  to  fill  the  positions 
left  vacant  by  the  Independents,  and  the  new  cabinet  as- 
signed the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  Herr  Scheide- 
mann,  the  Ministry  of  Military  Affairs  to  Herr  Noske,  and 
the  Ministry  of  Social  and  Political  Affairs  to  Herr 
Wissel.  The  new  ministry  declared  that,  pending  the 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  381 

convening  of  the  National  Assembly,  the  government 
should  devote  its  activities  to  the  preparation  of  plans  for 
the  Assembly,  the  conservation  of  food,  the  beginnings  of 
socialization,  the  confiscation  of  war  profits,  the  solving 
of  the  unemployed  problem,  the  promotion  of  national  de- 
fense and  the  disarming  of  unauthorized  persons.  It 
would  also  strive  to  bring  about  peace  as  quickly  and  as 
favorably  as  possible  and  to  see  that  the  German  Repub- 
lic be  represented  abroad  by  new  men  with  a  new  spirit. 

The  Spartacans  Separate  from  the  Independents. — 
During  December,  the  Spartacan  group,  which  had  con- 
tinued up  to  that  time  as  a  part  of  the  Independent  So- 
cialist Party,  were  bitter  in  their  criticisms  of  the  three 
Independent  socialists  for  remaining  members  of  the  gov- 
ernment. On  the  Sunday  before  Christmas,  while  Haase, 
Dittmann  and  Earth  were  still  members  of  the  cabinet,  the 
Independents  held  a  conference  for  the  purpose  of  clarify- 
ing their  position.  At  this  conference  the  Spartacans 
presented  a  resolution  embodying  their  former  demands  for 
the  giving  of  all  power  to  workmen's  and  soldiers'  councils, 
the  creation  of  a  Red  Guard  to  protect  the  revolution,  and 

The  immediate  resignation  of  the  Independent  representa- 
tives from  the  government. 

The  repudiation  by  the  conference  of  the  calling  of  a  Na- 
tional Assembly,  on  the  ground  that  such  Assembly  could 
only  strengthen  the  counter-revolution  and  cheat  the  revolu- 
tion of  its  socialist  aims. 

This  resolution,  however,  was  lost,  and  that  of  Hilfer- 
ding,  which  declared  that  the  most  important  task  of  the 
I.S.P.  at  the  present  time  was  the  organization  of  a  cam- 
paign for  the  calling  of  a  National  Assembly,  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  485  to  195. 

The  Spartacans,  on  December  30,  after  their  defeat, 


382      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

held  a  convention  in  Berlin,  took  the  Independent  socialists 
to  task  for  their  failure  to  repudiate  the  National  As- 
sembly, and  their  delay  in  leaving  the  Ebert  cabinet ;  sep- 
arated completely  from  the  Haase  group,  and  formed  a 
new  party  —  the  "  Revolutionary  Communist  Labor 
Party  of  the  German  Spartacus  League." 

The  January  Revolt —  Early  January,  1919,  witnessed 
a  further  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Spartacans  to  seize 
power.  The  revolt  this  time  centered  around  President 
Eichhorn,  Chief  of  the  Police  in  Berlin,  and  the  last  Inde- 
pendent socialist  to  hold  'an  important  position.  Eich- 
horn was  accused  of  permitting  Joffe,  the  Bolshevik  Am- 
bassador, to  continue  his  propaganda  in  Berlin,  and  was 
summoned  on  January  5  before  the  Prussian  cabinet  to 
answer  questions  regarding  his  alleged  large  expenditures 
and  his  action  in  calling  a  strike  of  1,500  workmen  on 
"  Red  Christmas,"  and  in  arming  the  strikers  with  rifles 
belonging  to  the  government.  Following  the  hearing  in 
which  he  denied  several  of  the  charges  brought  against 
him,  he  was  deposed  and  told  that  Herr  Ernst  had  been 
appointed  in  his  stead.  Eichhorn  refused,  however,  to 
give  up  his  office,  contending  that  he  had  received  his  ap- 
pointment from  the  revolution  and  not  from  the  Majority 
socialists  and  could  only  be  deposed  by  the  people.  The 
Spartacus  group  came  to  his  aid,  and  demanded  the  arm- 
ing of  the  proletaTiat  in  his  defense.  For  the  next  two 
weeks  a  battle  royal  was  waged  in  the  streets  of  Berlin 
between  the  Spartacans  and  the  government  forces.  The 
former  seized,  at  various  times,  newspaper  offices,  fort- 
resses, railway  stations,  breweries,  telegraph  stations,  gas 
plants,  electrical  power  houses,  water  works,  and  other 
strategic  places ;  proclaimed  a  new  government  under  the 
title  of  the  "  Revolutionary  Committee,"  composed  of 
Ledebour,  Liebmann  and  Tick  and  interrupted  food  sup- 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  38S 

plies.  Similar  tactics  were  adopted  in  Essen,  Dusseldorf 
and  other  cities.  On  January  9,  the  government  issued  an 
appeal  to  the  people,  calling  attention  to  these  activities, 
and  declaring  that  "  force  can  only  be  fought  with  force," 
and  that  the  organized  might  of  the  people  would  "  make 
an  end  of  suppression  and  anarchy." 

Martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and  Gustave  Noske  was 
placed  in  charge  of  the  government's  measures  of  defense. 
On  January  10,  when  the  revolt  seemed  in  jeopardy,  the 
Spartacans  called  a  general  strike,  and  urged  the  workers 
to  use  their  arms  against  Ebert  and  Scheidemann  and  to 
"  deal  these  blood-stained  criminals  an  annihilating  blow." 

Murder  of  Liebknecht. —  The  government  soldiers, 
with  machine  guns  and  superior  forces,  however,  finally 
got  control  of  the  situation,  but  not  before  many  Spar- 
tacans, soldiers  and  by-standers  had  been  killed  and 
millions  of  dollars  of  property  had  been  destroyed.  On 
January  15,  after  scores  of  Spartacans  had  been  made 
prisoners,  Liebknecht  and  Rosa  Luxemburg  were  found  in 
the  Hotel  Eden  in  the  western  part  of  Berlin,  and,  on  their 
way  to  prison,  were  killed  in  cold  blood.  The  government 
officially  denied  that  it  had  anything  to  do  with  the  mur- 
ders, which  it  denounced  as  a  disgrace,  but  was  held  re- 
sponsible by  tens  of  thousands  throughout  the  empire.5 

The  National  Assembly. —  On  January  21,  a  week  fol- 
lowing the  revolt,  the  elections  for  the  National  Assembly 
took  place,  and  resulted  in  a  plurality  vote  for  the  Ma- 
jority Social  Democrats,  who  obtained  164  seats  and  polled 
11,112,450  votes,  or  39.3  per  cent,  of  the  total  vote  cast. 
The  Independent  socialists  won  24  seats,  and  received 
2,188,305  votes,  or  7.68  per  cent,  of  the  total  of  the 

s  The  murderer  of  Liebknecht  was  afterwards  arrested,  sent  to 
prison  for  a  short  term,  but  later  escaped. 


384      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

country.6  The  Spartacans  did  not  take  any  part  in  the 
"election.  Twenty-eight  women  were  elected  to  the  Assem- 
bly, of  whom  12  were  Majority  socialists  and  3,  Independ- 
ents. The  Social  Democrats  were  the  only  ones  in  the 
elections,  according  to  Herr  Ebert,  who  were  able  to  re- 
cord a  considerable  increase  in  votes. 

The  Assembly  convened  in  early  February,  and,  on 
February  12,  Herr  Ebert,  a  saddle  maker,  was  elected 
president.  Chancellor  Scheidemann,  the  following  day, 
outlined  the  national  and  international  policy  of  the  new 
German  Republic.  The  national  measures  advocated  in- 
cluded : 

the  socialization  of  industries  which  have  attained  the 
character  of  private  monopolies;  "the  raising  of  educational 
standards;  the  control  of  wages  and  conditions  of  employ- 
ment by  the  organization  of  employers  and  employees ;  the  im- 
provement of  public  health;  the  construction  of  houses;  the 
extension  of  protection  for  mothers,  and  the  care  of  infants 
and  children ;  the  assurance  of  political  liberties,  and  "  the 
creation  of  a  people's  army  on  a  democratic  basis  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Fatherland  with  a  considerable  reduction  in  the 
period  of  service  and  extensive  care  for  war  survivors." 

The  foreign  policy  included: 

(1)  The  bringing  about  of  an  immediate  conclusion  of 
peace.  Adherence  to  Mr.  Wilson's  peace  principles;  (2)  Re- 

8  The  Democrats,  a  new  party,  consisting  of  former  members  of 
the  Progressive  People's  Party,  National-Liberals,  some  pacifists 
and  a  number  of  strong  annexationists,  came  second,  with  5,552,930 
votes,  or  19.5  per  cent,  of  the  total  and  a  delegation  of  77.  The 
Christian  People's  Party,  formerly  the  Centrists  (a  Catholic  group), 
was  a  close  third,  with  5338,854  votes,  or  18.8  per  cent  The  Ger- 
man National  Party  cast  9,739,196  votes,  or  9.62  per  cent,  while  the 
German  People's  Party  received  the  smallest  vote  cast  by  a  party  of 
any  considerable  size  (1,106,408,  or  3.8  per  cent). 


THE  GERMAN  REVOLUTION  385 

constitution  of  German  colonial  territory;  (3)  Immediate  re- 
turn of  German  prisoners  of  war;  (4)  Equal  rights  in  the 
League  of  Nations  and  the  abolition  of  secret  diplomacy;  and 
(5)  Simultaneous  and  equal  disarmament. 

The  German  Constitution  followed  the  lines  of  western 
republics,  rather  than  those  of  the  Russian  Soviet  Govern- 
ment. According  to  the  Constitution,  the  chief  officer  of 
the  German  Republic  is  the  president,  elected  for  a  term 
of  seven  years  by  the  popular  vote  of  the  electors,  who 
consist  of  the  men  and  women  of  the  republic  over  the  age 
of  twenty  years.  The  president  appoints  the  cabinet,  in- 
cluding the  chancellor,  who  determines  the  country's  for- 
eign policy.  The  legislature  consists  of  two  houses,  the 
lower  house,  or  Reichstag,  and  the  upper  house,  or  Impe- 
rial Council.  The  latter  is  composed  of  the  representa- 
tives of  individual  states.  Every  state  is  given  at  least 
one  vote  in  the  Council.  Representation  of  the  larger 
states  is  based  on  population  and  no  state  is  privileged  to 
more  than  two-fifths  of  the  total  number  of  votes  in  the 
Council. 

Members  of  the  legislature  are  elected  for  a  four-year 
period.  The  republic  is  given  legislative  rights  over  all 
manner  of  legislation,  including  that  relating  to  the  social- 
ization of  natural  resources,  economic  undertakings,  man- 
ufacture, distribution,  price  fixing,  economic  production, 
etc.  Provision  is  made  for  the  operation  of  the  initiative, 
and  referendum.  Military  courts  are  abolished  except  in/ 
wartime.  An  extensive  bill  of  rights  is  incorporated  in 
the  constitution,  ensuring  freedom  of  speech,  of  press, 
of  assembly,  of  organization,  etc.  Equality  of  rights  is 
guaranteed.  An  important  departure  is  made  in  provide 
ing  for  the  creation  of  a  system  of  industrial  councils  bjn 
which  employees  will  have  a  voice  in  the  decisions  reached! 


386      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

by  the  employers.  The  constitution  permits  of  easy 
amendment,  a  proposed  alteration  requiring  merely  a  two- 
thirds  majority  of  the  Reichstag,  where  two-thirds  of  the 
members  are  present.  Imperial  legislation  cannot  be  in- 
troduced in  the  Reichstag  without  the  consent  of  the  Coun- 
cil except  under  certain  specified  conditions. 

In  the  first  stages  of  the  Assembly  at  Weimar,  the 
Spartacans  were  very  active  in  the  vicinity  of  this  town 
and  in  other  parts  of  the  empire  and  for  a  while  tele- 
graphic and  railway  communications  were  cut  off.  The 
Council  of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Deputies  held  its 
second  congress  in  April,  1919,  and  demanded  representa- 
tion in  the  government.  A  counter  proposal  was  made 
by  the  government  that  the  councils  be  represented  in  the 
new  government  to  be  formed  on  the  ratification  of  the 
constitution  in  an  advisory  capacity. 

Signing  of  Peace  Treaty. —  Much  of  the  political  dis- 
cussion during  the  Spring  also  revolved  around  the  peace 
treaty.  When  finally  the  treaty  terms  were  announced, 
indignation  was  expressed  on  all  sides,  and  this  the  subse- 
quent modification  by  the  Allies  did  little  to  allay.  Herr 
Scheidemann  definitely  committed  himself  against  the 
treaty,  and  the  ministry  finally  resigned.  Gustave  Adolf 
Bauer,  former  Minister  of  Labor,  and  Second  Chairman 
of  the  General  Commission  of  the  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions,  was  selected  the  new  Chancellor,  and  Dr.  Hermann 
Mueller,  the  Majority  socialist  leader,  Foreign  Minister. 

The  National  Assembly,  on  June  22,  against  the  oppo- 
sition of  many  of  the  conservatives,  decided,  by  a  vote  of 
237  to  128,  to  sign  the  treaty,  twenty -five  abstaining. 
The  Assembly  subsequently,  on  July  10,  ratified  the  treaty 
by  a  vote  of  208  to  115.  "  We  are  about  to  enter  upon  a 
forty  years'  march  through  a  desert,"  declared  Herr 
Mueller,  in  introducing  the  government  bill.  "  I  can  find 


THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  387 

no  other  term  for  the  path  of  suffering  fulfillment  of  the 
treaty  prescribes  for  us." 

Following  the  signature,  strikes  and  riots  were  re- 
ported in  various  parts  of  Germany,  particularly  in  Ham- 
burg. The  chief  cause  for  the  disturbances  was  the  diffi- 
culty of  getting  food.  Predictions  were  rife  in  many 
places  of  another  civil  war,  and  many  radicals  were  ar- 
rested. 

The  July  Strike.— On  July  21,  1919,  the  Workmen's 
Councils,  dominated  by  the  Independent  socialists,  decided 
on  a  general  strike  as  a  protest  against  the  conservatism 
of  the  government  and  as  a  demonstration  of  international 
solidarity  of  the  workers.  The  stoppage  of  work  in  Ber- 
lin was  complete.  The  Majority  socialists  strongly  op- 
posed the  strike,  and  its  success  indicated  the  growing 
power  of  the  Independents.7 

Many  strikes  and  riots  were  reported  in  various  parts 
of  Germany  during  the  Summer  and  Fall.  Increasing  dis- 
content was  evidenced  in  the  ranks  of  the  socialists  against 
the  compromise  policy  of  the  government.  Discontent 
was  augmented  by.  the  death  of  Hugo  Haase,  shot  on 
October  8,  while  on  his  way  to  the  National  Assembly  to 
speak  against  the  government's  Baltic  policy.  He  suc- 
cumbed November  7. 

i  Bavaria  developed  a  more  radical  movement  than  other  parts  of 
Germany.  Kurt  Eisner,  a  journalist  of  distinction,  and  a  thorough 
idealist,  was  selected  first  head  of  the  Bavarian  Republic.  He  was 
assassinated  at  the  end  of  Feburary,  because  of  his  radical  views. 
This  murder  and  the  wounding  of  another  socialist  leader  Auer 
caused  bitter  resentment  and  strengthened  the  communist  socialists. 
On  the  night  of  April  6-7,  1919,  the  Revolutionary  Central  Soviet 
decided  to  dissolve  the  Landtag,  and  establish  a  Soviet  Republic 
of  Bavaria.  The  cabinet  fled  to  Bamberg  under  the  leadership  of 
Premier  Hoffman,  the  Majority  socialist  leader. 

The  leadership  of  the  new  Bavarian  Government  was,  however, 
weak.  Business  came  to  a  standstill  in  many  places,  and  food  im- 
ports into  Munich  largely  ceased.  Hoffman  organized  a  government 
army  and  Noske  put  a  large  force  at  his  disposal,  and  on  May  1  and 


388      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


AUSTRIA 

Majority  Socialists  Support  Government. —  The  evo- 
lution in  Austria  during  the  war  was  not  dissimilar  to 
that  in  Germany.  The  Austrian  Social  Democratic 
Party,  at  the  threshold  of  the  conflict,  protested  against 
Austria's  declaration  of  war  on  Servia,  but,  when  Russia 
entered  the  war,  the  party  declared  it  was  their  duty  to 
defend  their  country  against  Russian  despotism,  and  the 
majority  threw  their  support  to  the  government.  As  in 
other  countries,  with  the  progress  of  the  war,  the  anti-war 
minority  gradually  increased  and,  in  July,  1915,  the  party 
issued  a  manifesto  expressing  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
people  for  peace. 

At  the  national  conference  of  the  Austrian  Social  De- 
mocracy in  Vienna,  on  March  25—28,  1916,  a  sharp  debate 
took  place  over  the  party's  position  between  Dr.  Victor 
Adler,  the  conservative  leader  of  the  party,  and  his  son, 
Dr.  Friederich  Adler,  the  militant  party  secretary.  The 
elder  Adler  declared  that  the  socialist  party  in  each  coun- 
try must  set  the  interest  of  its  own  proletariat  above  all 
other  interests,  striving  the  while  for  a  union  of  the  pro- 
letariat of  the  world. 

Friederich  Adler,  on  the  other  hand,  contended  that  the 
traditional  position  of  the  socialists  was  responsible  for 
the  present  split  in  the  unity  of  the  workers  throughout 
the  world,  and  affirmed  that  the  "  unity  of  the  socialist 
movement  of  the  world  can  be  assured  only  when  the  so- 
cialists of  all  countries  recognize  as  binding  decisions  of 

2,  the  army  entered  the  city.  Hundreds  of  Red  Guards  and  work- 
men were  shot  without  a  trial,  and  on  both  sides  much  cruelty  was 
evinced.  The  city  was  thereupon  placed  under  martial  law.  See 
Hiram  Moderwell's  account  of  the  Munich  revolution  in  The  Libera- 
tor, September,  1919. 


THE  AUSTRIAN  REVOLUTION  389 

the  international  congresses  in  all  international  questions." 
The  resolution  of  the  younger  Adler,  however,  received  but 
15  votes.  In  order  more  effectively  to  reach  the  masses, 
"  Fritz  "  Adler,  after  this  convention,  gave  up  his  editor- 
ship of  the  party  organ,  Der  Kampf,  and,  in  July,  1916, 
founded  a  weekly  propaganda  sheet,  Das  Volk. 

The  Trial  of  Friederich  Adler. —  Austrian  conditions 
during  the  year  grew  steadily  worse.  The  government  re- 
fused to  convene  Parliament,  ruthlessly  suppressed  social- 
ist and  radical  papers,  and  imprisoned  hundreds  of  radi- 
cal agitators,  while  the  masses  of  the  population  suffered 
tragically  from  lack  of  food  and  clothing.  On  September 
15,  1916,  a  combined  meeting  of  the  National  Executive 
Committee  and  of  the  parliamentary  group  of  the  Social 
Democracy  demanded  that  Parliament  be  immediately  con- 
vened, and  that  steps  be  immediately  taken  for  peace  ne- 
gotiations. The  younger  Adler  also  urged  that  the  offi- 
cials arrange  mass  demonstrations  to  give  weight  to  the 
demands  of  the  party,  but  this  the  executive  refused  to  do. 
A  few  days  later,  after  the  Premier,  Count  Stuergkh, 
had  refused  to  attend  a  conference  called  by  the  leaders 
of  all  parties  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  constitutional 
government,  Friederich  Adler  shot  and  killed  the 
Premier. 

The  assassination  and  the  subsequent  trial  caused  tre- 
mendous excitement  throughout  the  empire.  The  Social 
Democracy  washed  its  hands  of  the  deed,  and  declared  that 
the  party  was  opposed  to  all  such  individual  acts  of  ven- 
geance. Adler,  in  his  defense,  agreed  that,  "  in  an  orderly 
state  of  society,  murder  cannot  be  a  political  weapon." 
However,  he  contended,  the  Austrians  were  not  living  in 
an  orderly  state.  As  early  as  July  25,  1914,  the 
Stuergkh-Hochenburger  ministry  "  issued  an  imperial 
edict  abolishing  all  jury  courts,  .  .  .  and  providing  for 


390      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

trial  before  a  military  court  of  persons  who  commit  a 
punishable  act."     He  continued : 

"  We  live  in  a  state  whose  absolutism  is  unequaled  in  the 
whole  world.  .  .  .  There  is  in  Austria  today  no  authority 
that  is  competent  concerning  Austrian  constitutionality.  .  .  . 
The  Emperor  is  not  responsible,  because,  according  to  the 
Constitution,  he  is  irresponsible.  .  .  .  True,  we  have  a  special 
Supreme  Court  to  which  the  Ministry  is  responsible,  .  .  .  but 
more  than  three  years  ago  Count  Stuergkh  deprived  the 
Supreme  Court  of  its  power.  .  .  .  Stuergkh  has  removed  the 
one  body  that  could  have  impeached  him.  .  .  .  Nay,  more,  on 
the  day  before  he  fell,  he  bluntly  refused  even  to  consult 
Parliament." 

Party  Attitude  Needed  Changing. —  Adler  claimed 
that  he  committed  the  act  for  the  good  of  Austria,  "  which 
had  never  recognized  the  right  of  the  individual  to  act 
according  to  his  convictions,"  and  for  the  good  of  the 
Social  Democracy,  which  had  "  lost  its  honesty  to  itself." 
He  continued: 

"  I  did  not  hope  by  my  deed  to  call  forth  a  revolution  but 
I  wished  to  force  the  party  to  consider  its  attitude  toward 
a  revolution.  .  .  .  They  have  taken  a  stand.  Today  no 
Renner,  no  Seitz  will  dare  to  say  to  the  workers  of  Austria 
that  forcible  action  is  impossible  in  Austria." 

Adler  declared  that  he  thought  it  would  be  a  grave 
error  if  the  party  resorted  to  terroristic  methods,  but 
that,  in  peculiar  cases,  where  the  party  had  lost  its  revo- 
lutionary spirit,  "  an  individual  act  may  revive  this 
spirit." 

The  prisoner  recited  the  suppressions  throughout  Aus- 
tria, stated  that  the  government  had  made  it  illegal  to 
speak  of  a  constitutional  government,  and  declared  that, 


THE  AUSTRIAN  REVOLUTION  391 

two  days  after  his  deed,  a  conference  was  held  in  Sylves- 
ter's home  emphatically  demanding  the  calling  of  the 
Reichsrat.  Eight  days  later  the  Koerber  administration 
was  already  in  sight.  The  prisoner  ended  by  declaring 
that  he  was  opposed  to  all  killing,  and  always  regarded  the 
killing  of  a  human  being  as  something  inhuman,  but  that 
they  were  living  in  a  barbaric  age.  He  stated  that  the 
six  judges  who  were  trying  him  were  illegally  constituted, 
and  that  he  did  not  recognize  their  jurisdiction. 

Adler  was  sentenced  to  death.  On  the  ground  that  the 
trial  was  illegal,  the  death  penalty  was  finally  commuted, 
and,  in  the  fall  of  1918,  Adler  was  released.  Three  weeks 
after  Stuergkh's  death,  the  government  decided  on  a 
convocation  of  the  Parliament. 

Demand  for  Peace  and  Revolution. —  During  1917, 
the  movement  for  peace  became  ever  stronger,  and,  on 
January  20,  1918,  a  "peace  strike,"  involving  100,000 
workers  in  Vienna  alone,  broke  out,  and  extended  through- 
out the  empire.  On  May  4,  owing  to  the  increased  signs 
of  revolt,  the  Premier  decided,  against  the  angry  protests 
of  the  socialists  and  the  Poles,  to  adjourn  Parliament 
and  to  take  measures  to  prevent  its  reassembling.  Czech 
agitation  in  Bohemia  and  mutinies  on  the  warships  in- 
creased the  government's  difficulties.  On  June  3,  the  So- 
cial Democracy  demanded  the  reconvening  of  Parliament 
and  the  taking  of  immediate  steps  toward  peace.  The 
government  answered  by  threats  of  increased  severities 
against  agitators.  Mutinies  and  desertions  in  the  army 
and  resignations  from  the  cabinet  followed.  On  June  29, 
the  Parliament  was  called  to  meet  July  16,  and,  after  an- 
other change  in  the  cabinet,  it  was  finally  announced  that 
extensive  reforms  would  be  adopted,  including  a  revision 
of  the  Constitution  and  autonomy  for  the  Czechs  and  other 
non-German  people. 


392      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

In  early  October,  the  socialist  deputies  demanded  peace 
on  the  following  basis: 

"  The  creation  of  a  league  of  .nations ;  no  economic  war- 
fare ;  no  annexations ;  the  restoration  of  Serbia,  Montenegro, 
and  Belgium ;  revision  of  the  treaties  of  Bucharest  and  Brest- 
Litovsk;  a  settlement  of  the  Eastern  questions  on  the  basis  of 
nationalities;  the  regulation  of  the  Polish  question  by  the 
Polish  constituents ;  the  establishment  of  autonomy  for  each 
nation  in  Austria-Hungary." 

Fall  of  Monarchy — On  October  5,  the  Hussarek 
Ministry  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  one  under  Pro- 
fessor Lammasch,  a  peace  advocate.  This  change  failed 
to  stop  the  developing  discontent.  Riots  became  a  mat- 
ter of  daily  occurrence,  railroad  communications  with 
Berlin  were  cut;  demands  were  made  for  the  severance 
of  relations  with  Germany,  and,  on  November  3, 
the  Emperor  abdicated,  and  the  royalty  began  its  flight 
to  Switzerland.  A  provisional  government  was  organ- 
ized with  Dr.  Karl  Seitz  and  Dr.  Karl  Renner,  the  Ma- 
jority Social  Democrats,  among  its  most  prominent  mem- 
bers, the  latter  two  holding,  during  the  early  part  of 
1919,  the  positions  of  president  and  chancellor  re- 
spectively. 

During  the  Spring  of  1919,  owing  to  the  lack  of  food, 
the  economic  breakdown  in  many  industries,  the  dissatis- 
faction over  the  peace  conference,  the  failure  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  adopt  a  more  aggressive  program  of  action, 
the  general  discouragement  over  the  terms  of  the  peace 
treaty,  the  agitation  of  the  adherents  of  the  soviet  idea, 
and  the  measures  of  suppression  adopted  by  the  govern- 
ment, much  disorder  was  evidenced  in  Austria.  At  times 
it  was  reported  that  the  government  had  been  overthrown 


THE  AUSTRIAN  REVOLUTION  393 

by  the  communist-socialists,  but  these  reports  proved  to 
be  untrue. 

Elections — In  the  May  4,  1919,  elections  in  Vienna, 
the  socialists  won  by  a  large  plurality,  outvoting  by  a 
considerable  majority  the  Christian  Socialist  Party  (an 
anti-Semitic  party)  which  had  dominated  the  council  for 
25  years.8 

On  July  21,  the  socialists  called  a  general  strike  as  a 
part  of  the  international  strike,  which  completely  tied  up 
business  in  Vienna.  Strikes  were  frequent  during  the 
Summer  and  Fall,  and  much  Spartacan  agitation.  Many 
protests  were  made  against  the  treaty,  but  its  signature 
was  inevitable. 

HUNGARY'S  REVOLUTIONS  AND  COUNTER  REVOLUTIONS 

Early  Days  of  War — Hungary,  like  Russia,  entered' 
the  war  a  benighted  autocracy,  and  came  out  of  the  con- 
flict  a   soviet   republic.     Unlike  Russia,   however,   it  was 
soon  forced  back  again  through  foreign  intervention  into 
the  control  of  a  member  of  the  former  ruling  family. 

For  some  time  after  the  declaration  of  war,  it  was  diffi- 
cult for  the  Hungarian  socialist  groups  to  get  together 
and  decide  on  any  effective  line  of  action.  In  the  Spring 
of  1917,  the  party  held  a  secret  convention  —  the  first 

s  Of  the  165  members  of  the  Vienna  Board  of  Aldermen  the 
Socialists  elected  100,  the  Christian  Socialists  50,  the  Czechs  8,  the 
German  Nationalists  3,  the  Jewish  Nationalists  3,  and  the  Bour- 
geois Democrats  1.  The  popular  vote  cast  by .  the  various  parties 
was  as  follows:  Socialists,  368,203;  Christian  Socialists,  177,883; 
Czechs,  55,803;  German  Nationalists,  34,546;  Jewish  Nationalists, 
13,075;  Bourgeois  Democrats,  20,149.  The  Socialists  sent  16  women 
to  the  board  and  the  Christian  Socialists  six. 

The  new  Diet  of  Lower  Austria  in  May,  1919,  was  composed  of 
64  Socialists,  45  Christian  Socialists,  8  German  Nationalists  and  S 
Czecho-Slovaks.  Five  of  the  socialist  members  are  women,  two  of 
whom  came  from  Vienna. 


394      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

since  1913.  At  this  gathering  it  demanded  that  the  Hun- 
garian Parliament  support  the  Russian  people;  protested 
against  the  use  of  arms  against  the  Russian  revolution 
and  reaffirmed  its  adherence  to  the  International.  It 
urged  that  the  Central  Powers  publish  their  peace  pro- 
posals, that  they  declare  themselves  against  annexations 
and  punitive  indemnities  and  that  they  advocate  compul- 
sory boards  of  arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  interna- 
tional disputes,  gradual  disarmament  and  the  develop- 
ment and  independence  of  nations.  The  convention  like- 
wise demanded  political  freedom  for  the  people  of  Hungary 
and  equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women,  pledged  itself  to 
work  for  peace  and  expressed  its  sympathy  for  all  who 
suffered  as  a  result  of  their  fight  against  war  and  mili- 
tarism. 

The  government  during  the  war  repeatedly  offered  offi- 
cial recognition  to  the  party,  providing  that  it  drop  its 
anti-war  activities.  All  of  these  offers,  however,  were 
spurned  and  the  party  kept  up,  as  best  it  could,  its  agita- 
tion against  the  war  and  for  revolution. 

During  the  fall  of  1917,  the  government,  as  a  result  of 
prostration  of  Austri«P&ungary  before  Italy,  and  the 
break-up  of  the  economic  xife  within  the  Hungarian  Em- 
pire, approached  a  state  oil  virtual  collapse. 

The  October  Revolution.X  Thus,  when  the  revolution 
broke  out  on  the  evening  of  October  31,  it  rapidly  and 
smoothly  overcame  all  opposition  during  the  night,  and, 
at  the  break  of  day,  had  triumphed  without  the  shedding 
of  blood. 

Following  the  revolution,  the  Hungarian  Parliament 
was  dissolved,  and  the  supreme  power  was  exercised  by  the 
National  Council,  consisting  of  the  Karolyi  Party,  the 
Social  Democrats,  the  bourgeoisie  and  the  radicals.  The 
council  appointed  Count  Michael  Karolyi,  who  had  spent 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         395 

years  agitating  for  the  independence  of  Hungary,  as  Pre- 
mier, while  two  socialist  ministers,  and  a  young  socialist, 
Denesz  Diner,  assistant  of  Karolyi  in  foreign  affairs,  were 
appointed  members  of  the  cabinet.  On  November  16,  a 
republic  was  officially  declared  with  Count  Karolyi  as 
president. 

Revolt  Against  the  Karolyi  Government. —  The  in- 
ability of  the  Hungarian  population  to  obtain  food  and 
coal  and  the  disorganization  of  industry  led  to  increasing 
discontent  with  the  coalition  government.  On  the  last  day 
of  1918,  street  demonstrations  and  riots  broke  out  in 
Budapest  and  elsewhere. 

"  Budapest  today/'  declared  a  news  dispatch  at  that  time  to 
the  Chicago  Tribune,  "  is  like  a  city  built  over  an  active  vol- 
cano. The  various  organizations  supposedly  accountable  for 
law  and  order  seem  to  be  tottering.  The  Russian  epidemic  of 
Bolshevism  has  reached  a  virulent  stage.  Famine  and  freez- 
ing are  its  active  allies." 

Dr.  Bela  Kun,  who  had  formerly  been  held  as  prisoner 
in  Russia  and  who  later  worked  with  the  Lenin  govern- 
ment, was  among  the  most  active  of  the  leaders  in  the  re- 
volt. The  prison  was  besieged  and  a  demand  made  for 
the  release  of  all  political  prisoners.  The  revolt,  how- 
ever, was  finally  broken.  Further  disturbance  occurred 
in  January,  and  in  the  middle  of  February,  "  a  communist 
revolt  broke  out  with  such  violence  that  the  Karolyi  gov- 
ernment was  forced  to  declare  martial  law  and  use  troops 
to  retake  part  of  the  city  under  the  control  of  the  rebels." 

Many  appeals  were  made  to  the  Allies  to  conclude  a  just 
peace  and  not  to  cripple  Hungary.  The  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party,  which  opposed  the  extremists,  issued  a  state- 
ment in  which  they  drew  attention  to  the  promise  of  the 


396      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Entente  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  small  nations  and  the 
safety  of  democracy.     It  continued : 

"  But  the  Entente,  which  promised  to  liberate  the  world 
from  the  yoke  of  German  absolutism,  has  subjected  Hungary 
to  the  greedy  clutch  of  Rumanian,  Serbian,  and  Czecho- 
slovak imperialisms.  .  .  .  The  troops  of  occupation  suppress 
the  right  of  association  and  assembly,  and  impose  a  censor- 
ship of  the  press  .  .  .  ;  destroy  our  social  policy,  shackle 
our  private  associations  and  in  the  place  of  liberty  of  labor 
establish  a  new  serfdom." 

The  appeal  declared  that  the  occupation  also  cut  off 
the  coal  supply,  and  destroyed  the  nation's  industries,  and 
that  this  was  giving  encouragement  to  the  monarchists 
and  to  others  opposed  to  the  government. 

Communists  in  Control. —  These  appeals,  however, 
were  apparently  unheeded.  On  March  19,  the  Allies  de- 
cided to  establish  a  neutral  zone  on  the  Hungarian-Ru- 
manian border,  and  it  was  reported  that  the  Rumanian, 
French  and  Czech  troops  were  to  occupy  portions  of  Hun- 
gary. Karolyi  thereupon  resigned  in  favor  of  the  com- 
munist group,  declaring,  among  other  things : 

"  The  government  has  abdicated.  .  .  .  The  management  of 
production  can  only  be  assured  if  the  government  takes  the 
power  into  its  own  hands. 

"  The  Paris  Peace  Conference  has  secretly  pronounced  the 
sentence  which  surrenders  to  military  occupations  nearly  the 
whole  territory  of  Hungary.  The  Entente  mission  has  an- 
nounced that  henceforth  the  demarcation  lines  will  be  re- 
garded as  political  boundaries. 

"  The  apparent  purpose  of  the  further  occupation  of  the 
country  is  to  utilize  Hungary  as  a  field  of  deployment  and 
occupation  against  the  Russian  Soviet  army  fighting  on  the 
Rumanian  border.  But  the  territory  taken  from  us  is  to  be 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         397 

the  reward  of  the  Czech  and  Rumanian  troops  for  defeating 
the  Russian  Soviet  army. 

"  I,  the  provisional  president  of  the  Hungarian  People's 
Republic,  turn  from  this  decision  of  the  Paris  Conference  to 
the  proletariat  of  the  world  for  justice  and  aid.  I  abdicate 
and  transfer  the  power  to  the  proletariat  of  the  Hungarian 
peoples."  9 

The  republic  thus  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  com- 
munists. "  The  Entente  made  Bolshevism  inevitable,"  de- 
clared Karolyi  in  a  later  statement,  "  by  creating  an  im- 
possible economic  condition.  Through  the  military  opera- 
tion of  the  most  and  the  best  of  Hungary's  territory,  we 
were  cut  off  from  our  raw  materials.  The  factories  were 
obliged  to  shut  down,  our  money  declined  in  value,  the 
unemployed  filled  the  streets.  For  weeks  our  coal  sup- 
ply was  only  enough  to  last  us  from  day  to  day.  .  .  . 
Then  came  the  new  Allied  demands  which  would  have  taken 
away  nearly  all  our  remaining  land,  and  left  Budapest 
with  its  two  million  inhabitants  to  be  supported  on  — 
nothing." 

He  declared  that  he  could  not  retain  the  support  of  the 
Hungarian  capitalists  because  of  their  contradictory  de- 
mands, and  that  the  inevitable  result  was  the  uprising  of 
the  people.  "  The  Entente  policy  .  .  .  killed  the  capi- 
talist system  in  Hungary." 

Activities  of  Bela  Kun  Government —  The  reins  of; 
government  were  turned  over  to  the  revolutionary  govern- 
ment of  the  Workers',  Soldiers'  and  Peasants'  Deputies. 
Alexander  Gorbai  was  selected  president,  and  Bela  Kun, 
Foreign  Minister.  The  government  immediately  sent 
greetings  to  Lenin  "  as  leader  of  the  international  prole- 
tariat," and  Lenin  returned  "  communist  greetings  and  a 

»  See  Hiram  Moderwell  in  The  Liberator,  July,  1919,  p.  16. 


398      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

handshake."     The  first  decree  of  the  new  government  read 
substantially  as  follows : 

"  The  proletariat  of  Hungary  from  today  has  taken  all 
power  in  its  own  hands.  By  the  decision  of  the  Paris  Con- 
ference to  occupy  Hungary,  the  provisioning  of  revolutionary 
Hungary  becomes  utterly  impossible.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  sole  means  open  for  the  Hungarian  Government 
is  a  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat. 

"  Legislative,  executive  and  judicial  authority  will  be  exer- 
cised by  a  dictatorship  of  the  Workers',  Peasants',  and 
Soldiers'  Councils.  The  Revolutionary  Government  Council 
will  begin  forthwith  work  for  the  realization  of  communist 
socialism. 

"  The  council  decrees  the  socialization  of  large  estates, 
mines,  big  industries,  banks  and  transport  lines,  declares 
complete  solidarity  with  the  Russian  Soviet  Government,  and 
offers  to  contract  an  armed  alliance  with  the  proletariat  of 
Russia." 

As  is  indicated  in  this  declaration,  the  government  so- 
cialized all  large  industries.  It  nationalized  retail  stores 
which  employed  more  than  ten  workers.  It  proclaimed 
"  all  houses  used  for  residential  purposes  "  to  be  the  prop- 
erty of  the  soviet  republic.  It  began  the  regulation  of 
agriculture  on  an  extensive  scale  and  provided  for  the 
organization  of  workshop  committees,  for  the  coordina- 
tion of  various  branches  of  industry,  and  for  the  control 
of  consumption.10 

Great  difficulty  was  experienced  throughout  the  Spring 

10  According  to  H.  N.  Brailsford  (The  New  Republic,  May  24, 
1919),  private  property,  under  the  soviet  rule,  "in  all  but  the 
smaller  forms  of  capital  vanished  in  a  night."  Alcoholic  beverages 
were  abolished.  The  homeless  were  provided  with  rooms  in  which 
to  sleep,  while  restrictions  were  placed  on  the  number  of  rooms  to 
which  each  family  was  entitled.  In  mines  and  factories,  the  workers 
were  represented  by  their  own  Soviets,  which  had  a  maximum  of 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         399 

in  securing  supplies  for  Budapest  because  of  the  Allied 
blockade  and  attacks  and  threatened  attacks  from  many 
sides.  On  July  20,  1919,  it  was  reported  that  Bela  Kun 
and  his  cabinet  were  deposed,  and  that  communist-social- 
seven  members.  They  also  nominated  the  manager,  but  appoint- 
ment and  dismissal  were  in  the  hands  of  the  central  Ministry  of 
Production.  Mr.  Brailsford  continues:  "I  visited  a  great  factory 
at  Budapest  which  makes  electric  lamps,  telephone  and  telegraphic 
apparatus.  The  soviet  consisted  of  three  scientific  and  four  manual 
workers.  The  manager  was  a  former  engineer  of  the  works,  a  man 
obviously,  of  ability  and  good  sense.  Three  former  directors  were 
employed  as  consultative  experts.  All  the  infinitely  skillful  work  of 
this  vast  mechanism  went  on  as  before,  with  this  difference,  however, 
on  which  workmen  and  managers  both  insisted,  that  men  and  women 
alike  worked  with  more  spirit,  more  conscience,  more  honesty  be- 
cause they  felt  that  they  were  '  working  for  themselves,'  and  no 
longer  for  an  exploiter.  The  Taylor  system  will  shortly  be  intro- 
duced." 

Agricultural  guilds  were  also  formed  on  estates  of  over  200 
acres,  "  the  entire  working  staff  from  steward  to  milkmaid "  being 
organized  into  a  permanent  society.  The  only  condition  of  member- 
ship was  "  the  obligation  to  work  at  least  120  days  in  the  year." 
The  maintenance  of  the  workers  was  the  first  charge  on  the 
farm.  Each  family  received  produce  in  proportion  to  its  numbers. 
The  remaining  produce,  according  to  the  plan,  was  then  to  be 
taken  to  the  district  central  agricultural  association  which  was 
subordinate  to  the  county  association  and  the  Ministry.  These 
associations  were  to  purchase  seed,  manure  and  machines,  and  to 
sell  produce  to  the  town  populations.  It  was  provided  that  half 
of  the  surplus  would  go  to  improvements,  and  that  the  other  half 
would  be  distributed  in  time-wages  to  the  working  members  of  the 
community. 

Pretentious  plans  were  under  way  for  education.  It  was  proposed 
to  maintain  certain  artists  at  the  public  expense  to  continue  their 
productive  work.  Theaters  were  socialized,  plays  of  the  more  trivial 
type  suppressed.  The  "  intellectuals  "  were  extensively  utilized  from 
the  first.  The  suffrage,  as  in  Russia,  was  given  to  every  productive 
worker,  manual  and  intellectual.  The  election  lists,  however,  were, 
at  least  at  first,  prepared  by  the  Socialist  Party  caucus  and  the 
administration  erred  "  rather  on  the  side  of  excessive  authority  than 
on  the  side  of  anarchy." 

The  government  also  provided  for  the  national  organization  of  the 
workshop  committees  and  for  the  coordination  of  the  economic  life  of 


400      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ists  of  a  still  more  extreme  type  were  placed  in  control  of 
affairs. 

Allied  Intervention —  During  the  Spring  the  Bela  Kun 
government  held  soviet  elections.  Within  ten  days  of 
these  elections  in  Budapest,  declares  H.  N.  Brailsford, 
"  the  Allied  intervention  began.  The  Rumanian  army  in- 
vaded and  the  Czech-Slovaks  followed,  while  under  the 
wing  of  the  French  command  a  royalist  *  White  Guard ' 
counter-revolutionary  army  was  formed  in  the  occupied 
territory.  Three  months'  war  followed,  during  which  time 
the  Hungarian  army  won  notable  victories,  but  the  Ru- 
manians finally  marched  under  French  command  within 
twenty  miles  of  Budapest." 

In  the  meanwhile  the  labor  unions  were  approached  by 
emissaries  of  the  Peace  Conference  regarding  the  over- 
throw of  the  Bela  Kun  government.  They  inquired 
whether,  in  case  of  the  setting  up  of  a  new  anti-Bolshevik 
government  controlled  by  moderate  socialists  and  labor 
unions,  the  Paris  Conference  would  deal  with  it  and  sup- 
port it  morally  as  well  as  with  supplies.  In  response  to 
this  appeal,  the  Peace  Conference  issued  a  statement  on 

the  country.  Trade  unions  were  likewise  given  representation  in  the 
production  councils  of  the  various  trades  and  industries.  A  system 
of  distribution  was  worked  out  in  connection  with  the  cooperative 
societies.  (See  also  The  Nation,  International  Relations  Section, 
July  12,  1919,  pp.  59-61,  and  the  New  York  Call,  July  19,  1919.)  In 
general  the  Hungarian  soviet  constitution  followed  that  laid  down  in 
Russia.  It  provided  for  a  National  Congress  of  Soviets,  a  Directing 
Central  Committee,  which  elected  the  Revolutionary  Soviet  Govern- 
ment and  its  President.  Section  25  declared,  "the  members  of  the 
Revolutionary  Soviet  Government  are  the  People's  Deputies.  The 
Revolutionary  Soviet  Government  shall  appoint  the  People's  Deputies 
to  the  heads  of  the  various  People's  Commissariats  and  of  the  main 
sections  of  the  People's  Council  for  Political  Economy."  The  mem- 
bers of  the  government  were  responsible  to  the  national  Congress  of 
Soviets  and  the  Directing  Federal  Central  Committee.  (See  Clan 
Struggle,  August,  1919.) 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         401 

July  26,  promising  in  such  a  case  to  remove  the  blockade 
and  to  give  the  new  government  its  support.11 

The  Soviet  Appeal  to  the  Proletariat — On  July  30, 
Bela  Kun,  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  replied  to  this 
Allied  statement  by  an  appeal  to  the  proletariat  of  the 
world,  in  part,  as  follows : 

"Philips  Price  of  the  Manchester  Guardian  (August  22,  1919), 
gives  the  following  statement  of  a  moderate  socialist  of  Budapest 
whom  he  regarded  as  trustworthy,  regarding  the  events  preceding  the 
resignation  of  Bela  Kun: 

"  About  two  months  ago  the  Hungarian  Red  Army  was  advancing 
victoriously  into  Slovakia  and  being  received  with  acclamation  by  the 
working  class  population.  Clemenceau  sent  a  courteously  worded 
telegram  to  Bela  Kun,  proposing  that  the  Hungarians  should  with- 
draw from  Slovakia,  and  that  the  Rumanians  should  retire  from  the 
Theiss  to  the  line  arranged  under  the  armistice  at  the  end  of  the  last 
year. 

"  Before  accepting  the  offer,  Bela  Kun  asked  Clemenceau  what 
guarantee  the  soviet  had  that  the  Rumanians  would  carry  out  the 
agreement.  Clemenceau  replied  that  his  word  was  his  guarantee. 

"  Thereupon  the  Hungarians  withdrew  from  Slovakia,  but  the  Ru- 
manians refused  to  budge  an  inch  from  the  Theiss. 

"  The  Hungarians  sent  a  note  to  Clemenceau  asking  courteously 
for  an  explanation.  For  a  long  time  Clemenceau  refused  to  answer 
at  all,  but  at  last  a  reply  was  sent  stating  that  as  long  as  the  Hun- 
garians did  not  carry  out  the  terms  of  the  armistice  of  November, 
1918,  he  would  not  negotiate  with  them.  Bela  Kun  then  asked 
Clemenceau  to  be  good  enough  to  state  what  were  the  terms  of  the 
original  armistice  that  Hungary  had  not  carried  out.  To  this  he 
never  received  any  reply. 

"  The  morale  of  the  Red  Army  began  to  fall,  for  the  soldiers  felt 
that  after  accepting  the  word  of  the  Allies  they  were  now  be- 
trayed. .  .  . 

"  The  Allied  military  missions  in  Vienna,  through  the  Hungarian 
Minister  Boehm,  got  in  touch  with  moderate  socialist  and  trade  union 
leaders  —  Weltner,  Buchinger,  Argoston,  Buchin  —  and  gave  them  to 
understand  that  the  blockade  would  be  raised  if  the  Bela  Kun  govern- 
ment retired,  and  a  Social  Democratic  Government  came  in  its  place. 
On  the  strength  of  this  the  Soviet  Government  resigned  and  was  re- 
placed by  a  Social  Democratic  Government,  which  within  two  days 
was  violently  dissolved  by  agents  of  the  counter-revolutionary  govern- 
ment whom  Clemenceau  had  been  supporting  by  military  and  diplo- 
matic aid." 


402      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  Proletarians  of  all  countries ! 

"  The  bourgeois  governments  of  the  Entente  Powers  now 
wish,  through  the  force  of  weapons  and  of  starvation,  to  reim- 
pose  upon  us  the  yoke  of  capitalism  which  we  have  shaken 
off.  ... 

"  They  make  common  cause  with  that  capitalist  country 
against  which  they  waged  war  at  the  price  of  the  bloody  mis- 
ery of  the  proletariat;  they  wish  to  restore  the  power  of  the 
bourgeoisie  and  to  collect  the  costs  of  their  campaign  of  pil- 
lage from  the  entirely  prostrated  country. 

"  Through  the  circle  of  the  blockade,  with  which  they  sur- 
rounded the  Hungarian  Socialist  Federated  Republic,  they  are 
smuggling  in  from  all  sides  the  means  with  which  to  stir  up 
a  counter-revolution  of  the  bourgeoisie  in  order  to  install  as 
ruler  the  White  Terror  in  place  of  the  proletariat  and  to  be 
able  to  continue  the  slaughter  of  proletarians  after  five  years 
of  war.  They  are  smuggling  arms,  money  and  calumnies  over 
our  borders  in  order  to  shake  the  confidence  and  the  faith  of 
a  proletariat,  in  order  to  convert  the  liberated  working  class 
into  its  own  Judas. 

"  They  declare  that  they  cannot  negotiate  with  Soviet  Hun- 
gary, because  the  power  of  the  proletarian  state  does  not  rest 
upon  the  will  of  the  people.  And  this  is  asserted  by  those 
who  got  their  authority  from  bourgeois  Parliaments  elected 
eight  or  ten  years  ago,  by  those  who,  contrary  to  the  people's 
will,  waged  war  for  years ;  by  those  who  made  allies  of  bandit 
chiefs  from  exotic  lands  and  hold  the  colonies  in  subjection. 
They  look  upon  us  as  enemies,  but  they  regard  Rumania  and 
Serbia  as  friendly  powers;  they  recognize  Poland  and  Bo- 
hemia, which  had  no  elected  representation  and  whose  '  peo- 
ple's will '  was  expressed  through  the  unlimited  wishes  and 
dictatorship  of  kings  and  of  the  bourgeois  class. 

"  They  talk  about  a  terror,  they  who,  with  the  force  of  arms, 
drove  millions  of  people  into  a  war  forced  upon  them;  they 
who  beat  down  with  arms  the  struggle  of  the  working  class 
for  a  better  existence  and  drown  in  blood  every  audibly  ex- 
pressed desire.  They  talk  of  a  reign  of  terror,  who  promoted 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         403 

the  White  Terror  in  Finland;  they  who  protect  the  makers  of 
pogroms  in  Poland;  they  who,  following  the  example  of  the 
German  imperialists,  carry  on  a  slave  trade  in  prisoners  of 
war.  They  reproach  us  with  a  reign  of  terror,  and  in  the 
meantime  they  wish  to  throttle  our  children  with  the  choking 
arms  of  the  blockade. 

"  In  the  name  of  a  higher  civilization,  they  turn  the  Balkan 
hordes  loose  upon  us;  they  try  to  arouse  the  representatives 
of  militarism  and  of  pro-war  agitation  in  the  occupied  parts 
of  our  country;  there  they  have  already  put  the  White  Terror 
in  power  in  spite  of  all  the  manifestations  of  the  working- 
class  movement. 

"  In  Budapest  alone  500,000  working  people  voted  at  the 
first  election  of  the  Workers'  Councils  —  in  a  city  that  has 
hardly  a  million  inhabitants !  Bdt  that  is  naturally  no  ex- 
pression of  the  people's  will  in  the  eyes  of  those  for  whom 
the  popular  desire  consists  in  the  expression  of  the  wishes  of 
the  bourgeois  class.  For  them  the  people's  will  is  the  block- 
ade, which  serves  to  starve  us  out,  to  put  our  capitalists  on 
their  feet  again  and  to  give  back  to  them  land  and  houses, 
mines  and  factories,  and  to  make  the  country  a  colony  and  the 
workers  colonial  slaves. 

"  We  confront  all  calumnies  with  the  unadulterated  facts. 
We  call  upon  you,  workers  of  all  countries,  proletarian  organi- 
zations of  the  whole  world,  to  send  your  delegates  here  and 
to  see  through  their  eyes  our  work  that  is  tearing  down  capital- 
ism and  building  up  socialism." 

Bela  Kun's  Overthrow  and  Rumanian  Aggression. — 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  pressed  by  the  Allied  blockade 
and  the  plea  of  the  more  moderate  groups,  Bela  Kun  re- 
signed, and  Jules  Peidll,  a  moderate  Social  Democrat,  and 
former  Minister  of  the  People's  Welfare  under  Karolyi, 
succeeded  as  Premier  and  formed  a  cabinet  consisting  for 
the  most  part  of  moderate  socialists  and  members  of  the 
former  Bela  Kun  government. 


404.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Contrary  to  the  instructions  of  the  Allies,  the  Rumani- 
ans, after  the  change  of  \government,  refused  to  stop  their 
advance,  and  on  August  \4^_30,000  troops  occupied  Buda- 
pest, took  charge  of  public  buildings,  arrested  some  of  the 
members  of  the  new  government,  demobilized  the  local  po- 
lice and  mounted  machine  guns  in  different  parts  of  the 
city.  They  likewise  issued  an  ultimatum  to  the  govern- 
ment, demanding  a  reduction  of  the  Hungarian  army  to 
15,000  men,  the  surrender  of  30  per  cent,  of  the  harvest, 
animals  and  farm  machinery,  50  per  cent,  of  the  railway 
supplies,  a  large  proportion  of  the  Danube  shipping,  and 
equipment  and  supplies  for  an  army  of  300,000,  together 
with  rations  for  the  Rumanian  forces  pending  a  peace  set- 
tlement. The  government  was  given  until  8  P.  M.  August 
5  for  reply. 

The  Peace  Conference  protested  against  this  ultimatum, 
which,  they  declared,  was  in  violation  of  the  terms  of  the 
armistice,  and  of  the  pledges  of  the  Allies  to  the  Hun- 
garian people  when  the  latter  were  induced,  on  August  1, 
to  establish  a  new  government.  At  the  expiration  of  the 
time  set  by  the  ultimatum,  the  Rumanians,  who  had  pre- 
vented the  publication  of  the  ultimatum  in  Budapest, 
seized  live  stock,  farming  implements,  rolling  stock  and 
food  —  although  Hungary  was  on  the  verge  of  starvation 
—  and  began  to  send  them  back  to  Rumania.  Railway 
communication  between  Budapest  and  Vienna  was  cut,  and 
many  assaults  upon  the  citizens  were  reported.12 

Dictatorship  of  Archduke  Joseph. —  For  some  time  be- 
fore, Archduke  Joseph,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Haps- 
burg,  and  his  royalist  supporters  had  been  plotting  a 

« In  early  September  It  was  reported  that  the  Rumanians  were 
continuing  their  plunder  and  that  "  only  the  blocking  of  their  lines  of 
transport  by  the  very  immensity  of  their  spoils  is  stopping  them  from 
completely  stripping  Hungary.  Allied  agents  are  disregarded." 
(See  Manchester  Guardian,  September  3,  1919.) 


405 

coup  d'etat  and,  on  August  6,  a  number  of  gendarmes,  led 
by  the  chief  of  police,  surrounded  the  palace  in  which  the 
new  government  was  sitting  and  forced  the  cabinet  to 
resign.  Archduke  Joseph  immediately  took  over  the  new 
government  and  was  invested  with  supreme  powers. 
Stephen  Frederich,  former  chief  of  a  department  in  the 
War  Ministry,  was  made  premier. 

This  change  in  government  was  followed  by  the  arrest 
of  the  supporters  of  Bela  Kun  and  the  suppression  of  the 
soviet  organs. 

On  August  13,  a  new  ministry  was  appointed,  many  of 
the  members  of  which  were  identified  with  the  old  Tisza 
regime.  Paul  Caromi,  leader  of  the  Social  Democrats,  an- 
nounced that  the  socialists  would  not  participate  therein 
unless  Archduke  Joseph  abandoned  the  regency. 

On  August  23,  the  Supreme  Council  were  at  last  incited 
to  action  and  delivered  a  note  to  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment demanding  the  resignation  of  Archduke  Joseph,  de- 
claring that  the  government  had  "  at  its  head  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Hapsburg,  whose  policies  and  actions 
were  largely  responsible  for  the  calamities  under  which 
the  world  is  suffering,  and  will  long  suffer.  A  peace  ne- 
gotiated by  such  a  government  is  not  likely  to  be  lasting; 
nor  can  the  Allied  and  associated  governments  give  the 
economic  support  which  Hungary  needs." 

The  ultimatum  presented  a  demand  for  a  coalition  gov- 
ernment. The  Archduke  resigned,  and  a  new  Hungarian 
cabinet  was  formed  by  Premier  Frederich,  which  con- 
tained four  other  members  of  the  Archduke's  ministry, 
and  which  was  in  no  way  representative  of  all  parties,  as 
had  been  urged  by  the  Allies. 

The  "White  Terror." — Under  the  Frederich  regime 
many  outrages  were  committed  against  the  Communists, 
the  Jews  and  others  by  the  so-called  "  White  Terrorists." 


406      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

According  to  the  Arbeit er  Zeitung,  "  numerous  hangings, 
whippings  and  extortions  have  taken  place,  the  victims 
being  Jews  and  persons  suspected  of  Bolshevik  tendencies 
or  of  former  affiliations  with  the  Reds."  13 

is  See  New  York  Times,  September  19,  1919. 

On  August  20,  1919,  the  Budapest  special  correspondent  of  the 
Manchester  Guardian  wrote  regarding  the  terror  (see  Manchester 
Guardian,  August  29) :  "  The  Rumanians  are  in  actual  occupation  of 
the  country.  They  are  deliberately  making  themselves  a  scourge  and 
a  terror.  .  .  .  They  have  already  concluded  a  more  or  less  open  alli- 
ance with  the  feudal  landed  gentry  and  the  anti-Semitic  clericals. 

"  It  cannot  be  too  strongly  insisted  that  this  country  is  now  under- 
going a  terror  —  conducted  by  the  Archducal  government  under  Ru- 
manian protection  and  support  —  that  is  as  bad  as  any  terror  in 
modern  times." 

On  August  29  the  correspondent  added :  "  Great  bankers,  famous 
statesmen,  manufacturers,  responsible  men  generally  assure  me  that 
they  would  infinitely  prefer  the  Bolshevik  regime.  .  .  .  The  Ruma- 
nians are  gutting  the  whole  country.  ..  .  .  The  nation  is  being  turned 
into  a  desert." 

In  early  September,  he  reported  (see  September  10  issue):  "All 
newspapers  are  suppressed  until  and  unless  they  support  the  govern- 
ment. .  .  .  Through  the  double  terrorism  of  the  Rumanians  and  White 
Guardists  it  is  impossible  for  the  mass  of  respectable  or  working- 
class  opinion  to  offer  any  protest.  ...  So  little  support  has  Frede- 
rich  among  the  working-class  that  he  cannot  find  nine  or  ten  printers 
required  to  set  up  his  two-page  government  sheet.  His  sole  force 
is  his  White  Guard  and  of  officers  of  the  old  army,  with  the  aid  of 
which  he  usurped  power." 

A  bitter  protest  against  the  government  in  Hungary  and  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Allies  toward  the  problem  was  made  in  early  September 
by  the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Hungary  in  part  as  follows  (see 
Manchester  Guardian,  Sept.  12,  1919):  "Through  an  unjust  limita- 
tion of  the  future  frontiers  of  our  country  pieces  have  been  torn  from 
our  living  flesh  from  the  purely  Magyar  body  corporate  of  our  land. 
The  harshest  possible  blockade  has  been  held  over  us,  and  we  had  to 
remain  without  raw  materials,  iron  and  coal,  without  food.  The  in- 
dustry of  our  capital  city  has  been  condemned  to  death,  and  several 
hundreds  of  thousands  are  not  merely  metaphorically,  but  in  dread 
reality,  menaced  with  death  by  hunger. 

"  It  was  an  act  of  desperation  on  the  part  of  Hungarian  labor 
that  Bolshevism  came.  It  came  only,  and  could  only  h::ve  come, 
after  all  hope  in  the  West  seemed  vain.  Bolshevism  has  now  col- 


THE  HUNGARIAN  REVOLUTIONS         407 

In  late  November,  1919,  the  Frederich  ministry  re- 
signed, and  a  coalition  ministry  was  formed,  headed  by 
Carl  Hussar,  and  including  several  socialists,  among  them 

lapsed,  and  Hungarian  labor,  emerging  from  this  most  frightful  and 
critical  illness  of  its  sorely-tried  existence  is  now  turning  itself  to- 
wards social  democracy,  trusting  to  the  political  methods  of  the 
West. 

"We  Social  Democrats  can  only  condemn  the  methods  of  the 
Dictatorship  and  the  Red  Terror.  Yet  at  the  moment  that  we  are 
in  the  mood  to  make  up  for  past  mistakes  we  find  ourselves  face  to 
face  with  a  cruel  White  Terror  of  a  mediaeval  and  barbaric  charac- 
ter. We  have  for  Bolshevism  only  words  of  condemnation.  Never- 
theless, we  are  compelled  to  point  out  —  and  can  establish  it  by 
documentary  evidence  —  that  the  White  Terror  in  the  four  weeks 
since  the  usurpation  of  the  "  Archduke "  Joseph  of  Hapsburg  and 
the  government  of  his  adventurer  lackey  Frederich  has  spilt  a  hun- 
dredfold more  blood  than  the  dictatorial  regime  of  the  now-over- 
thrown Soviet  Republic  did  in  the  whole  four  months  of  its  existence. 

"  Men's  lives  and  workers'  organizations  have  been  destroyed  that 
have  not  had  the  least  thing  in  common  with  Bolshevism.  Thousands 
upon  thousands  of  innocent  workers  have  been  thrown  into  jail  and 
there  have  been  bloodily  flogged  and  tortured.  Simultaneously  has 
the  Frederich  government,  under  the  false  pretext  of  hunting  down 
communists  and  through  the  lavish  expenditure  of  money  and  the 
exercise  of  other  official  pressure,  called  into  existence  a  pogrom 
movement  and  inaugurated  a  race  war  on  a  scale  that  is  perilous  for 
all  Europe. 

"The  intellectual  and  working  population  of  Hungary  might  easily 
rid  themselves  of  the  forces  of  darkness  and  political  reaction  but 
the  Magyar  nation  has  been  deprived  of  its  political  autonomic  rights. 

"  Hungary  is  occupied  by  a  foreign  military  Power.  Military  oc- 
cupation pursues  its  own  political  and  economic  aims.  Meanwhile 
we  are  not  free  to  move  or  breathe.  Neither  newspapers  nor  leaflets 
can  be  published.  We  are  not  permitted  to  hold  public  or  private 
gatherings.  All  that  we  behold  is  the  raging  of  the  darkest  reaction. 
All  that  we  behold,  too,  is  that  no  food  trains  are  entering;  that  no 
coal  is  coming  in  for  the  winter  and  for  the  needs  of  our  factories; 
that  in  one  way  after  the  other  every  possibility  of  economic  produc- 
tion—  nay,  every  possibility  of  existence  now  and  for  the  future  — 
has  been  taken  away,  and  that  in  consequence  a  frightful  anxiety  is 
seizing  upon  the  working  population  of  the  country. 

"We  are  overwhelmed  by  the  prospect  of  a  dreadful  future  in 
which  scores  upon  scores  of  thousands  of  workers  will  seek  to  leave 
this  land  in  the  search  for  a  new  home,  only  to  find  every  door  closed 


408      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Peyer,  as  Minister  of  Public  Safety.     Frederich  was  made 
War  Secretary. 

Summary. —  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  constant  agitation 
of  the  socialists  and  the  economic  and  military  breakdown 
of  the  Central  Empires  led  in  Germany,  Austria  and 
Hungary  to  revolutions  effected  with  hardly  the  shedding 
of  a  drop  of  blood.  Hungary  followed  the  Russian  model, 
and  strong  elements  in  Germany  and  Austria  were  con- 
stantly at  work  during  1919  endeavoring  to  organize  so- 
viet governments  in  their  respective  countries.  However, 
the  Majority  socialists,  assisted  by  other  democratic  ele- 
ments, retained  control  during  the  first  part  of  the  year, 
although  discontent  against  their  conservatism  increased. 
The  Hungarian  Government  swung  still  further  to  the  left 
jn  March,  1919,  but,  through  the  intervention  of  the  Allies, 
t^ie  Bela  Kun  government  was  overthrown  and  a  Social 
Democratic  regime  was  installed,  only  to  be  superseded  by 
a!  dictatorship  of  a  member  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg, 
and,  after  his  resignation,  by  another  reactionary  cabinet 
and  later  by  a  coalition  ministry. 

against  them.  We  have  the  feeling  that  our  beautiful  land  is  being 
treated  by  the  victorious  Powers  like  a  corpse  on  the  dissecting  table 
and  that  the  Western  Powers  lack  either  the  will  or  the  strength  to 
take  those  decisive  steps  which  it  is  incumbent  upon  the  victor  to  take. 
"  In  face  of  this  situation,  so  frightful  for  us,  we  appeal  with  all 
our  force  to  the  peoples  of  the  West,  and  first  and  foremost,  to  our 
working  brothers  in  these  countries.  Hungary  has  become  a  Balkan 
problem  —  that  is,  upon  Hungary  now  depends  the  peace  of  the 
Balkans,  and  for  that  reason  and  in  that  sense  Hungary  is  a  concern 
of  European  democracy." 


CHAPTER  XIII 

OTHER  EUROPEAN  COUNTRIES:     SOCIALISM 
SINCE  1914 

GREAT    BRITAIN 

Introductory. —  Although  the  war  was  not  immediately 
followed  by  revolution  in  other  large  European  countries, 
the  socialist  movements  in  practically  all  of  these  coun- 
tries grew  in  importance  and  vitality  during  the  war,  and 
were  all  influenced  to  a  more  aggressive  policy  by  the 
revolutions  in  Russia  and  in  the  Central  Empires. 

Great  Britain. —  The  political  labor  and  socialist  move- 
ments in  Great  Britain  during  the  war  grew  materially 
in  strength  and  in  intellectual  maturity,  and  took  a  more 
fundamentally  radical  position  as  the  war  progressed.1 

British  Labor  Party —  Immediately  following  the  open- 
ing of  hostilities,  the  Labor  Party,  it  will  be  remembered, 
definitely  assisted  in  the  recruiting  campaign  of  the  Joint 
Committee  and  in  other  ways  supported  the  war.  The 
party  ratified  this  policy  later  in  the  year,  and,  when  the 
coalition  government  was  formed,  agreed  that  the  chair- 
man of  the  parliamentary  group,  Arthur  Henderson, 
should  enter  the  government  on  their  behalf.  Henderson 
later  became  President  of  the  Board  of  Education. 

The  labor  group  during  the  first  part  of  the  war 
strongly  advocated  governmental  control  of  food,  coal 

i  See  Kellogg  and  Gleason,  British  Labor  and  the  War,  for  an 
exhaustive  account  of  the  British  movement. 

409 


410      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  other  necessities,  and  fought  for  a  strengthening  of 
measures  to  safeguard  labor.  The  party  entered  upon  a 
political  truce,  under  which  all  political  parties  agreed 
that,  in  case  of  parliamentary  by-election,  the  seat  should 
be  filled  without  a  contest  by  the  party  in  possession. 

On  the  reorganization  of  the  government  in  December, 
1916,  Lloyd  George  appointed  to  the  ministry  six  repre- 
sentatives of  organized  labor,  among  them  Arthur  Hen- 
derson, who  retained  his  seat,  and  George  N.  Barnes,  who 
was  appointed  Minister  of  Pensions. 

The  Party  and  the  Stockholm  Conference The  Brit- 
ish Labor  Party  had,  in  the  early  stages  of  the  war,  fought 
shy  of  communication  with  socialist  representatives  from 
the  Central  Powers.  In  January,  1917,  the  Manchester 
Convention  voted  against  participation  in  the  proposed 
international  conference  at  Stockholm.  Two  months  later 
its  executive  refused  to  accept  the  invitation  of  the  French 
Socialist  Party  to  attend  a  Paris  conference  of  Allied 
socialists.  In  May,  it  refused  the  Dutch  Scandinavian 
Committee's  invitation  to  attend  consultations  at  Stock- 
holm. It  also  failed  to  respond  to  the  messages  of  the 
Russian  socialists,  suggesting  a  later  Stockholm  meeting. 

Meanwhile  Arthur  Henderson  had  been  sent  to  Russia 
as  one  of  three  governmental  representatives  to  help  to 
strengthen  the  Russians  in  their  opposition  to  a  separate 
peace  with  Germany.  He  went  to  Russia  a  vigorous  op- 
ponent of  the  Stockholm  plan.  He  returned  to  England, 
after  meeting  the  leading  members  of  the  Council  of 
Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Deputies,  an  enthusiastic  advocate 
of  this  plan.  He  was  assured  that  a  restatement  of  war 
aims  by  the  Allies  was  necessary,  if  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment of  Russia  was  to  retain  power.  He  looked  on  a 
socialist  and  labor  conference  as  a  means  to  that  end. 

Henderson    returned,    in    the   belief   that   it    would   be 


GREAT  BRITAIN  411 

"  highly  inadvisable  and  perhaps  dangerous  for  the  Rus- 
sian representatives  to  meet  representatives  from  enemy 
and  neutral  countries  alone."  On  the  other  hand,  he  felt 
that  such  a  labor  conference  should  be  merely  consulta- 
tive, not  obligatory,  and,  on  August  10,  at  the  Labor 
Party  Conference,  his  position  was  sustained  by  an  over 
two-thirds  vote. 

Lloyd  George,  following  this  decision,  bitterly  attacked 
Henderson,  stating  that  he  misrepresented  the  view  of  the 
Russian  Government.  A  few  days  later,  Kerensky  cabled 
that  he  believed  that  the  conference  would  prove  of  great 
value,  although  personally  he  thought  that  "  it  would 
have  been  of  greater  importance  if  it  had  taken  place  while 
we  were  advancing  instead  of  in  the  present  condition. 
But  I  am  not  opposed  to  it,  no.  I  have  insisted  again 
and  again  that  any  opposition  offered  to  it  by  the  Allied 
governments,  any  difficulties  put  in  the  way  of  delegates, 
is  simply  playing  into  German  hands." 

Resignation  of  Henderson. —  This  controversy  led  to 
the  resignation  of  Henderson  from  the  cabinet.  On  Au- 
gust 13,  passports  to  attend  the  Stockholm  Conference 
were  refused  to  the  delegates.  The  next  day,  the  exec- 
utive of  the  Labor  Party  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in 
Henderson,  appointed  eight  delegates  to  Stockholm  and 
protested  against  the  government's  action.  This  posi- 
tion was  sustained  by  a  narrow  margin  at  the  Labor  Con- 
ference of  August  21. 

The  Conference  at  Blackpool — In  September,  1917, 
the  Blackpool  conference  of  the  British  Labor  Congress, 
which  represents  the  trade  unions  organized  on  industrial 
lines,  passed  a  compromise  resolution  by  a  vote  of  2,849,- 
000  to  91,000.  This  resolution  protested  against  the 
government's  refusal  to  grant  passports  to  Stockholm, 
declared  that  general  agreement  among  the  working  classes 


412      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  Allied  countries  was  necessary  for  a  successful  in- 
ternational conference  and  recommended  that  the  Parlia- 
mentary Committee  of  the  Congress  be  empowered  to  assist 
in  the  arrangement  of  such  a  gathering.  This  resolution 
was  accepted  by  the  executive  of  the  Labor  Party.  This 
body  and  the  congress  afterwards  drafted  a  memorandum 
on  war  aims  which  was  adopted  at  their  joint  meeting  of 
December  and  which  formed  a  basis  for  the  Inter-Allied 
socialist  and  labor  program  formulated  at  the  London 
conference  in  the  following  February. 

The  Nottingham  Conference. —  In  January,  1918,  an- 
other gathering  of  the  Labor  Party  was  called  at  Not- 
tingham. This  conference  affirmed  the  war  aims  adopted 
in  December;  urged  that  the  Allied  governments  prepare 
a  joint  statement  of  the  purposes  of  the  war  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment;  called  on  the  working  classes  of  the 
Central  Powers  to  declare  their  war  aims  and  to  influence 
their  governments  to  state  their  position  and  urged  the 
various  countries  to  permit  delegates  to  attend  an  inter- 
national socialist  and  labor  congress.  It  also  approved 
the  aims  of  President  Wilson  and  of  Lloyd  George,  in  so 
far  as  they  coincided  with  those  announced  in  December 
by  labor. 

Concerning  Coalition. —  The  conference  clearly  showed 
that  the  labor  movement  felt  itself  distinct  from  the  coali- 
tion government.  While  it  refused  to  call  for  the  resig- 
nation of  Messrs.  Barnes  and  Roberts  from  the  cabinet, 
on  Henderson's  plea  that  such  action  might  interfere  with 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  it  gave  its  vigorous  approval 
to  the  statement  of  Henderson  that  he  would  never  again 
be  a  member  of  a  cabinet  in  which  labor  was  in  the  mi- 
nority. 

It  likewise  referred  the  tentative  draft  of  its  new  polit- 
ical platform,  "  Labor  and  the  New  Social  Order,"  to  the 


GREAT  BRITAIN  413 

June  Conference.  Before  the  war,  the  Labor  Party  as 
such  had  never  adopted  a  constructive  platform.  The 
high  cost  of  living,  the  confusion  regarding  war  aims,  the 
concentration  of  great  industrial  power  into  the  hands  of 
governmental  bureaucrats  as  a  result  of  the  Defense  of  the 
Realm,  the  Munition  of  War  and  other  acts,  and  the  re- 
fusal of  the  government  to  grant  passports  to  labor  dele- 
gates led  many  members  of  the  party  to  demand  a  more 
constructive  and  a  more  militant  program  than  they  had 
formerly  considered.  A  sub-committee  was  therefore  ap- 
pointed to  assist  in  the  formulation  of  a  reconstruction 
program,  and  the  delegates  present  at  Nottingham  indi- 
cated their  approval  of  the  draft  submitted. 

The  London  Conference  of  June,  1918. —  Next  in  suc- 
cession came  the  London  Conference  of  June  26-28,  1918 
—  in  some  ways  the  most  significant  since  the  outbreak  of 
the  war. 

The  question  of  the  labor  truce  caused  heated  discus- 
sion. At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  as  has  been  stated, 
representatives  of  the  Labor,  Liberal  and  Conservative 
parties  agreed  not  to  contest  elections  in  case  of  parlia- 
mentary vacancies.  The  truce  held  good  until  December 
31,  1916,  when  some  of  the  non-labor  groups  undertook  to 
institute  provisions  unsatisfactory  to  the  Labor  Party. 
On  that  date  the  written  compact  ceased,  although  the 
spirit  of  the  agreement  in  general  was  kept  for  some  time 
longer.  Dissatisfaction  with  the  no-contest  policy  stead- 
ily increased,  and  finally  the  executive  decided  to  bring  the 
matter  before  the  party.  After  prolonged  discussion  the 
conference,  by  a  vote  of  1,704,000  members  to  951,000, 
decided  to  break  the  truce.  This  action,  however,  did  not 
apply  to  labor  members  of  the  cabinet. 

The  Reconstruction  Program. —  The  Labor  Party  at 
the  conference  also  adopted  in  substance  the  proposals  of 


414      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

the  sub-committee  on  reconstruction,  thus  taking  a  posi- 
tion in  favor  of  a  new  economic  system.  The  program  de- 
manded "  the  retention  in  public  hands  of  the  railways  and 
canals ;  the  expropriation  of  the  present  stockholders  on 
equitable  terms  " ;  a  steadily  increasing  participation  of 
organized  workers  in  the  management  of  public  industry ; 
the  construction  by  the  government  of  a  score  of  gigantic 
super-power  stations  by  which  the  whole  kingdom  may  be 
supplied  with  electricity ;  the  public  ownership  of  the  na- 
tion's coal  supplies  and  the  fixing  of  a  uniform  price;  the 
appropriation  by  the  state  of  the  whole  function  of  in- 
surance and  of  the  nation's  agricultural  lands;  the  reor- 
ganization of  the  distribution  of  foods ;  strict  regulation 
of  private  industry ;  conscription  of  wealth  to  pay  for  the 
war  debt ;  the  development  of  the  Post  Office  Savings  Bank 
into  a  national  banking  system  for  the  common  service 
of  the  whole  community ;  the  construction  of  public  works 
as  one  method  of  eliminating  the  unemployed  problem; 
the  building  by  the  government  of  a  million  soundly  con- 
structed, spacious  and  healthy  cottages ;  a  systematic  re- 
organization of  the  whole  educational  system,  which  shall 
eliminate  "  all  class  distinctions  and  class  privileges,  and 
bring  effectively  within  the  reach,  not  only  of  every  boy 
and  girl,  but  also  of  every  adult  citizen,  all  the  training, 
physical  and  mental  and  moral,  literary,  technical  and 
artistic  of  which  he  is  capable  "  and  the  maintenance  of 
standard  rates  of  wages  relatively  to  the  cost  of  living  in 
all  trades. 

The  task  of  reconstruction,  according  to  the  party, 
ought  to  be  regarded  as  involving 

"  not  any  patchwork  or  gerrymandering  of  the  anarchic 
individualism  and  profiteering  of  the  competitive  capitalism 
of  pre-war  time  .  .  .  but  a  gradual  building  up  of  a  new 


GREAT  BRITAIN  415 

social  order,  based  not  on  internecine  conflict,  inequality  of 
riches,  and  dominion  over  subject  classes,  subject  races,  or  a 
subject  sex,  but  on  a  deliberately  planned  cooperation  in  pro- 
duction, distribution  and  exchange,  the  systematic  approach 
to  a  health  equality,  the  widest  possible  participation  in 
power,  both  economic  and  political  and  the  general  conscious- 
ness of  consent  which  characterize  a  true  democracy." 

The  conference  also  denounced  the  refusal  of  the  Brit- 
ish Government  to  permit  Troelstra,  the  Dutch  socialist, 
to  attend  the  conference,  as  well  as  its  failure  to  allow 
Margaret  Bondfield  to  attend  the  convention  of  the  Amer- 
ican Federation  of  Labor. 

One-third  of  the  executives  elected  were  members  of  the 
Independent  Labor  Party,  including  Sidney  Webb,  Philip 
Snowden,  F.  W.  Jowett.  Henderson  and  MacDonald 
were  reflected  secretary  and  treasurer  respectively. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Trade  Union  Congress  held  in 
Derby  in  September,  Havelock  Wilson  urged  the  forma- 
tion of  a  separate  labor  party,  opposed  to  the  present 
Labor  Party,  but  his  motion  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of 
3,815,000  to  567,000.  The  congress  again  went  on  rec- 
ord in  favor  of  an  international  conference,  and  called 
upon  the  government  to  open  negotiations  as  soon  as  the 
enemy,  voluntarily  or  by  compulsion,  evacuated  France 
and  Belgium. 

The  British  Elections  of  1918 —  During  the  fall  much 
attention  was  given  to  the  parliamentary  elections  which 
took  place  on  December  14,  the  first  general  election  since 
December,  1910.  Lloyd  George  waged  a  jingoistic  cam- 
paign, urged  that  the  government  be  retained  in  power  so 
that  it  might  finish  the  peace,  and  promised  a  large  war 
indemnity,  a  square  deal  for  the  returned  soldiers  and 
the  punishment  of  the  Kaiser.  Problems  of  reconstruc- 
tion, on  the  other  hand,  were  neglected. 


416      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

During  the  campaign  the  Labor  Party  issued  a  mani- 
festo, "  Labor's  Call  to  the  People,"  which  called  for : 

"  A  special  tax  on  capital  on  the  ground  that  those  who 
made  fortunes  out  of  the  war  must  pay  for  the  war;  free 
trade;  no  tariffs;  immediate  nationalization  of  all  land;  im- 
mediate nationalization  of  vital  public  service  systems;  better 
housing  conditions ;  free  public  education ;  freedom  for  Ireland 
and  India;  immediate  withdrawal  of  troops  from  Russia;  no 
conscription;  equal  rights  for  women;  a  peace  of  reconcilia- 
tion with  no  secret  diplomacy  and  no  economic  war;  the 
charter  of  labor  to  be  incorporated  in  the  fundamentals  of  the 
league  of  free  peoples." 

The  electorate  proved  indifferent,  only  10,679,020  out 
of  a  total  of  over  21,000,000  turning  out  to  vote.     The 
coalition   candidates,   led   by   Lloyd   George,   were   over- 
whelmingly victorious.     The  Labor  Party,  however,  in- 
creased its  representation  in  Parliament  from  38  to  59, 
and  received  a  vote  of  two  and  a  half  million.     The  400 
coalition  seats  were  won  by  a  vote  of  four  millions.     "  This 
,  is  one  of  the  most  glaring  anomalies  of  the  British  sys- 
\  tern  of  redistributed  constituencies,"  declared  Arthur  Glea- 
'  son,2  "  that  labor  shall  hold  but  one-eighth  as  many  seats 
las  the  coalition,  when  it  polled  five-eighths  as  many  votes." 
vThe  Labor  Party,  as  a  result  of  the  election,  became  the 
chief  opposition  party,  the  Liberals  securing  but  26  mem- 
bers.    On  the  other  hand,  the  coalition  led  to  the  defeat 
of  Arthur  Henderson,  and  of  such  internationalists  as 
Ramsay  MacDonald,  William  C.  Anderson,  Philip  Snow- 
den  and  F.  W.  Jowett.     Roberts,  Havelock  Wilson  and 
others  on  the  extreme  right  were  swept  into  office  on  the 
nationalistic  wave  inevitably  following  the  military  vic- 
tory. 

2  Kellogg  and  Gleason,  Britith  Labor  During  the  War,  p.  270. 


GREAT  BRITAIN  417 

Special  Elections  of  1919 — During  the  next  few 
months,  however,  the  attitude  toward  the  coalition  under- 
went a  distinct  change.  The  peace  terms,  the  slow  de- 
mobilization, the  continued  war  in  Russia,  the  menace  of 
conscription,  the  Irish  situation,  and  the  lack  of  any  con- 
structive program  in  solving  the  problem  of  the  cost  of 
living,  of  housing,  of  the  mines,  and  of  the  railroads,  caused 
widespread  dissatisfaction.  By  the  end  of  July,  in  the  six 
by-elections,  the  Labor  candidates  won  four  out  of  six  seats 
formerly  held  by  the  Coalition.  In  late  August,  Arthur 
Henderson  regained  his  seat  in  Parliament.  In  the  mu- 
nicipal elections  in  November,  1919,  the  Labor  Party 
made  huge  gains  throughout  the  country.  In  London  it 
secured  majorities  in  13  out  of  the  28  borough  councils 
in  which  there  was  an  entire  change  of  councillors. 

Strikes. —  Of  importance  to  the  labor  and  socialist 
movement  in  Great  Britain  during  the  early  part  of  1919 
were  the  numerous  strikes  of  the  transport  workers,  the 
miners,  police,  etc.,  for  wage  increases,  for  the  reduction 
of  hours  —  the  44-hour  week  being  a  frequent  demand  — 
for  the  participation  in  the  management  of  industry,  for 
nationalization  of  mines  and  railroads,  and  for  other 
advances. 

Following  the  publication  of  the  peace  terms,  the  Inde- 
pendent Labor  Party  denounced  the  treaty  "  as  a  viola- 
tion of  the  conditions  of  the  armistice,"  and  as  "  a  capi- 
talist, militarist  and  imperialist  imposition  "  which  gave 
the  world  not  peace,  but  "  the  certainty  of  other  and  ca- 
lamitous wars." 

The  Southport  Conference. —  The  most  important 
gathering  of  the  Spring  of  1919  was  the  Southport  Con- 
gress of  the  British  Labor  Party  held  in  late  June.  The 
congress  urged  that  June  21  be  set  aside  for  demonstra- 
tions throughout  Great  Britain  against  the  Allied  inter- 


418      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

vention  in  Russia;  requested  the  Trade  Union  Congress, 
by  a  card  vote  of  1,893,000  to  935,000,  to  take  industrial 
action  to  compel  the  British  Government  to  recall  the 
troops  from  Russia  and  to  lift  the  economic  blockade ; 
unanimously  passed  a  resolution  against  conscription, 
recommending  that  the  Trade  Union  Congress  and  the 
Triple  Alliance  take  industrial  action  to  abolish  it;  and 
indorsed  the  six-hour  day  in  all  industries. 

The  Glasgow  Trade  Union  Congress. —  The  Parlia- 
mentary Committee  of  the  Trade  Union  Congress  refused 
to  heed  the  instructions  of  the  Labor  Party  and  of  the 
Triple  Alliance  to  call  a  special  national  conference  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  these  demands  of  labor,  i.  e., 
the  abolition  of  conscription,  the  withdrawal  of  troops 
from  Russia,  the  raising  of  the  blockade  and  the  releasing 
of  conscientious  objectors.  The  failure  of  this  committee 
to  act  led  to  bitter  criticism,  and,  at  the  Glasgow  Confer- 
ence of  the  Trade  Unions  called  for  September  8,  1919, — 
representative  of  more  than  5,000,000  workers  —  a  mo- 
tion of  virtual  censorship  was  passed  by  a  card  vote  of 
2,586,000  to  1,876,000.  By  some  present  the  vote  was 
interpreted  as  a  vote  for  "  direct  action."  Others  denied 
this  implication. 

By  an  overwhelming  vote  of  4,478,000  to  77,000,  the 
congress  demanded  that  the  Parliamentary  committee 
visit  the  Prime  Minister  and  insist  on  the  adoption  of  the 
majority  (Sankey)  report  of  the  Coal  Commission  which 
favored  the  nationalization  of  the  mines,  and  that,  if  the 
government  refuse  to  accept  this  position,  a  special 
Trades  Union  Congress  be  called  to  decide  what  action 
should  be  taken  to  force  nationalization.  The  Congress, 
by  a  unanimous  vote,  also  demanded  the  adoption  by  the 
government  of  the  repeal  of  the  conscription  acts  and  the 
immediate  withdrawal  of  troops  from  Russia,  and,  failing 


GREAT  BRITAIN  419 

this,  the  calling  of  a  special  Trades  Union  Congress. 
Later  Lloyd  George  declared  before  Parliament  that  the 
government  would  not  adopt  the  Sankey  report.  In  No- 
vember Lloyd  George  declared  that  Great  Britain  would 
withhold  further  military  support  from  factions  opposing 
the  Soviet  Government. 

Ireland. —  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Irish  Social- 
ist movement  was  weak.  The  Independent  Labor  Party 
had  about  1,000  membership.  The  Irish  Workingmen's 
Party,  organized  prior  to  the  war,  a  representative  of  the 
Irish  unions,  was  not  strong,  although  it  showed  some  suc- 
cess in  a  number  of  the  municipal  elections.  In  1916 
these  movements  —  which  did  not  officially  take  part  in 
the  rebellion  of  that  year  —  suffered  a  great  loss  in  the 
execution  of  James  Connolly,  Skeffington  and  others  for 
participation  in  this  rebellion. 

Several  hundred  members  of  the  I.  L.  P.  and  I.  W.  P. 
were  also  imprisoned  in  England  for  their  refusal  to  be 
conscripted.  A  number  of  socialists  took  part  in  the  Sinn 
Fein  campaigns  which  swept  the  country.  The  small 
Revolutionary  Socialist  Party  of  Ireland,  in  the  Summer 
of  1919,  issued  a  manifesto  warning  the  workers  that  even 
"  if  Sinn  Fein  prevails,  there  will  still  be  an  Irish  working 
class.  There  will  still  remain  an  Irish  master  class."  It 
called  on  the  people  to  form  workers'  committees  as  the 
first  step  in  building  up  a  new  social  system. 

Other  Developments. —  The  shop  stewards'  movement, 
the  development  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  the  growth  of  the 
guild  socialist  idea,  the  increasing  demand  on  the  part  of 
labor  for  a  share  in  industrial  management,  the  reports 
of  the  mining  commission  favoring  nationalization  of  mines 
and  participation  of  the  worker  in  the  management  —  were 
further  developments  of  the  war  of  importance  to  the 
socialist  and  labor  movements.  The  Independent  Labor 


420      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Party  emerged  from  the  war  with  increased  strength  and 
influence. 

FRANCE 

The  Majoritaires  and  Minoritaires —  In  August,  1914, 
the  French  socialists,  to  all  outward  appearances,  showed 
remarkable  unity  in  their  support  of  the  war.  It  was 
not  long,  however,  before  dissensions  arose.  The  mod- 
erate and  at  first  the  dominant  group  in  the  party  known 
as  the  Majoritaires  demanded  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war  until  the  Allies  secured  a  complete  victory  over 
the  Central  Powers.  They  also  opposed  any  conference 
between  the  French  socialists  and  delegates  from  Germany 
and  Austria.  Forty  of  the  Majoritaire  group  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  following  the  visit  of  the  American 
labor  delegates  in  the  Summer  of  1918,  formed  themselves 
into  a  separate  bloc  known  as  the  Varenne  Quarante. 
Albert  Thomas,  for  some  time  Minister  of  Munitions,  fi- 
nally joined  this  group,  and  was  its  outstanding  figure. 

The  second  group,  stimulated  partly  by  the  propa- 
ganda of  the  anti-war  Kienthal  socialists,  was  designated 
Minoritaires.  In  the  congress  of  the  Socialist  Federa- 
tion of  the  Seine  in  1918,  this  group  showed  three  divi- 
sions: The  extreme  left,  who  believed  that  the  socialists 
should  refuse  to  vote  for  the  war  budget,  and  demanded 
social  revolution  and  peace ;  the  Longuet  group,3  who  also 
advocated  refusal  to  vote  for  the  war  credits,  opposed 
intervention  in  Russia,  demanded  a  revision  of  the  war  aims 
of  the  Allies  and  urged  the  participation  of  the  French 

•  This  group  was  led  by  Jean  Longuet,  grandson  of  Karl  Marx, 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  Their  organ 
was  Le  Populaire.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  vote  in  the  Federation 
of  the  Seine  was  typical  of  the  sentiment  in  the  party  throughout 
France,  as  this  federation,  which  includes  the  socialists  of  Paris,  was, 
during  the  war,  more  radical  than  those  in  other  portions  of  France. 


FRANCE  421 

in  the  international  socialist  and  labor  peace  conferences ; 
and  the  Centrists,  led  by  M.  Cachin  and  others,  who  em- 
phasized the  necessity  for  vigorous  participation  in  the 
national  defense,  but  who,  nevertheless,  favored  a  "  politi- 
cal offensive  "  in  the  form  of  an  international  conference 
at  which  the  proletariat  would  endeavor  to  establish  peace 
on  the  basis  of  President  Wilson's  declaration.  At  this 
congress,  the  left  and  Cachin  groups  obtained  for  their 
resolutions  approximately  1,000  votes  each,  as  compared 
with  6,099  for  the  Longuet  resolution.  The  Majoritaires 
presented  no  set  resolution. 

Minority  Becomes  Majority — The  Minoritaires  con- 
tinued to  gain  in  strength,  with  every  passing  month,  and, 
at  a  meeting  of  the  Socialist  National  Council  in  July  of 
1918,  became  the  majority  group,  securing  1,544  votes  as 
against  1,172.4 

While  the  successful  resolution  reiterated  the  party's 
determination  to  support  the  defense  of  the  nation,  it 
denounced  the  political,  diplomatic  and  military  mistakes 
of  the  leaders  of  the  country,  and  particularly  the  gov- 
ernment's refusal  to  grant  passports  to  the  socialists  to 
attend  the  Stockholm  Conference.  It  asked  why  the  peace 
proposals  of  1917  were  rejected  without  serious  examina- 
tion and  demanded  that  the  French  Government  revise 
its  war  aims  and  that  it  publicly  condemn  militaristic 
schemes.  It  urged  "  a  clear  and  definite  statement  of  our 
peace  conditions  on  the  basis  defined  by  the  Russian  rev- 
olution and  by  President  Wilson,"  opposed  intervention  in 
Russia,  and  called  for  the  preparation  of  a  scheme  for  a 
League  of  Nations  in  the  terms  and  spirit  indicated  by 
President  Wilson. 

"  A  definite  peace  can  only  be  assured  by  the  establish- 

*  Seven  hundred  of  the  1,172  were  voted  by  the  Majoritaires  as 
proxies. 


422      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ment  of  a  socialist  regime,  capitalist  society  being  essentially 
the  regime  of  disorder,  of  despotism  and  of  violence.  The 
Socialist  Party  renews  its  adherence,  complete  and  without 
reservation,  to  the  assembly  of  an  international  congress.  .  .  . 
The  National  Council  affirms  its  desire  to  obtain  complete 
liberty  of  national  and  international  action  for  the  working 
class  organizations  and  for  the  Socialist  Party.  .  .  .  The  Na- 
tional Council  determines  to  employ,  in  agreement  with  the 
working  class  and  socialist  organizations  in  the  Entente 
countries,  every  means  in  its  power  to  obtain  passports.  .  .  . 
On  its  side  it  calls  upon  its  parliamentary  representatives 
to  prosecute  a  vigorous  campaign  before  proceeding  to  re- 
fuse the  military  credits." 

The  National  Socialist  Congress,  which  opened  its  ses- 
sion on  October  6,  1918,  again  urged  the  Allies  to  declare 
their  purposes,  and  stated  its  support  of  the  terms  of 
President  Wilson. 

After  the  Signing  of  the  Armistice. —  Following  the 
signing  of  the  armistice,  the  socialists  held  numerous  dem- 
onstrations urging  just  terms  of  peace  and  opposing  chau- 
vinistic demands  of  French  imperialists.  When  it  was  an- 
nounced that  President  Wilson  planned  to  attend  the 
Peace  Conference,  the  Socialist  Party  decided  to  hold  a 
great  parade  in  his  honor,  declaring  that,  though  he  was 
not  one  of  them,  he  alone  among  the  statesmen  stood  for 
the  new  diplomacy.  They  approached  Clemenceau,  but 
he  strongly  objected  to  the  demonstration,  and  it  was  fi- 
nally called  off.  Smaller  demonstrations,  however,  took 
place  when  Wilson  arrived  in  Paris.  Jean  Longuet  and 
other  delegates  presented  Wilson  with  a  memorandum,  in 
behalf  of  the  party  and  of  the  General  Confederation  of 
Labor,  in  which  they  declared  that  "  the  silent  mass  ex- 
pects that  its  heavy  sacrifice  will  be  compensated  by  the 
organization,  at  the  proper  time,  of  a  world  peace  based 


FRANCE  423 

on  the  principles  contrary  to  all  those  which  constituted 
the  danger  of  militarism  and  imperialism."  .  .  . 

During  the  early  part  of  1919,  the  party  consistently, 
within  and  without  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  protested 
against  interference  of  the  Allies,  by  military  or  economic 
weapons,  with  the  revolutionary  movements  of  Russia  and 
the  Central  Empires.  It  likewise  protested  against  the 
draft  of  the  peace  treaty  and  of  the  proposed  League  of 
Nations ;  held  a  huge  parade  on  April  6,  denouncing  the 
acquittal  of  Raoul  Villain,  the  assassin  of  Jaures,  and 
conducted  a  great  May  day  demonstration  throughout 
Paris  and  other  cities. 

The  French  Socialists  and  the  Second  International. 
—  The  party  congress,  held  in  April,  decided,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  894  votes,  to  continue  as  a  part  of  the  second 
International,  providing  that  all  those  who  are  socialists 
in  name  only  are  excluded.  The  motion  demanding  imme- 
diate adherence  to  the  third  International  at  Moscow  under 
the  leadership  of  Premier  Lenin  and  the  Bolshevik  govern- 
ment, on  the  other  hand,  received  but  270  votes. 

On  July  15  the  National  Council  of  the  party  voiced 
its  opposition  to  the  ratification  of  the  peace  treaty  by 
an  overwhelming  vote  of  1,420  to  114,  some  387  refusing 
to  vote.  The  party  also  denounced  the  "  capitalistic  " 
League  of  Nations. 

The  General  Confederation  of  Labor. —  With  the  prog- 
ress of  the  war  came  a  distinct  change  of  front  in  the 
General  Confederation  of  Labor,  the  chief  labor  federation 
in  the  country,  which,  in  1918,  claimed  a  membership  of 
nearly  1,400,000.  Prior  to  the  war,  a  large  section  of 
the  confederation  shunned  independent  political  action, 
as  leading  to  opportunistic  parliamentarianism. 

In  the  Summer  of  1918,  however,  it  commenced  to 
give  more  attention  to  the  subjects  of  a  political  nature 


424      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

and  to  cooperate  with  the  Socialist  Party.  At  its  first 
convention  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  it  passed  a  reso- 
lution, by  an  overwhelming  majority,  denouncing  secret 
diplomacy  and  demanding  that  the  people  be  acquainted 
with  the  terms  on  which  a  general,  just  and  durable  peace 
might  be  concluded,  such  conditions  to  embrace  among 
others  the  following: 

No  annexations,  the  rights  of  peoples  to  control  their  own 
affairs,  no  war  indemnities,  no  economic  war  to  succeed 
hostilities,  freedom  of  the  seas,  the  establishment  of  com- 
pulsory arbitration  to  settle  international  differences,  the 
constitution  of  a  Society  of  Nations ;  these  conditions  being 
defended  by  President  Wilson,  by  the  Russian  Revolution  at 
its  beginning  and  confirmed  by  the  Inter-Allied  and  Inter- 
national declarations  and  even  at  Zimmerwald. 

The  resolution  condemned  the  government  for  its  re- 
fusal to  grant  passports  to  socialist  and  labor  delegates 
to  attend  the  Stockholm  Conference,  suggested  that  future 
refusals  be  opposed  by  all  the  strength  of  the  C.  G.  T.,  and 
declared  against  armed  intervention  in  Russia,  if  opposed 
to  the  will  of  the  Russian  people. 

Before  and  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  it  issued 
proclamations  similar  in  sentiment  to  those  of  the  French 
socialists  —  the  two  groups  frequently  signing  joint  mani- 
festoes —  opposing  French  chauvinism,  denouncing  any 
interference  with  the  revolutionary  movements  in  Russia 
and  the  Central  Empires,  and  demanding  the  restoration 
of  civil  liberties.  At  its  meeting  in  August,  it  favored 
nationalization  of  industry,  with  workers'  control  and 
urged  the  transport  workers  to  refuse  to  transport  ammu- 
nition to  be  used  by  the  Kolchak  army. 

Labor  and  the  League  of  Nations. —  Following  the 
publication  of  the  draft  of  the  League  of  Nations,  the 


FRANCE  425 

confederation  characterized  the  League  as  merely  "  a 
treaty  of  defensive  alliance  "  and  declared  that  only  in- 
ternational cooperation  of  the  workers  would  prevent  the 
league  from  becoming  a  center  of  reaction. 

Opposition  to  Russian  Policy — This  was  followed  by 
a  declaration  against  the  Russian  blockade  and  military 
intervention,  and,  on  May  28,  by  a  further  resolution  pro- 
testing against  what  were  termed  "  the  denial  of  the  right 
of  self-determination  of  peoples ;  disguised  annexation ;  the 
repudiation  of  the  solemn  agreements  concerning  the 
League  of  Nations  and  the  return  to  the  old  system  of  al- 
liances; the  absence  of  an  international  financial  system 
and  economic  organization ;  a  continuation  of  the  economic 
war,  and  the  failure  to  incorporate  in  the  treaty  a  real  in- 
ternational labor  charter." 

On  May  2,  following  the  government's  repression  of  the 
workers  during  the  May  day  parade,  Leon  Jouhaux,  the 
secretary  of  the  confederation,  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Peace  Conference  on  the  Labor  Commission,  declaring,  in 
a  letter  to  Clemenceau: 

"  As  representative  of  the  French  workers,  I  must  inform 
you  that  it  is  impossible  that  their  delegate  at  the  confer- 
ence should  be  present  on  the  morrow  of  the  day  on  which 
your  government  has  brutally  forbidden  these  workers  from 
giving  expression  to  their  views.  Liberty  having  been  refused 
to  the  workers,  their  representative  cannot  hope  to  have  it  in 
reality  in  the  Peace  Conference.  I  hand  you  my  resignation." 

During  the  first  part  of  June,  nearly  a  million  men  went 
out  on  strikes,  many  of  which  were  called  for  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  political  demands. 

Proposed  General  Strike.  In  June,  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Confederation  announced  that,  together 
with  British  and  Italian  labor,  the  federation  would  con- 


426      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

duct  a  general  strike  of  24  hours  duration  on  July  21, 
the  object  of  the  demonstration  being  "  the  cessation  of 
armed  intervention  in  Russia,  the  rapid  demobilization 
of  armies,  the  restoration  of  constitutional  rights,  full 
and  absolute  amnesty,  and,  above  all,  a  war  on  the  in- 
creased cost  of  living  by  all  possible  means."  The  rail- 
way men  later  indorsed  the  action  of  the  federation,  and 
decided  on  a  complete  cessation  of  traffic  throughout 
France,  Alsace-Lorraine,  Tunis  and  Algeria.  On  July 
19,  however,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  refused  a  vote  of 
confidence  in  the  administration  of  the  Food  Minister, 
who  subsequently  resigned,  and  the  government  promised 
a  revision  downward  of  the  food  prices,  a  speedy  review 
of  the  question  of  political  amnesty  and  a  hasty  demobili- 
zation. The  latter  was  interpreted  as  meaning  the  with- 
drawal of  French  troops  from  Russia.  The  strike  was 
thereupon  called  off. 

In  Latter  Half  of  1919. —  In  late  July,  as  a  result  of 
the  insistence  of  the  socialist  deputies,  it  was  announced 
in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  that  French  political  prison- 
ers would  be  released  as  soon  as  the  peace  treaty  was 
signed. 

In  mid-July  the  national  council  of  the  French  Socialist 
Party  furnished  instructions  to  their  deputies  by  a  vote 
of  1,420  to  54  not  to  favor  the  ratification  of  the  peace 
treaty.  The  council  declared  that  the  treaty  perpetu- 
ated the  iniquitous  status  quo  ante. 

The  special  congress  of  the  French  Socialist  Party  con- 
vened on  September  11,  1919,  considered  at  length  the 
resolution  to  expel  from  the  party  the  group  of  eleven  so- 
cialist deputies  who  voted  for  the  last  war  credits,  and 
finally  empowered  the  Permanent  Administrative  Commis- 
sion of  the  party  to  take  the  necessary  measures  of  disci- 
pline against  them.  It  also  decided,  by  an  eight  to 


ITALY  427 

one  vote,  to  prohibit  all  electoral  ententes  with  other 
parties. 

On  September  18,  Jean  Longuet  created  a  turmoil  in 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  characterizing  the  peace  as 
one  "  of  force  and  violence  like  those  terminating  conflicts 
in  the  past." 

In  the  fall  campaign  of  1919,  Clemenceau  succeeded  in 
forming  a  national  bloc  of  non-socialist  parties  against 
the  socialists  who  made  the  Russian  question  a  prominent 
issue.  In  the  November  elections  the  Unified  Socialists 
claimed  a  vote  of  approximately  1,700,000,  an  increase 
of  several  hundred  thousand  over  1914.  Owing  to  the  na- 
tional bloc  and  the  combining  of  many  small  electoral  dis- 
tricts into  a  few  large  ones,  early  returns  indicated  that 
the  socialist  delegation  in  the  House  of  Deputies  had  been 
decreased  from  101  to  the  neighborhood  of  55,  Longuet 
and  Renaudel  being  among  the  defeated  candidates. 

ITALY 

Continued  Opposition  to  War — The  Italian  Socialist 
Party,  after  Italy  entered  the  war,  reiterated  its  anti- 
war position,  and  aligned  itself  with  the  more  militant  so- 
cialist groups  which  supported  the  Zimmerwald  and  Kien- 
thal  Conferences.  The  Reformist  Socialist  Party,  the 
small  opportunist  organization,  on  the  other  hand,  sup- 
ported the  government.  Its  leader,  Leonida  Bissolati, 
accepted  the  position  of  Minister  of  Military  Aid  and 
War  Pensions,  and  others  became  active  in  governmental 
circles. 

In  the  Summer  of  1917,  the  directors  of  the  Italian 
Socialist  Party,  the  General  Federation  of  Labor  and  the 
socialist  parliamentary  group  issued  a  significant  pro- 
gram on  national  and  international  reconstruction.5 

5  Internationally,  it  called  for  no  forcible  annexations,  self-deter- 


428      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

The  Italian  defeat  at  Caporetto  in  the  Summer  of  1917 
tended  to  lessen  the  anti-war  propaganda  of  the  socialists, 
many  of  whom  adopted  the  motto,  "  neither  defense  nor 
sabotaging  of  the  war,"  while  the  Bolshevik  Revolution 
of  November  in  Russia  led  the  Italians  to  make  vigorous 
demand  for  an  armistice  on  all  belligerent  fronts.  In 
December,  1917,  Signer  Morgari,  a  socialist  Deputy,  went 
so  far  as  to  demand,  in  the  Italian  Parliament,  amid  the 
hostile  shouts  of  the  opposition,  not  only  a  Bolshevik 
peace,  but  a  peace  by  Bolshevik  methods. 

Imprisonment  of  Leaders — As  a  result  of  the  socialist 
agitation,  the  "  Sacchi  "  decree  of  October  4,  1917,  was 
passed,  penalizing  "  defeatist  "  propaganda.  The  gov- 
ernment refused  to  permit  the  party  to  hold  a  congress  in 
November  of  that  year,  and,  during  the  first  half  of  1918, 
many  prominent  socialists  were  arrested  and  imprisoned, 
among  them  Constantino  Lazzari,  the  secretary  of  the 

mination,  freedom  of  the  seas,  immediate  and  simultaneous  disarma- 
ment of  every  state,  the  suppression  of  economic  barriers,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  Judicial  Federation. 

Nationally,  the  group  advocated  a  republican  form  of  government; 
the  abolition  of  the  senate;  universal  suffrage  without  sex  discrimi- 
nation; the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall;  unrestricted  freedom 
of  association;  the  suppression  of  the  political  police;  parliamentary 
responsibility  over  diplomatic  relations;  decentralization  of  admin- 
istrative functions;  regional  and  municipal  autonomy,  reform  of 
government  service;  a  simplified  organization  of  executive  depart- 
ments according  to  the  industrial  type;  the  eight -hour  day,  the 
minimum  wages,  and  compulsory  education  legislation;  promotion 
of  cooperative  agriculture ;  the  "  socialization  of  lands  by  the  organi- 
sation of  a  vast,  collective  domain  the  first  nucleus  of  which  will  be 
formed  by  lands  belonging  to  the  government,  to  charitable  in- 
stitutions, and  to  uncultivated  or  poorly  cultivated  lands";  and  the 
granting  of  land  only  to  those  who  directly  cultivate  it.  The 
declaration  also  urged  the  compulsory  association  of  farmers,  tech- 
nical control  and  direction  of  agricultural  production,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  maximum  production  at  a  minimum  cost,  heavy  income  and 
inheritance  taxes,  and  a  prompt  and  efficient  reorganization  of  the 
International. 


ITALY  429 

party,  Niccola  Bombacci,  the  vice-president,  and  Giacinto 
Serrati,  the  editor  of  the  Avanti.  The  sentences,  ranging 
from  2  years  4  months  to  3  years  6  months,  gave  rise  to 
numerous  anti-governmental  demonstrations  throughout 
Italy. 

Prior  to  the  armistice,  in  the  fall  of  1918,  the  party 
convention  reiterated  its  anti-war  position,  called  the  so- 
cialist Deputies  to  task  for  failing  to  take  a  more  aggres- 
sive stand  in  the  Italian  Parliament,  and  gave  to  the  party 
committee  power  to  expel  recalcitrant  deputies.  It  also 
refused  to  send  delegates  to  the  Inter-Allied  Socialist 
and  Labor  Conference  scheduled  for  London,  on  the  ground 
that  Mr.  Gompers  and  the  A.  F.  of  L.  would  be  repre- 
sented, and  delegates  from  the  Socialist  Party  of  Amer- 
ica and  of  the  Bolsheviks  of  Russia  would  not  be  present. 
The  party,  also,  repudiated  both  the  mission  from  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  and  from  the  Social  Democratic  League  of 
America. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  pro-war  socialists  organized,  in 
the  Spring  of  1918,  an  Italian  Socialist  Union,  which 
largely  absorbed  the  Reformist  Socialist  Party.  This 
group  cooperated  with  an  Italian  Federation  of  Workers, 
a  group  of  independent  unions  that  claimed  something  like 
150,000  members. 

After  the  Armistice. —  Following  the  signing  of  the 
armistice,  the  executive  committee  of  the  Italian  Socialist 
Party,  on  December  12,  1918,  issued  a  declaration,  stating 
that  it  would  not  "  join  in  the  homage  to  the  representa- 
tive of  the  United  States,"  as,  despite  his  personal  liber- 
ality, he  represented  a  capitalistic  government,  and  was 
not  in  a  position  to  make  his  ideals  actualities. 

The  party  aimed,  according  to  the  manifesto,  "  at  the 
establishment  of  a  socialist  republic  and  the  dictatorship 
of  the  proletariat,"  with  the  following  scope : 


430      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

"  1.  Socialization  of  the  means  of  production  and  transpor- 
tation, land,  mines,  railroads,  steamships,  operated  and 
managed  directly  by  the  peasants,  sailors,  miners  and  workers. 

"  2.  Distribution  of  commodities  through  cooperatives  or 
municipal  agencies,  exclusively. 

"  3.  Abolition  of  military  conscription  and  universal  dis- 
armament, following  the  union  of  all  socialist  proletarian  in- 
ternational republics  of  the  world." 

The  declaration  also  vigorously  advocated  the  with- 
drawal of  troops  from  Russia.  When  President  Wilson 
visited  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  he  found  the  forty  seats 
of  the  socialist  Deputies  unoccupied.  Throughout  his 
visit,  the  radical  press  constantly  asked  why  a  president 
with  his  ideals  could  permit  a  ten  years'  jail  sentence  for 
Eugene  V.  Debs,  and  condemned  Wilson  for  failing  to  de- 
nounce the  known  imperialism  of  the  Italian  Government. 

By  the  end  of  the  year,  even  Bissolati  of  the  Socialist 
Union  found  it  impossible  to  continue  as  a  member  of  the 
cabinet,  and  resigned,  on  December  28,  declaring  that  the 
foreign  policy  of  Baron  Sonnino  in  regard  to  the  west 
coast  of  the  Adriatic  would  lead  to  new  wars.  The  So- 
cialist Union  also  practically  repudiated  Bononi  and 
Berenini  for  retaining  their  places  in  the  cabinet  follow- 
ing the  resignation  of  Bissolati.  It  recorded  itself  in  De- 
cember against  secret  diplomacy  and  in  favor  of  a  league 
of  nations. 

The  1919  Activities — During  the  first  half  of  1919, 
the  party  continually  reiterated  its  demand  for  the  with- 
drawal of  troops  from  Russia,  waged  a  campaign  for 
amnesty  of  political  prisoners,  securing  the  release  of 
Lazzari  and  others ;  demanded  for  all  people  "  the  right 
to  dispose  freely  of  their  own  destiny,  particularly  for 
the  peoples  of  Dalmatia  and  Asia  Minor,  whose  independ- 
ence is  now  threatened  by  the  menace  of  Italian  imperial- 


ITALY  4-31 

ism  " ;  again  recorded  itself  "  in  favor  of  a  general  strike^ 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  conquest  of  power  by  the 
Italian  people,"  demobilization,  liberty  and  the  withdrawal 
of  troops  from  Russia,  and  instituted  numerous  strikes 
and  demonstrations  to  impress  its  demands. 

The  Italian  Party  and  the  International. —  Signores 
Lazzari  and  Morgari  were  sent  in  February  to  the  Berne 
International  Socialist  Conference  and  were  authorized  to 
support  it  "  if  it  adheres  to  the  old  International  spirit." 
The  delegates,  on  their  arrival,  declared  that  this  spirit 
was  absent  and  that  the  Italian  party  "  cannot  consent 
to  participate  in  partial  conferences  of  parties  and  groups 
which  worked  hand  in  glove  with  the  bourgeois  govern- 
ments during  the  war."  The  party  later  issued  a  scath- 
ing denunciation  against  the  International  Socialist  Bu- 
reau, for  organizing  the  Berne  Conference, — "  a  carica- 
ture of  an  International  Socialist  Conference  " ;  declared 
that  "  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  co-existence  in  a 
single  organization  of  those  who  were  loyal  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  International  and  those  who  betrayed  those 
principles  and  are  still  opposed  to  the  realization  of  so- 
cialism " ;  gave  its  adhesion  to  the  Moscow  Conference, 
and  promised  to  do  what  it  could  to  unite  those  socialists 
who  remained  true  to  internationalism. 

The  Party  and  the  Peace  Conference. —  The  party  de- 
nounced, at  the  first  meeting  of  the  new  executive  in  Mi- 
lan, the  proposals  of  the  Peace  Conference  for  the  League 
of  Nations  — "  illusions,"  as  the  committee  termed  these 
proposals, 

"  craftily  disseminated  in  the  Conference  of  Paris  which, 
under  the  ingenuous  mask  of  Wilsonian  bourgeois  ideology,  is 
re-creating  the  Holy  Alliance  among  the  conquerors,  to  op- 
press not  only  politically  but  also  economically  the  conquered 


432      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

populations,  dumb  victims  of  the  mistakes  and  rapacity  of  the 
bourgeoisie,  captained  by  imperialistic  militarism,  and 
against  the  international  proletariat." 

This  statement  was  followed,  on  April  3,  1919,  by  a 
caustic  criticism  of  the  Peace  Conference  signed  by  the 
group  of  forty-one  socialist  members  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  in  part  as  follows: 

"  The  Entente  tends  to  crush  down  the  defeated  nations. 
New  nations  are  organizing,  not  for  their  own  interests,  but 
as  foils  for  the  victorious  ones.  The  peace  that  is  outlined  at 
Paris  is  equal  to  the  Brest-Litovsk  Treaty.  Therefore,  war 
will  hover,  as  in  the  past,  over  the  earth.  France  is  carv- 
ing for  herself  new  territories,  with  coal  underground  and 
men  overground.  Italy  wavers  between  a  false  Wilsonian 
and  a  true  imperialism.  England  and  America  tend  to  the 
economic  conquest  of  the  world.  The  proletarian  class  of 
all  countries  should  consider  if  the  general  strike,  which  has 
already  won  so  many  partial  conquests,  cannot  internationally 
affirm  their  will  to  peace  and  life. 

"  We  shall  compel  the  Paris  Conference  to  respect  what 
was  voluntary  promised,  and  to  give  to  the  working  class 
the  real  disposition  of  the  executive  powers;  which,  for  Italy, 
means  the  radical  reform  of  the  constitution,  participation 
in  the  larger  ballot,  direct  representation  of  the  syndical 
organs,  the  abolition  of  every  arbitrary  power,  the  abolition 
of  the  Senate,  the  right  of  self-convocation  of  Parliament, 
a  larger  technical  and  administration  decentralization  and 
so  forth,  that  is  a  real  sovereignty  of  the  people.  Thus  will 
the  people  affirm  and  progressively  maintain  a  stricter 
brotherhood  between  the  nations,  until  the  construction  of  a 
new  state  that  includes  all." 

During  the  Spring  also  there  were  numerous  disturb- 
ances in  Italian  cities  —  twenty-four  hour  strikes  in  Rome, 
Milan,  Bologna,  Turin,  and  other  cities,  some  as  a  protest 


ITALY  433 

against  the  government's  action  in  refusing  permission  to 
parade,  some  in  order  to  enforce  economic  demands. 

In  early  July  food  riots  occurred  in  many  cities,  thou- 
sands of  stores  were  ransacked,  municipal  governments 
were  ignored  and  Chambers  of  Labor  were  entrusted  with 
the  distribution  of  food. 

The  international  general  strike  of  July  21,  1919,  com- 
pletely tied  up  Milan,  Trieste  and  several  other  industrial 
centers.  In  the  November,  1919,  elections  the  Socialist 
Party  practically  doubled  its  representation  in  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies,  electing  156  candidates.  The  Reformist 
Socialists  elected  16  deputies,  the  Liberals,  161,  the  Demo- 
crats, 23,  the  Republicans,  9,  Discharged  Soldiers,  23, 
and  miscellaneous,  8. 

The  Socialist  candidate,  Lazzari,  secured  143  votes  for 
President  of  the  Chamber  to  251  for  Signer  Orlando.  In 
the  late  fall,  strikes  again  occurred  in  Italy  with  great 
frequency. 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   COUNTRIES 

The  strong  socialist  movements  in  Denmark,  Sweden 
and  Norway  were  active  during  the  war  in  preserving  the 
neutrality  of  their  respective  countries,  and  in  assisting 
in  the  organization  of  an  international  socialist  con- 
ference. 

In  Denmark  and  Sweden,  where  the  parties  are  plu- 
rality, although  not  majority  parties,  the  socialists  en- 
tered for  a  time  into  coalition  ministries  with  the  liberals. 
The  moderate  course  pursued  in  those  countries  led  to 
the  formation  of  left  wing  groups.  In  Norway,  the  party 
swung  during  the  war  definitely  to  the  left.  All  three 
movements  increased  steadily  in  influence  among  the 
masses. 


434.      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

DENMARK 

Efforts  Toward  Peace —  The  manifesto  of  the  Danish 
Socialist  Party  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  war 
attributed  the  conflict  fundamentally  to  the  forces  of  inter- 
national imperialism.  It  urged  the  socialists  of  other 
countries  to  work  for  peace  proposals  which  would  con- 
stitute a  basis  for  international  disarmament  and  for  the 
democratization  of  foreign  policies.  It  protested  against 
the  violation  of  the  law  of  nations  as  evidenced  in  the 
invasion  of  Belgium  and  it  pressed  for  the  calling  of  an 
International  Socialist  Congress. 

Joins  the  Coalition. —  In  1916,  the  party  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  connection  with  the  sale  of  the  Danish  West 
Indies  to  the  United  States.  When  the  disposal  of  these 
islands  was  under  consideration,  the  conservative  parties 
conducted  an  ultra-patriotic  campaign,  demanding  that 
the  sale  be  not  completed  and  that  a  new  election  be  held. 
In  order  to  prevent  the  Agrarian  and  Conservative  parties 
from  winning  out,  the  government  asked  the  socialists  to 
participate  in  the  cabinet.  A  special  meeting  of  the 
party  was  called  for  October  1,  1916,  and,  by  a  vote  of 
293  to  32,  the  convention  took  the  unusual  step  of  permit- 
ting one  of  its  members  to  join  the  ministry  without  port- 
folio. The  parliamentary  group  selected  Theodore  Staun- 
ing,  one  of  the  foremost  leaders  of  the  party,  as  its  rep- 
resentative. Stauning  remained  a  member  of  the  cabinet 
throughout  the  war. 

Increased  Socialist  Vote. —  Party  strength  steadily 
increased  during  the  war,  and,  in  the  Spring  elections  of 
1918  —  the  first  elections  in  which  women  were  given  the 
franchise  —  the  electorate  returned  39  socialists  to  the 
Folkething,  an  increase  of  7  over  1913,  and  32  radicals. 
This  gave  to  the  radical-socialist  coalition  71  seats  as 


DENMARK  435 

compared  with  68  seats  for  the  opposition  parties,  led  by 
ex-Premier  Christensen.  The  socialists  polled  263,000 
votes,  the  radicals,  192,000  —  a  total  of  455,000,  while 
the  liberals  and  conservatives  secured  230,000  and  167,- 
000  respectively,  or  a  total  of  397,000.  The  highest  pop- 
ular vote  was  thus  received  by  the  Social  Democrats.  The 
latter  also  gained  full  control  over  Copenhagen,  from  the 
mayoralty  down,  obtained  a  majority  in  14  city  and  34 
rural  councils,  and  elected  to  the  city  and  rural  councils 
throughout  the  country  some  1,479  municipal  councilors. 
The  party  reported  a  dues-paying  membership  in  the  be- 
ginning of  1918  of  80,000,  as  compared  with  60,000  in 
1915. 

Formation  of  Left  Wing  Party —  Taking  a  moderate 
position  in  the  International,  it  refused  to  send  delegates 
to  the  Zimmerwald  Conference,  and  kept  up  its  affiliation 
with  the  International  Socialist  Bureau.  In  the  Summer 
of  1918,  a  radical  minority,  who  opposed  the  opportun- 
ism of  Stauning  and  others,  formed,  under  the  leadership 
of  Mr.  Nicolaisen,  a  Socialist  Party. 

As  in  other  countries,  the  war  was  attended  in  Den- 
mark by  measures  of  suppression  against  radical  expres- 
sion. The  editor  of  the  Class  Struggle  and  other  papers 
were  sent  to  jail,  and  hosts  of  meetings  were  broken  up 
by  the  authorities.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  food  and 
other  necessities,  Denmark  adopted,  during  the  war,  a  vast 
amount  of  state  control  of  industry.  The  socialist  par- 
liamentary group  were  effective  in  1918  in  forcing  through 
remedial  legislation  in  regard  to  the  unemployment  prob- 
lem, and  an  increase  in  direct  taxation.  As  a  result  of 
their  efforts,  76  per  cent,  of  the  revenue  collected  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  war  came  from  direct  taxation ;  24  per 
cent.,  from  indirect.  This  was  an  entire  reversal  from 
conditions  of  a  few  years  before. 


436      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


SWEDEN 

The  Party  Strength — In  1914,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Sweden  had  the 
distinction  of  holding  in  the  Lower  House  of  their  Parlia- 
ment a  larger  number  of  seats  than  that  of  any  other 
party  —  87  as  compared  with  80  seats  occupied  by  the 
conservatives  and  45  by  the  liberals.  It  held  14  seats  in 
the  Senate,  and  426  irt  the  municipal  councils.  In  1915, 
the  party  elected  126  deputies  to  the  Landsthing  (the 
provincial  Parliament),  a  gain  of  45  over  the  previous 
election. 

In  November,  1914,  the  party  decided  to  form,  against 
the  opposition  of  the  Young  Socialists,  a  coalition  min- 
istry with  non-socialist  parties.  It  opposed,  by  a  vote  of 
70  to  61,  the  parliamentary  demand  for  gradual  reduc- 
tion of  armaments,  and  expelled  Steffen,  a  member  of 
Parliament,  for  advocating  intervention  on  the  side  of 
Germany. 

Separation  of  Young  Socialists. —  At  the  national  con- 
vention of  February  22,  1917,  the  party  went  on  record 
in  favor  of  the  Stockholm  Conference,  and  advocated  strict 
prohibition  of  alcoholic  liquors.  By  a  vote  of  136  to  2, 
it  forbade  the  Young  Socialists  from  running  separate 
candidates  and  demanded  that  they  indorse  the  unity  res- 
olution of  the  former  party  conference  as  the  unalterable 
condition  of  party  Unity. 

On  May  12,  1917,  the  young  people's  organization 
met,  unanimously  rejected  the  conditions  set  forth  by  the 
party  and  formed  a  new  party  which  they  called  the  Swed- 
ish Socialist  Party.  Lindhagen,  the  Mayor  of  Stockholm, 
and  fourteen  other  members  of  the  parliamentary  group 
immediately  joined  the  new  movement,  which  adopted  a 


SWEDEN  437 

program  on  the  lines  of  the  Zimmerwald  and  Kienthal 
conferences. 

The  membership  of  the  older  party  showed  a  consider- 
able decrease  during  the  year  on  account  of  this  seces- 
sion of  the  Young  Socialists,  although  the  September, 
1917,  elections  indicated  a  socialist  gain  of  eleven  seats, 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  electing  86  of  their  candi- 
dates, and  the  Young  Socialists,  12. 

Democratizing  the  Constitution. —  In  the  early  Fall  of 
1917,  both  the  Socialist  and  the  Liberal  parties  fought 
against  the  Conservatives  on  the  three  issues  of  (1)  re- 
form of  the  upper  house,  (2)  votes  for  women,  and  (3) 
government  by  parliamentary  majority.  The  conserva- 
tives, who  went  into  the  elections  with  86  seats,  witnessed 
the  return  of  but  57,  and  M.  Schwartz,  the  Premier,  was 
forced  to  resign.  The  Liberal  Party,  with  62  seats  out 
of  230,  thereupon  united  with  the  socialist  moderate 
group,  with  its  86  seats,  and  formed  a  coalition  govern- 
ment with  M.  Eden  at  its  head  and  three  socialist  cab- 
inet members,  including  M.  Branting,  the  leader  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Party,  and  the  first  socialist  to  sit  in 
the  Swedish  legislature,  Baron  Palmsierna  and  M.  Ryden 
among  its  members.  After  a  few  months,  Branting  re- 
signed. 

For  the  next  two  years,  the  liberal  and  socialist  groups 
fought  for  a  more  liberal  constitution.  While  they  held 
a  majority  in  the  lower  house,  they  were  in  a  minority  in 
the  upper  chamber  (62  against  86),  and  here  their  pro- 
posals were  constantly  held  up.  The  threat  of  revolution 
because  of  this  attitude  and  the  warning  of  the  German 
revolution,  however,  finally  forced  the  upper  chamber,  in 
December,  1918,  to  yield  to  the  liberal  demands.  Under 
the  new  constitution,  women  were  given  the  vote,  prop- 
erty qualifications  in  the  election  of  the  upper  house  were 


438      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

abolished  —  though  the  election  was  still  indirect  —  and 
the  electorate  was  increased  three  fold. 

Demands  of  the  Radicals. —  The  newly  formed  So- 
cialist Party,  during  the  war,  continued  its  criticism 
against  the  Branting  socialists,  and,  in  the  latter  part  of 
1918,  the  Young  People's  Socialist  League  and  the  Swed- 
ish Soldiers'  and  Workingmen's  Council  issued  a  joint 
manifesto,  demanding  the  formation  of  a  socialist  govern- 
ment, supported  by  the  workmen's,  soldiers'  and  peasants' 
councils  all  over  the  country;  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment; the  abolition  of  the  upper  chamber  of  the  Par- 
liament ;  the  immediate  convening  of  a  constituent  national 
assembly  on  the  basis  of  unlimited  suffrage  for  men  and 
women  above  20  years ;  immediate  abolition  of  militarism ; 
a  systematic  raising  of  wages  for  all  workingmen  and 
,  civil  service  employees ;  the  immediate  introduction  of  the 
eight-hour  day;  the  confiscation  of  estates  held  by  com- 
panies and  of  crown  possessions,  and  their  distribution, 
under  the  control  of  communities,  among  the  working 
classes. 

In  late  December,  1918,  and  early  January,  1919,  con- 
servative groups  in  Sweden  conducted  a  vigorous  recruit- 
ing campaign  to  secure  volunteers  to  aid  the  conserva- 
tives of  Esthonia  in  their  fight  against  the  Bolsheviks. 
Huge  mass  meetings  were  held  by  the  socialists  through- 
out Sweden  protesting  against  the  campaign  which,  they 
believed,  aimed  primarily  to  involve  Sweden  in  war  on  the 
side  of  Germany.  Shortly  thereafter  the  recruiting  sta- 
tions were  closed.  Throughout  the  European  war,  the 
socialists  fought  persistently  against  joining  hands  with 
the  Central  Powers. 


NORWAY  439 


NORWAY 

Anti-Militarism. —  The  Social  Democratic  Party  of 
Norway  has,  for  the  past  few  years,  taken  a  decidedly 
more  radical  position  than  has  the  majority  party  in  the 
sister  country  of  Sweden.  The  party  conducted  an  ener- 
getic anti-militarist  campaign  throughout  the  European 
war. 

Control  by  Left  Wing —  At  the  Spring  convention,  in 
1918,  the  left  wing  groups  obtained  complete  control  of 
the  party.  The  convention  voted,  against  the  opposition 
of  the  executive  committee,  to  invite  the  left  wing  of  the 
Swedish  socialist  movement  to  participate  in  the  conven- 
tion. It  defeated  the  committee's  resolution  which  con- 
demned "  a  dictatorship  of  force,  either  from  the  upper 
classes  or  from  the  working  classes,"  and  which  appealed 
to  the  workers  to  rally  to  their  trade  unions  and  to  polit- 
ical organizations  as  a  means  of  protection.  On  the  other  | 
hand,  it  passed,  by  a  vote  of  158  to  127,  the  left  wing  res- 
olutions in  substance  as  follows : 

"  The  Socialist  Party  cannot  recognize  the  right  of  the 
possessing  class  to  economic  exploitation  of  the  working  class, 
even  if  this  exploitation  is  supported  by  a  majority  in  Par- 
liament. The  Norwegian  Labor  Party  must,  therefore,  re- 
serve to  itself  the  right  to  employ  mass  action  or  revolution 
in  the  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of  the  working  class." 

The  party  also  expressed  its  approval  of  the  forma- 
tion of  soldiers'  and  workmen's  councils.  The  proposal 
to  undertake  a  military  strike,  however,  was  defeated  by  a 
vote  of  115  to  120. 

Party  Strength —  At  the  1915  election,  the  party  se- 
cured one-third  of  the  total  vote.  During  the  year  1918 


440      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

it  enrolled  10,000  new  members,  making  a  total  of  80,000 
in  all. 

The  trade  union  movement  in  Norway  is  more  conserv- 
ative than  are  the  socialists  and,  in  October,  1918,  voted 
against  sabotage  and  the  general  strike. 

SMALLER    EUROPEAN    COUNTRIES 
BELGIUM 

On  account  of  foreign  occupation,  it  was  impossible  for 
the  Belgian  socialists  effectively  to  function  during  the 
war.  However,  the  party  did  effective  work  in  the  feed- 
ing of  the  population,  in  defending  the  workers  against 
interference  by  the  Germans  and  in  promoting  interna- 
tional conferences.6  In  November,  1919,  the  socialists 
increased  their  representation  in  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties from  about  40  to  70,  the  Catholics  electing  73,  a  loss 
of  26  seats ;  the  Liberals,  34,  a  loss  of  11.  The  Socialists 
obtained  the  largest  popular  vote  of  any  party. 

HOLLAND 

Peace  Activities — The  Dutch  socialists  throughout 
the  war  kept  up  a  consistent  agitation  in  favor  of  neu- 
trality. Troelstra,  the  leader  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party,  was  also  active  during  the  war  in  an  endeavor 
to  bring  about  some  agreement  between  the  socialists  of 
the  Allies  and  those  of  the  Central  Powers. 

The  party  likewise  led  in  the  campaign  against  the  high 
cost  of  living,  against  militarism  and  in  favor  of  political 
reforms.  During  the  latter  part  of  1918,  and  the  early 
part  of  1919,  food  riots  occurred  throughout  Holland, 
rumors  of  a  revolution  were  widespread,  and  cries  were 

•The  Rapport  du  Bureau  du  Com  fit  General  »ur  L'Activitt  du 
Parti  Owner  Pendant  La  Guerre  compiled  after  the  armistice 
gives  a  remarkable  picture  of  these  activities. 


BELGIUM  AND  HOLLAND  441 

heard  at  many  meetings  for  the  abdication  of  the  Queen. 
The  address  of  Troelstra  in.  November,  in  which  he  de- 
clared that,  "  as  the  bourgeois  parties  all  side  with  the 
capitalists,  we  are  forced  to  consider  the  possibility  of 
our  following  the  example  of  Berlin,"  and  intimated  the 
use  of  violence,  caused  considerable  anxiety  in  govern- 
mental circles. 

Program  of  Economic  Reform — On  November  12, 
1918,  the  party  and  the  Federation  of  Labor  Unions  is- 
sued a  manifesto  in  which  they  urged  immediate  demobili- 
zation, the  enfranchisement  of  all  women  and  of  all  per- 
sons who  are  of  age,  abolition  of  the  upper  house  of  the 
Dutch  Parliament,  the  imposition  of  direct  taxes  to  meet 
the  costs  of  war  .and  of  the  reconstruction  period,  "  so- 
cialization of  every  branch  of  industry  that  can  thus  be 
reformed  upon  a  sound  basis,"  provision  for  decent  living 
quarters  for  the  workers,  improvement  of  the  condition 
of  the  farmers,  abolition  of  the  strike  law  of  1903,  better 
distribution  of  food,  old  age  pensions  for  every  one  above 
sixty  years  of  age,  institution  of  an  eight-hour  day  and 
of  a  six-hour  day  for  miners,  state  insurance  for  the  un- 
employed, increase  in  salaries  of  government  employees, 
and  the  acceptance  of  all  of  the  demands  of  the  Interna- 
tional Association  of  Labor  Unions. 

SWITZERLAND 

Approves  Zimmerwald  Conference. —  The  Swiss  so- 
cialists throughout  the  war  kept  up  a  continuous  anti- 
war agitation,  and  placed  their  emphasis  increasingly  on 
the  general  strike  as  a  means  of  social  progress.  In 
November,  1915,  the  party  congress  indorsed  the  Zim- 
merwald program,  called  on  the  socialists  of  all  belli- 
gerent countries  to  adopt  revolutionary  action  to  stop  the 
war,  urged  the  abolition  of  military  courts,  and  demanded 


442      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

that,  in  the  Swiss  army,  the  officers  be  allotted  the  same 
rations  and  sleeping  quarters  as  the  men. 

Another  resolution  demanded  the  reorganization  of 
the  party  by  complete  merging  of  the  Griitli  Union  — 
the  more  opportunistic  wing  —  with  the  general  organiza- 
tion —  a  demand  with  which  the  Griitli  Union  afterwards 
refused  to  comply.  Owing  to  the  secession  of  this  group, 
the  party  books  at  the  Zurich  Congress  of  November, 
1916,  showed  but  27,485  dues-paying  members. 

Anti-Militarist  Stand —  On  June  9  and  10,  1917,  at 
an  extraordinary  convention,  called  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  the  socialist  attitude  toward  war,  the  party, 
by  a  vote  of  222  to  77,  took  a  most  definite  stand  against 
militarism  and  war,  urging  "  fundamental  opposition  by 
the  party  and  its  elected  representatives  to  all  demands, 
budgets,  and  laws  which  serve  the  purpose  of  upholding 
and  strengthening  militarism  or  which  threaten  to  create 
international  complications.  It  decided  to  send  its  dele- 
gates only  to  the  Zimmerwald  Conference. 

Unrepresented  at  Berne — A  militant  anti-war  stand 
was  also  taken  by  the  party  on  the  eve  of  the  International 
Socialist  Conference  in  Berne  in  February,  1919,  when 
delegates  by  a  vote  of  238  to  147,  against  the  advice  of 
the  executive  committee,  refused  to  send  representatives 
to  the  Berne  Conference,  and  asked  the  national  execu- 
tive to  issue  a  call  for  an  international  conference  of  all 
parties  which  were  organized  on  the  basis  of  the  class 
struggle,  and  which  had  in  general  followed  the  policies 
enunciated  at  the  Zimmerwald  and  Kienthal  conferences. 

The  General  Strike —  Socialists  throughout  1918  and 
1919  united  with  organized  labor  in  efforts  to  obtain  po- 
litical and  economic  reforms  through  the  general  strike. 
In  November,  1918,  such  a  strike  was  called  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  a  new  parliamentary  election  on  the  basis 


SWITZERLAND  443 

of  proportional  representation,  woman  suffrage,  popular 
reorganization  of  the  army,  a  better  distribution  of  food 
supply,  a  forty-six  hour  week,  general  obligatory  labor, 
state  monopoly  of  importation  and  exportation,  old  age 
and  invalidity  insurance,  and  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt  by  the  propertied  classes. 

It  was  rumored  that  the  strikers  aimed  to  follow  the 
lines  of  the  Russian  revolution  and  secure  possession  of 
the  armories,  but  federal  troops,  chiefly  peasants,  were 
rushed  to  guard  these  institutions,  and  no  attempted  seiz- 
ure took  place.  The  leaders  of  the  Social  Democrats  pre- 
sented their  demands  to  the  Federal  Parliament  on  No- 
vember 9,  and,  for  the  next  five  days,  public  business,  the 
mail  service,  and  the  railways  were  at  a  standstill.  Par- 
liament conceded  the  calling  of  an  earlier  election  of  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Council,  but  no  further  demands 
were  complied  with,  and,  on  November  14,  the  strike  was 
called  off. 

The  socialist  movement  during  the  war  grew  in  influ- 
ence among  the  workers  of  the  city,  the  civil  employees,  and 
the  professional  workers,  although  it  did  not  succeed  to 
any  great  extent  in  reaching  the  peasants  whom  the  war 
made  more  prosperous. 

In  the  Fall  of  1919,  the  socialists  elected  39  of  their 
candidates  to  the  national  legislature,  an  increase  of  over 
100%.  During  the  summer  the  party  decided  to  refrain 
from  joining  the  second  or  the  Moscow  International. 

SPAIN 

Attitude  Toward  War — The  war  and  its  resulting 
oppressions  gave  to  the  Spanish  socialists  for  the  first 
time  in  their  existence  considerable  influence  in  the  poli- 
tics of  that  country.  After  the  outbreak  of  the  European 


444      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

war,  the  socialists  in  this  country  at  first  took  a  definite 
position  for  neutrality  and  against  militarism  and  war. 
Later  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  party,  particularly  Igle- 
sias,  the  one  socialist  in  the  Cortes,  strongly  urged  that 
Spain  enter  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Allies.  These  sen- 
timents, however,  were  not  shared  by  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  party. 

The  Strike  of  1917 —  Throughout  the  war  economic 
disturbances  broke  out  in  many  centers  of  population. 
In  March,  1917,  the  General  Workers'  Union  and  the  Gen- 
eral Confederation  of  Labor  issued  a  manifesto  in  which 
they  declared  that,  unless  the  economic  situation  was  re- 
lieved by  social  legislation,  a  general  strike  was  inevitable. 
During  the  early  summer  strikes  became  more  frequent, 
and,  finally,  a  railway  strike  was  called,  followed  by  a 
general  strike,  in  which  demands  were  made  both  for  po- 
jlitical  and  economic  reforms.  Claiming  that  the  object 
of  this  strike  was  the  revolutionary  overthrow  of  the 
government,  the  ministry  dispatched  federal  troops  to  in- 
dustrial centers,  shot  down  hundreds  of  workers  and  ar- 
rested scores  of  others. 

The  Socialist  Victories. —  Among  those  arrested  were 
such  strike  leaders  as  Signores  Julian  Besteiro,  a  uni- 
versity professor,  Caballero,  Anguiano  and  Saborit. 
These  were  tried  and  sent  to  Santa  Barbara  prison  at 
Cartagena  under  a  life  sentence.  In  the  succeeding  muni- 
cipal elections  in  December,  1917,  all  four  prisoners  were 
nominated  as  candidates  for  the  municipal  chamber  in 
Madrid  and  elected  at  the  head  of  the  polls.  Their  elec- 
tion, however,  was  declared  invalid,  on  the  ground  that 
they  were  prisoners. 

In  the  subsequent  elections  in  the  late  Spring  of  1918, 
their  names  were  placed  on  the  socialist  ticket  again,  and 
again  they  were  overwhelmingly  victorious,  the  socialist 


SPAIN  445 

delegation  being  increased  from  one  to  six  members.  Fol- 
lowing this  election,  the  Cortes  —  the  federal  parliament 
—  granted  them  complete  amnesty,  even  restoring  to 
Besteiro  his  professorship,  and  they  were  brought  in 
triumph  to  Madrid.  In  the  Cortes,  they  immediately  be- 
gan an  exposure  of  the  treatment  accorded  to  the  strikers 
by  the  government  during  the  August  strike,  and  forced  a 
federal  investigation.  This  event  was  regarded  by  many 
as  the  beginning  of  a  real  socialist  movement  in  Spain. 

Further  strikes  of  a  more  or  less  general  character 
broke  out  in  the  first  part  of  1919  in  Barcelona,  Seville 
and  other  cities  against  the  high  cost  of  living,  unemploy- 
ment and  other  evils. 

Further  Suppression. —  Following  the  May  day  riots, 
the  King  dissolved  the  Cortes,  on  account  of  its  possible 
failure  to  support  drastic  measures  of  suppression,  and 
increased  the  garrisons  in  industrial  towns.  The  gov- 
ernment also  proceeded  ruthlessly  against  any  foreigners 
who  were  alleged  to  have  any  "  Bolshevik  "  tendencies, 
and  deported  hundreds  of  Russians  and  other  foreigners 
to  Odessa  and  elsewhere.  The  socialist  sentiment  stirred 
by  the  Russian  Revolution  seems  destined,  despite  these 
persecutions,  steadily  to  advance  in  this  backward 
country. 

PORTUGAL 

Following  Portugal's  entrance  into  the  war,  the  party, 
on  account  of  its  strong  anti-war  stand,  was  at  first  bit- 
terly persecuted  by  the  government,  but,  with  the  increas- 
ing war  weariness  of  the  country,  gradually  regained  its 
rights  and  developed  in  influence.  It  indorsed  the  Zim- 
merwald  Conference,  at  the  same  time  refusing  to  send 
delegates  to  the  Stockholm  Conference  called  by  the  In- 
ternational Socialist  Bureau.  Subsequently  it  appointed 


446      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

a  representative  to  the  second  gathering  at  Stockholm. 
The  representative,  however,  was  denied  passports. 

THE    BALKANS 

Servia. —  The  socialists  in  the  Balkans  throughout  the 
war  were  placed  in  a  particularly  difficult  position.  The 
I  Servian  socialists  remained  anti-war  throughout,  indorsed 
the  Zimmerwald  Conference,  and  sent  delegates  to  the 
meeting  called  immediately  after  the  second  Stockholm 
Conference.  After  the  German  invasion  it  was  not  per- 
mitted to  hold  meetings  which  dealt  directly  or  indirectly 
with  the  war. 

Rumania. —  From  the  very  beginning  of  the  European 
War,  the  Rumanian  socialists  agitated  for  peace,  and  it 
was  this  agitation  that  was,  to  a  considerable  extent,  re- 
sponsible for  the  neutrality  of  the  country  for  some  six- 
teen months  after  war  broke  out.  This  crisis  again 
led  to  persecution.  Dr.  Rakowsky  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned  incommunicado.  When  the  Germans  over- 
rode Rumania,  he  was  taken  to  Russia  and  there  im- 
prisoned, but  released  with  the  revolution,  becoming  a 
member  of  the  Russian  Soviet. 

The  war  greatly  demoralized  the  movement,  and,  under 
the  German  rule,  as  in  Servia,  it  was  next  to  impossible  to 
hold  meetings.  Two  huge  gatherings,  were,  however,  held 
in  Bucharest  in  1917,  one  to  agitate  for  a  reduction  of 
the  high  cost  of  living,  the  other  to  demand  peace.  The 
socialist  vote  in  1910  was  but  1,557,  in  1914,  2,047.  In 
the  Summer  of  1919,  the  Socialist  Club  of  Bucharest  was 
closed  by  the  Rumanian  authorities,  and  socialist  meetings 
prohibited.  Rumanian  socialists  in  Paris  issued  a  protest 
in  August  against  the  attack  of  Rumanian  militarism 
against  the  Hungarian  Soviet  Republic. 

Bulgaria. —  The  Bulgarian  socialists  divided  into  the 


THE  BALKANS  447 

"  broad-minded  "  and  "  narrow-minded  "  socialists,  the 
former  supporting  the  war,  and  being  rewarded  with  gov- 
ernment positions ;  the  latter  firmly  protesting  against  all  I 
wars,  and  indorsing  the  Zimmerwald  Conference.  No  less  I 
than  1,000  members  of  the  party  were  thrown  into  prison 
for  their  opposition.  In  January,  1916,  the  pro-war 
socialists  claimed  5,800  dues-paying  members ;  the  "  nar- 
row-minded," 3,800.  In  May,  1919,  at  the  party  con- 
gress, representative  of  party  members  and  trade  unionists, 
the  Communist  Party  of  Bulgaria  was  formed,  and  a  pro- 
gram was  adopted  on  lines  laid  down  by  the  Communist 
International.  The  elections  of  1919  placed  the  socialists 
in  the  very  forefront  of  Bulgarian  political  life. 

Greece. —  When  war  broke  out,  Venizelos  of  Greece  se- 
cured the  support  of  a  large  number  of  the  party  for  his 
Greater-Balkan  plan,  and  this  section  agitated  for  par- 
ticipation in  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Allies.  Drakoules, 
the  founder,  was  expelled  from  the  party  in  1915  because 
of  his  pro-war  agitation.  The  smaller  of  the  two  socialist 
parties,  the  Labor  Federation,  urged  neutrality,  joined 
the  Inter-Balkan  Socialist  Federation  and  the  Zimmerwald 
Conference  and,  in  August,  1915,  sent  a  communication 
to  the  "  narrow-minded "  Socialist  Party  of  Bulgaria, 
in  which  it  vigorously  attacked  the  alleged  imperialistic 
plans  of  Germany,  England  and  Russia  in  their  control 
over  the  Balkans.  This  note  brought  bitter  prosecution, 
but  assisted  in  making  the  party  more  popular  than  it 
had  been  in  the  past. 

FINLAND 

First  Socialist  Premier. —  During  the  war,  the  Finnish 
socialist  movement  steadily  grew  and,  in  June,  1916, 
captured  the  majority  of  seats  in  the  Finnish  Diet  (103 


448      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

out  of  200),  thus  making  Finland  the  first  country  in 
Europe  in  which  the  socialists  outnumbered  the  deputies 
of  all  of  the  other  parties  combined.  After  this  victory, 
a  coalition  government  was  formed  with  Oskar  Tokoi,  a 
socialist  parliamentarian,  as  President  of  the  Senate,  a 
position  corresponding  to  that  of  prime  minister  in  other 
countries.  The  socialists  of  the  Diet,  after  the  Russian 
revolution,  urged  the  absolute  independence  of  Finland, 
and  its  separation  from  Russia,  but  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment of  Russia,  while  restoring  the  Finnish  Constitu- 
tion, held  that  this  question  should  be  left  for  settlement 
to  the  Constituent  Assembly. 

White  Guards  Helped  by  Germans. —  Tokoi  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Judge  Svinhufud,  a  reactionary,  supported  by 
the  White  Guards,  and,  during  the  next  few  months,  a  bit- 
ter civil  war  broke  out  between  the  White  Guards,  rep- 
resenting the  bourgeoisie,  and  the  Red  Guards,  composed 
chiefly  of  Finnish  socialists.  The  White  Guards  appealed 
for  aid  to  Sweden,  but  this  was  denied.  On  January  27, 
1918,  the  socialists  captured  the  government,  and  ex- 
tended their  sway  over  the  country,  the  former  prime  min- 
ister, Judge  Svinhufvud,  fleeing  to  Germany.  There  an 
appeal  was  made  to  help  the  White  Guard,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Mannerheim,  and,  by  the  aid  of  German 
troops  and  warships,  the  Red  Guard  was  routed,  the  bour- 
geoisie was  again  placed  in  power,  and,  on  May  2,  Judge 
Svinhufvud  was  declared  dictator.  The  government  re- 
signed on  May  25  and  Paaskivi,  a  member  of  the  Old  Fin- 
nish Party,  was  chosen  prime  minister.  From  the  Spring 
until  the  end  of  the  year,  the  government  worked  ener- 
getically for  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  under  a 
German  prince. 

The  "  White  Terror."—  During  the  Red  Guard  regime, 
the  official  White  Guard  report  states  that  over  1,000 


FINLAND  449 

opponents  of  the  Red  Guard  were  murdered,  although  it 
actually  records  the  deaths  of  624,  a  portion  of  whom  died 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  the  war.  After  the  return  of  the 
White  Guard,  the  government  proceeded  with  a  heavy  hand 
against  the  socialists  who  remained  in  the  country  with 
the  result  that,  according  to  the  official  report,  20,000 
were  shot  without  trial,  while,  between  June  and  October, 
1918,  some  13,000  persons  died  of  thirst  and  hunger  in 
the  camps  set  aside  for  political  prisoners.  Of  the  92 
socialists  then  members  of  the  Finnish  Diet,  all  except  one, 
according  to  the  London  Times  (Feb.  11,  1919),  were  ex- 
cluded by  the  government  from  the  Diet,  while  the  legis- 
lators remaining  passed  restrictive  franchise  and  other 
reactionary  laws. 

Mannerheim  Prime  Minister. —  On  December  13, 
1918,  the  Diet  accepted  the  resignation  of  Svinhufvud 
as  dictator,  and  elected  General  Mannerheim  prime  min- 
ister, the  excluded  socialists,  who  constituted  47  per  cent, 
of  the  Diet,  having  no  say  in  this  decision. 

Socialist  Successes. —  The  socialists  won  several  suc- 
cesses in  the  municipal  elections  in  early  January,  1919, 
sending  26  Social  Democrats  in  Helsingfors  to  the  city 
council,  as  compared  with  a  representation  of  34  non- 
socialists.  In  the  March,  1919,  elections,  despite  fran- 
chise discriminations,  the  socialists  appeared  as  the  largest 
single  party,  electing  80  members  to  the  Landtag,  as 
against  70  Finnish  republicans,  22  Finnish  monarchists 
and  22  Swedes.  In  the  Summer  of  1919,  the  Finnish  So- 
cial Democratic  Party  urged  the  Socialist  Parties  of  the 
Entente  "  to  do  everything  in  their  power  to  obtain  from 
their  governments  an  assurance  that  they  will  not  insist 
on  any  participation  by  Finland  in  military  operations 
[against  Russia],  and  to  put  no  pressure  on  Finland." 
Such  participation  would  but  strengthen  reaction.  Dur- 


450      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

ing  the  Summer,  likewise,  the  socialists  withdrew  their  can- 
didate for  president,  and  threw  their  support  to  the 
liberal,  Professor  Stahlberg,  candidate  of  the  Young  Finn 
Party.  With  the  election  of  Stahlberg  the  rule  of  Man- 
nerheim  came  to  an  end. 

OTHER  EUROPEAN  COUNTRIES 

Poland. —  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  Russian  Poland 
harbored  three  socialist  movements  —  the  Social  Democ- 
racy of  Russian  Poland  and  Lithuania  and  the  radical 
wing  of  the  Polish  Socialist  Party  (P.  P.  S.),  and  the 
majority  group  in  the  Socialist  Party.  The  first  two 
worked  for  the  Russian  revolution.  The  last  saw  in  the 
success  of  the  Central  Powers  a  victory  for  their  national- 
istic dreams.  After  the  Russian  revolution,  however,  this 
group  lent  its  aid  to  Russia.  For  this  support  the  social- 
ist general  Pilsudski  was  arrested  with  many  of  his  staff 
and  imprisoned  in  Germany. 

Following  the  revolution  the  socialist  and  labor  move- 
ment steadily  grew,  although  the  many  divisions  in  the 
party  prevented  the  socialists  from  gaining  a  majority  of 
seats. 

The  P.  P.  S.  sent  delegates  to  the  second  International 
meeting  at  Lucerne,  in  1919,  but  its  delegates  were  not 
allowed  to  enter  Switzerland.  The  party  executive  there- 
upon issued  a  manifesto  to  the  International,  declaring 
that  Poland  was  being  oppressed  by  Prussian  militarism, 
by  Russia  and  by  the  Entente,  and  urging  the  Interna- 
tional to  approve  the  union  of  Poland  with  the  Polish 
provinces  of  upper  Silesia,  Teschen  and  Poznania.  Re- 
ferring to  the  Polish  struggle  with  Russia,  the  appeal 
declared : 

"  The  victorious  Entente  .  .  .  impose  on  us  economic  and 
political  dependence,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  servile  lean- 


POLAND  451 

ings  of  our  possessing  classes,  pours  out  the  blood  of  our 
workmen  in  the  East,  debasing  the  struggle  for  independence 
into  a  war  of  conquest  in  the  interest  of  landlords  and  recon- 
struction of  the  Russian  Czardom  under  Kolchak." 

It  called  for  the  rebirth  of  the  International  as  the  only 
salvation  of  the  nations. 

Bohemia. —  Considerable  socialist  sentiment  was  shown 
in  the  new  Czecho-Slovak  republic  soon  after  it  was  con- 
stituted. President  Mazaryk,  the  first  president  of  the 
republic,  strongly  favored  socialist  and  collectivist  poli- 
cies, while  Premier  Tusor  was  an  avowed  Social  Democrat. 
In  the  Summer  of  1919,  many  social  reforms  were  an- 
nounced in  this  country.  The  great  estates  of  the  Haps- 
burg  aristocracy  were  confiscated  without  indemnity.  It 
was  decided  that  each  proprietor  should  be  left  300  acres 
of  productive  land  and  200  acres  of  forest  land,  while  the 
rest  should  be  distributed  among  peasants,  former  sol- 
diers, and  particularly  the  peasants'  cooperatives.  The 
eight-hour  day  was  established  in  industry  and  on  the  land 
and  social  insurance  against  unemployment,  sickness,  ac- 
cident and  old  age. 

At  the  August  30  meeting  of  the  executive  committee 
of  the  trade  unions,  said  to  represent  300,000  members, 
the  120  delegates  present  demanded  the  expropriation  of 
private  industrial  resources  and  socialization  of  industry 
—  of  the  mines,  foundries,  corporations  for  the  supply  of 
light,  warmth,  water  power  and  electric  works.  The  ex- 
propriation of  lands,  they  declared,  should  be  carried  out 
as  soon  as  possible  and  industrial  concerns  connected  with 
them  should  also  be  expropriated. 

The  conference  likewise  insisted  on  labor  representation 
on  boards  of  management  in  concerns  not  as  yet  nation- 
alized. 


452      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Jugo-Slav  Parties —  The  April,  1919,  congress  of  the 
Jugo-Slav  Socialist  Parties  held  in  Belgrade  resulted  in 
the  formation  of  a  single  Socialist  Party  for  the  whole  of 
the  then  new  kingdom  of  the  Servians,  Croatians  and  Slo- 
venes. Prior  to  the  convention,  the  Servian  Socialist 
Party,  which  took  the  initiative  in  calling  the  different 
groups  together,  drew  up  a  program,  the  main  points  of 
which  were:  adherence  to  the  third  International,  uncom- 
promising opposition  to  war,  hostility  to  ministerial  col- 
laboration, and  refusal  to  be  represented  in  the  Parliament 
at  Belgrade  on  the  ground  that  this  Parliament  had  been 
constituted  arbitrarily  and  could  not  claim  to  reflect  the 
real  opinion  of  the  country.  These  planks  were  accepted 
by  all  of  the  conferees.7 

Slovakia. —  On  June  16,  1919,  a  Soviet  Republic  was 
proclaimed  in  Slovakia,  Anton  Yanousek,  president,  and 
an  alliance  concluded  with  Soviet  Russia  and  Soviet  Hun- 
gary. On  June  22,  the  Slovak  Press  Bureau  announced 
that  the  socialization  of  all  industries,  banks  and  larger 
business  concerns  was  in  progress,  and  that  a  Red  Guard 
was  being  organized.  Slovakia,  however,  was  reoccupied 
by  the  Czecho-Slovak  army  in  late  June  and  was  once  more 
embodied  in  the  Czecho-Slovak  Republic.8 

i  According  to  the  informant  of  L'Humanit6,  the  Socialist  Parties 
of  Servia,  Bosnia  and  Dalmatia  responded  unanimously  to  this  mani- 
festo and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  membership  was  soon  after  won 
over  to  the  point  of  view  of  the  Conference.  In  Montenegro  no  So- 
cialist Party  existed  before  the  war,  but  after  the  armistice  several 
organizations  joined  the  Servian  Socialist  Party.  The  Slovene  So- 
cialist Party  was  the  only  one  not  represented. 

Before  the  war,  according  to  the  correspondent,  the  Jugo-Slav 
Socialist  Party  numbered  more  than  50,000  adherents,  and  multiplied 
greatly  following  the  armistice.  A  dozen  or  so  socialist  deputies  took 
their  seats  in  the  Parliament,  but  were  regarded  as  "The  Social- 
Patriotic"  deputies,  socialists  only  in  name.  The  syndicalists  called 
a  congress  at  the  same  time,  proclaimed  complete  solidarity  with  the 


SUMMARY  453 

Summary. —  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  socialist  move- 
ment during  the  war  advanced  steadily  in  influence  in 
those  European  countries  not  actually  caught  in  the  grip 
of  the  revolution.  The  British  Labor  Party,  which  de- 
veloped an  increasingly  radical  program,  became,  in  1918, 
the  chief  opposition  party ;  the  socialists  in  Denmark  and 
Sweden  obtained  control  of  more  representatives  in  the 
lower  houses  than  any  other  party,  and,  in  Norway,  se- 
cured no  less  than  one-third  of  the  votes.  The  Italian 
socialists  became  so  influential  that  prophecies  of  revolu- 
tion were  frequently  heard.  The  French  socialists  gained 
in  popular  votes,  though  lost  heavily  in  parliamentary 
seats.  The  Spanish  socialists,  for  the  first  time  in  their 
history,  became  a  political  factor  to  be  reckoned  with. 
And,  in  the  smaller  countries,  most  of  the  movements, 
while  terribly  shattered  by  the  war,  captured  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  masses  as  never  before. 

While  general  socialist  sentiment  increased,  the  social- 
ist movement  itself  swung  toward  a  more  radical  position 

-^-—      ""  .—a  •-.     •  _-.          -'•  -    .m-..          ^  ^      .t  ^          v 

in  most  of  the  countries,  and  advocated  with  increasing 
enthusiasm  the  use  of  such  weapons  as  the  general  strike. 
In  these  countries  during  the  next  few  years,  hand  in  hand 
struggle  between  socialists  and  upholders  of  the 


present  system  for  the  control  of  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment  will  be  witnessed  a  titanic  struggle  Witm'n  the  move- 
ment between  the  ideas  represented  by  the  dominant  figures 
in  the  second  International,  and  those  advocated  by  the  so- 
called  third  International,  formed  by  the  communists  at 
Moscow. 

Socialist  Party  and  arranged  for  an  exchange  of  delegates  between 
the  two  bodies. 

s  See  Manchester  Guardian,  July  23,  1919.    The  correspondent  tells 
of  numerous  other  Soviets  of  a  temporary  or  permanent  character. 


X 


CHAPTER  XIV 

AMERICA  AND  OTHER  LANDS: 
SINCE  1914. 

THE    UNITED    STATES 

Feature  of  Movement —  The  socialist  movement  in  the 
United  States  during  the  war  was  chiefly  characterized 
jr.by  its  militant  anti-war  attitude  and  its  peace  activities. 

For  Mediation  and  Embargo —  Its  first  act  after  war 
broke  out  was  the  issuance  on  August  12,  1914,  of  a  man- 
ifesto, expressing  its  sympathy  with  the  workers  of  all 
nations,  pledging  its  support  to  the  socialist  parties  of 
Europe  in  their  fight  for  peace  and  urging  the  national 
administration  to  open  negotiations  for  mediation  and 
to  extend  every  effort  to  bring  about  the  immediate  ter- 
minal ion  of  the  struggle.  The  manifesto  ended  by  reit- 
erating the  party's  opposition  to  this  and  all  other  wars 
waged  upon  any  pretext  whatever. 

Two  days  later,  the  National  Committee  on  Immediate 
Action  urged  that  the  government  seize  packing  houses, 
cold  storage  warehouses,  granaries,  flour  mills  "  and  such 
other  plants  as  may  be  necessary  to  safeguard  the  food 
of  the  people.  .  .  .  When  the  government  controls  the  in- 
dustries, the  exportation  of  foods  to  Europe  can  be  pre- 
vented. The  rulers  of  Europe,  unable  to  supply  food  to 
their  armies,  will  be  forced  to  call  off  their  soldiers."  The 
committee  also  advocated  that  the  exportation  of  money 
and  of  munitions  of  war  to  the  European  countries  be 

prohibited.     Inasmuch  as  the  enforcement  of  these  sug- 

454 


THE  UNITED  STATES  455 

gestions  would  have  crippled  the  Allied  countries  to  a  far 
greater  extent  than  the  Central  Powers,  this  resolution 
led  to  severe  criticism. 

Call  for  International  Conference. —  In  September,  the 
party  cabled  to  the  socialists  in  ten  of  the  warring  coun- 
tries, urging  that  they  use  their  influence  to  induce  their 
governments  to  accept  mediation  by  the  United  States.  A 
few  days  later,  September  19—20,  the  National  Executive 
Committee  urged  that  an  international  socialist  congress 
be  called  in  Europe  or  America,  and  offered  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  delegates  if  such  a  gathering  were  held 
in  Washington.  This  conference,  however,  did  not  ma- 
terialize. 

In  May,  1915,  following  the  Lusitania  incident,  the 
party  issued  a  manifesto  in  which  it  contended  that  "  no 
disaster,  however  appalling,  no  crime,  however  revolting, 
justifies  the  slaughter  of  nations  and  the  devastation  of 
countries,"  and  called  upon  the  workers  to  agitate  against 
war.  About  the  same  time  it  issued  a  peace  program, 
which  advocated  an  international  federation  of  the  world, 
disarmament,  universal  suffrage,  industrial  democracy, 
the  abolition  of  the  manufacture  of  arms  for  private  profit 
and  the  abolition  of  secret  diplomacy  and  urged  the  appli- 
cation of  the  formula,  "  no  indemnities  and  no  annexa- 
tions." 

The  same  month  the  party  formulated  a  new  section 
to  the  Constitution,  Article  II,  Section  7,  which  declared 
that :  "  any  member  of  the  Socialist  Party,  elected  to  an 
office,  who  shall  in  any  way  vote  to  appropriate  money 
for  military  or  naval  purposes,  or  war,  shall  be  expelled 
from  the  party." 

The  Neutral  Conference  Proposal. —  At  the  opening 
of  the  Sixty-fourth  Congress,  Meyer  London,  the  lone 
socialist  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  introduced  a 


456      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

resolution  urging  that  the  United  States  convene  a  con- 
gress of  neutral  nations,  which  should  offer  mediation  to 
the  belligerents  and  stating  that  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  a  durable  peace 
could  be  established  if  the  following  principles  should  be 
made  the  basis  of  discussion :  The  evacuation  of  invaded 
territory,  liberation  of  oppressed  nationalities,  plebiscite 
for  Alsace-Lorraine,  Poland  and  Finland,  removal  of  po- 
litical and  civic  disabilities,  freedom  of  the  seas,  disarm- 
ament and  establishment  of  an  international  court  of 
arbitration  with  the  commercial  boycott  as  a  means  of 
punishment. 

The  Mexican  Crisis. —  The  Mexican  crisis  also  brought 
forth  vigorous  protests  from  the  socialists  in  June,  1915, 
the  party  declaring  at  that  time  that  intervention  would 
mean  "  the  practical  annihilation  of  the  aspirations  of  the 
liberty  loving  Mexican  people  "  and  that  the  United  States 
had  enough  to  do  to  take  care  of  its  own  affairs. 

In  the  Spring  of  1916,  the  party  issued  a  memorandum 
to  the  President  declaring  that  the  ownership  by  American 
capitalists  of  four  of  the  seven  billions  of  Mexican  wealth 
and  the  desire  of  "  big  business  "  to  have  the  United  States 
safeguard  their  investments  was  one  of  the  underlying 
causes  of  friction. 

The  1916  Campaign. —  The  chief  event  in  socialist  cir- 
cles during  1916  was  the  presidential  campaign,  waged 
largely  on  an  issue  of  anti-militarism,  with  Allan  L.  Ben- 
son and  George  R.  Kirkpatrick,  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President  respectively.  The  platform  urged  a 
referendum  vote  before  the  declaration  of  war,  the  aban- 
donment of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  which,  the  party  be- 
lieved, was  likely  to  be  used  to  retain  Central  and  South 
America  as  a  private  trade  preserve,  the  immediate  inde- 
pendence of  the  Philippines,  and  a  mediation  conference  to 


THE  UNITED  STATES  457 

be  called  by  this  country.  It  also  opposed  a  large  armed 
force  as  an  imperialistic  weapon. 

Many  liberals  and  socialists  who  in  former  years  sup- 
ported the  socialist  ticket  were  led  in  this  campaign  to 
vote  for  Wilson  on  the  ground  that  considerable  social 
and  labor  legislation  had  been  passed  during  his  adminis- 
tration, that  the  president  had  satisfactorily  settled  the 
threatened  railroad  strike,  that  "  he  had  kept  us  out  of 
war,"  and  that  his  defeat  would  result  in  the  election  of  a 
reactionary.  In  addition  to  these  factors,  Mr.  Benson's 
campaigning  failed  to  arouse  the  enthusiasm  kindled  in 
former  years  by  "  Gene  "  Debs  and  many  felt  that  the 
1916  candidate  emphasized  too  exclusively  the  anti-mil- 
itarist issue.  The  result  was  a  drop  in  the  socialist  vote 
in  November  from  897,001  in  1912,  to  590,294-,  a  decrease 
of  approximately  45  per  cent. 

In  January,  1917,  the  Socialist  Party  again  urged  the 
calling  of  an  international  congress,  suggesting  that  it 
assemble  on  June  3,  1917,  at  The  Hague.  On  the  sever- 
ance of  diplomatic  relations  with  Germany,  a  further  pro- 
test was  made  by  the  National  Executive  Committee. 

The  St.  Louis  Convention — On  the  nearer  approach 
of  war,  a  special  emergency  convention  was  called  for  St. 
Louis,  for  April  7-14.  It  met  immediately  following  the 
war  declaration.  The  delegates,  by  a  majority  vote, 
adopted  an  anti-war  platform  known  as  the  St.  Louis 
Resolution,  which  was  afterwards  approved  in  referendum 
vote.  The  resolution  reaffirmed  the  party's  allegiance  to 
internationalism,  proclaimed  its  unalterable  opposition  to 
the  war,  recited  the  reasons  for  opposing  modern  wars, 
condemned  the  failure  of  the  country  prior  to  the  war  to 
observe  the  spirit  of  neutrality,  expressed  the  belief  that 
tHe  war  would  not  advance  the  cause  of  democracy  and  as- 
serted that  the  people  had  not  been  consulted  before  the 


458      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

declaration  of  war.  The  resolution  furthermore  urged 
freedom  of  the  press,  opposed  military  training  in  the 
public  schools  and  advocated  the  socialization  and  democ- 
ratization of  the  great  industries.  The  plank  against 
conscription  and  the  platform's  characterization  of  the 
nature  of  the  war,  together  with  its  general  anti-war  at- 
titude, led  to  many  bitter  attacks  both  from  socialists  and 
non-socialists.1 

Two  minority  programs  were  introduced  at  the  con- 
vention, one  anti-war  and  the  other  pro-war,  and,  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  a  minority  report 
was  signed  by  a  number  of  the  delegates,  which  merely 
recognized  the  war  as  a  fact  and  urged  free  speech  and 
press,  conscription  of  wealth,  socialization  of  industry, 
nationalization  of  vacant  land  and  the  establishment  of 
communications  with  the  socialists  within  the  enemy  na- 
tions in  order  to  bring  about  a  democratic  peace  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment.  Following  the  acceptance  of 
the  majority  resolution,  several  well-known  socialists  re- 
signed from  the  party. 

In  June,  the  committee  of  the  party  urged  that  the 
government  clearly  state  the  objects  for  which  the  United 
States  was  fighting,  the  agreements  made  with  the  Allied 
countries  on  entering  the  war,  and  the  terms  on  which  the 
war  would  be  brought  to  a  close. 

The  1917  Elections —  In  the  fall  elections,  the  social- 
ists waged  a  number  of  active  campaigns.  In  New  York, 
where  Morris  Hillquit  ran  for  mayor,  the  socialist  vote 
increased  from  32,057  in  1913,  to  145,895.  Seven  so- 
cialists were  elected  to  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  which 
had  never  before  contained  a  socialist  representative  and 

1  The  platform  read :    "  In  all  modern  history  there  has  been  no 
I  war   more   unjustifiable   than    the   war   In    which   we    are   about    to 

H  engage." 


THE  UNITED  STATES  459 

ten  socialists  to  the  Assembly,  as  against  two  in  1916. 
The  campaign  was  waged  on  the  issues  of  peace,  the  re- 
tention of  civil  liberties  and  the  "  high  cost  of  living." 
In  Chicago,  the  socialist  vote  was  one-third  of  the  total. 
In  Cleveland,  the  increase  was  350  per  cent.,  in  Cincin- 
nati, 400  per  cent,  and  in  Toledo,  Dayton  and  other  Ohio 
towns,  a  large  advance  was  noticeable.  "  The  fifteen  cities 
from  which  accurate  election  statistics  were  available  show 
that  the  socialists  polled  314,000  or  21.4  per  cent,  of  the 
whole.  This  is  over  four  times  the  proportion  of  the  vote 
usually  polled  by  the  socialist  candidates  in  these  cities."  2 
Certain  of  the  Spring  elections  in  1918,  however,  showed 
a  falling  off  in  the  vote.  In  August,  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  adopted  a  congressional  reconstruction 
program  which  was  widely  and  favorably  commented  upon. 

Social  Democratic  League — After  their  resignation 
from  the  party,  a  number  of  the  pro-war  socialists  formed 
the  Social  Democratic  League.  The  league  was  at  first 
officered  by  John  Spargo,  chairman,  William  English  Wall- 
ing, secretary  and  J.  G.  Phelps  Stokes,  treasurer.  In 
1918,  Charles  Edward  Russell  took  the  place  of  Mr. 
Spargo.  The  league  sent  a  number  of  missions  to  Eu- 
rope, partly  for  the  purpose  of  discouraging  the  holding 
of  an  international  socialist  conference  except  under  cer- 
tain specifically  defined  conditions. 

The  National  Party —  Several  of  the  members  of  the 
league  and  others  organized,  on  October  4,  1917,  the 
National  Party,  in  their  endeavor  to  coordinate  the  dem- 
ocratic forces  in  the  country  outside  of  the  Socialist  Party. 
There  were  represented  at  the  first  conference  delegates 
from  the  Prohibition  Party,  single  taxers,  progressives, 
socialists  and  a  miscellaneous  group.  Some  of  the  sup- 
porters of  this  party  ultimately  formed  "  The  Committee 

a  Paul  H.  Douglas  in  The  National  Municipal  Review,  March,  1918. 


460      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  48  "  which,  in  December,  1919,  in  St.  Louis,  adopted 
a  program  similar  to  that  of  the  Labor  Party. 

The  1918  Elections — The  anti-war  stand  of  the  so- 
cialists, the  wholesale  suppression  of  socialist  papers  and 
of  meetings,  the  fusion  in  many  parts  of  the  country  be- 
tween the  two  old  parties,  and  the  effect  on  the  workers 
of  a  temporary  increase  in  wages,  were  among  the  factors 
which  led  to  a  decreased  socialist  vote  in  1918  as  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  preceding  year.  However,  the  vote 
advanced  in  many  places  over  that  of  1916,  the  guber- 
natorial socialist  vote  in  New  York  being  approximately 
85,000,  in  1918,  as  compared  with  38,000  two  years  be- 
fore—  an  increase  of  about  125  per  cent.  (The  total 
state  vote  increased  approximately  42  per  cent.)  The 
fusion  of  the  old  parties  in  this  state,  however,  accom- 
plished the  defeat  of  Meyer  London  for  Congress,  and  of 
eight  out  of  the  ten  socialist  assemblymen. 

In  Wisconsin,  on  the  other  hand,  the  vote  leaped  up- 
ward. Victor  Berger  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  and 
sixteen  socialist  assemblymen  and  four  senators  were  sent 
to  the  state  legislature.  (Berger  was  subsequently  un- 
seated by  a  practically  unanimous  vote  of  the  House  and 
was  immediately  renominated.) 

In  the  April  1,  1919,  elections,  in  Milwaukee,  the 
socialist  vote  for  Circuit  Court  bench  was  27,701,  a  vote 
nearly  twice  as  great  as  that  of  two  years  before.  In 
Chicago,  with  the  advent  of  the  Labor  Party,  the  vote  in 
the  municipal  election  showed  a  decided  slump.  In  the 
1919  fall  elections  the  New  York  City  socialists  secured  a 
vote  of  126,000,  electing  5  assemblymen  and  4  aldermen. 

Nonpartisan  League. —  Another  radical  movement 
which  undoubtedly  affected  the  Socialist  Party  vote  in 
the  Northwest  in  1918  was  the  Nonpartisan  League. 
This  league  was  organized  among  the  North  Dakota  farm- 


THE  UNITED  STATES  461 

ers  in  February,  1915,  by  A.  C.  Townley,  a  former  or- 
ganizer of  the  Socialist  Party.  It  aimed  to  capture  the 
Republican  Party  machine  of  the  state,  and,  in  the  Fall 
of  1916,  elected  Lynn  J.  Frazier,  the  Nonpartisan  candi- 
date for  governor,  with  a  vote  of  87,665,  as  against  a 
total  of  22,966  for  his  two  opponents ;  and  won  all  the 
state  offices  except  that  of  state  treasurer,  81  of  the  113 
members  of  the  lower  house,  18  of  the  25  members  elected 
to  the  senate,  and  the  3  judges  of  the  supreme  court.  In 
July,  1916,  it  sent  John  M.  Baer  to  Congress  as  its  first 
representative. 

The  League  Idea  Spreads — The  results  in  this  elec- 
tion led  to  the  formation  of  the  league  in  other  states, 
and,  not  long  after  the  election,  organizations  were  effected 
in  13  states  of  the  union.  By  the  fall  elections  in  1918, 
the  league  had  enrolled  some  200,000  members  who  had 
paid  $16  each  for  their  two  years  dues.  In  North  Da- 
kota it  made  another  clean  sweep,  this  time  defeating  the 
left-over  senators  who  had  prevented  the  enactment  of 
the  farmer's  program;  sent  three  of  their  members  to 
Congress,  and  passed  ten  amendments  to  the  constitu- 
tion, which,  among  other  things,  permitted  the  state  to 
engage  in  almost  any  industry  it  desired,  and  to  exempt 
improvements  and  personal  property  from  taxation. 
Thirty-six  league  candidates  were  elected  in  Minnesota 
to  the  legislature,  one  congressman  and  one  state  officer; 
fifteen  legislators  in  South  Dakota,  and  others  in  Ne- 
braska, Montana  and  Colorado.  The  vote  for  the  league 
totaled  about  600,000. 

The  Nonpartisan  Program. —  The  league  program  in- 
cluded a  demand  for  state  terminal  elevators,  warehouses, 
flour  mills,  pulp  and  paper  mills,  stockyards,  packing 
houses,  cold  storage  plants,  state  hail  insurance,  rural 


462      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

credit  banks  and  exemption  from  taxation  of  farm  im- 
provements. 

During  the  session  of  the  state  legislature  in  North  Da- 
kota ending  March  3,  1919,  laws  were  enacted  for  the 
establishment  of  a  state  bank  as  a  repository  for  all 
funds  held  in  the  state ;  the  building  of  state  terminal  ele- 
vators, flour  mills  and  other  distributing,  buying  and  sell- 
ing agencies ;  a  state  home-building  association,  to  aid 
farmers  to  purchase  their  own  homes ;  a  system  of  taxa- 
tion exempting  improvements  up  to  a  certain  limit  from 
taxation,  and  other  measures.  An  Industrial  Commis- 
sion, consisting  of  three  members  —  the  Governor,  the  At- 
torney-General, and  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  and 
Labor  —  was  authorized  to  conduct  and  operate  any  and 
all  industrial  enterprises  the  state  might  establish. 

Local  Labor  Parties — During  1918  and  1919  also  a 
number  of  local  labor  parties  made  their  appearance. 
Throughout  the  history  of  the  labor  movement  in  Amer- 
ica, numerous  attempts  have  been  made  to  organize  labor 
parties  distinct  from  the  Socialist  Party.  During  the 
eighties  the  Knights  of  Labor  entered  the  political  arena, 
but  with  disastrous  results.  This  "  horrible  example  "  of 
the  possible  dangers  to  labor  of  concerted  political  ac- 
tivity ;  the  antagonism  in  the  nineties  between  the  Socialist 
Labor  Party,  with  its  competing  unions,  and  the  Amer- 
ican Federation  of  Labor;  the  fear  on  the  part  of  old- 
time  trade  unionists  that  labor  politics  would  lead  to  so- 
cialist control;  the  existence  of  the  Socialist  Party,  the 
political  expression  of  labor;  the  racial  heterogeneity  of 
the  American  labor  movement,  and  the  antagonism  by  ex- 
treme radicals  to  all  political  action,  were  among  the  fac- 
tors which,  for  the  past  generation,  kept  labor  in  this 
country  from  developing  an  independent  labor  party. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  463 

Rewarding  Labor's  Friends. —  The  logic  of  events, 
however,  forced  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  more 
than  a  decade  ago,  to  adopt  the  policy  of  "  rewarding 
labor's  friends  and  punishing  its  enemies."  In  1906,  the 
Federation  conducted  a  vigorous  campaign  against  Con- 
gressman Littlefield,  of  Maine,  and  other  anti-labor  can- 
didates, and  since  then  it  has  frequently  taken  sides  in  cam- 
paigns as  between  the  candidates  of  the  old  parties.  La- 
bor has  employed  its  members  as  lobbyists  in  state  and 
national  capitals,  and,  in  a  few  instances,  as  in  Wiscon- 
sin, the  local  trade  unionists  have  officially  allied  them- 
selves with  the  Socialist  Party.  Tens  of  thousands  of 
trade  unionists  have  also  as  individuals  supported  the  so- 
cialist ticket. 

Formation  of  Labor  Parties. —  Prior  to  the  war,  con-' 
siderable  dissatisfaction  was  manifested  with  the  lack  of 
militant  political  action  on  the  part  of  labor  as  a  whole. 
Discontent  increased  during  the  war,  particularly  follow- 
ing the  educational  offensive  of  the  reconstruction  pro- 
gram of  the  British  Labor  Party,  and  local  labor  parties 
began  to  spring  up  in  many  centers  of  population.  The 
most  significant  move  toward  a  labor  party  was  the  forma- 
tion, on  November  17,  1918,  of  the  Independent  Labor 
Party  of  Illinois  and  the  United  States,  at  a  regular  meet- 
ing of  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor,  and  the  adoption 
by  that  body  of  *'  Labor's  Fourteen  Points." 

Indorsements. —  The  Labor  Party  idea  was  indorsed 
on  December  2,  1918,  by  the  Illinois  Federation  of  Labor. 
The  central  unions  of  Greater  New  York  organized  an- 
other labor  party  in  January,  and,  during  1918  and 
1919,  no  less  than  two  score  such  parties  were  started 
in  various  parts  of  the  United  States,  despite  the  oppo- 
sition and  threats  of  Mr.  Gompers  and  the  members 
of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  A..  F.  of  L.  The 


464-      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Brotherhoods  of  Enginemen  and  Firemen,  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Federation  of  Labor  and  other  groups  favored  sim- 
ilar action  during  the  early  part  of  1919. 

The  National  Labor  Party —  In  late  November,  1919, 
a  conference  of  groups  interested  in  the  formation  of  a 
Labor  Party  of  national  scope  was  called  for  Chicago, 
and,  on  November  24,  over  1000  delegates  representing 
labor  and  farmers'  groups  all  over  the  country  met  in  that 
city  and  organized  "  The  Labor  Party  of  the  United 
States."  Representatives  of  the  railroad  brotherhoods 
participated  in  the  discussion,  although  the  gathering  was 
disapproved  by  the  officials  of -the  American  Federation 
of  Labor.  The  aim  of  the  party,  in  the  words  of  the  con- 
stitution, was  "  to  secure  economic,  industrial  and  social 
democracy." 

Its  declaration  of  principles  included: 

Nationalization  of  all  public  utilities  and  basic  industries. 

Nationalization  of  unused  lands. 

Government  ownership  of  the  banking  business. 

Abolition  of  the  United  States  Senate. 

Election  of  Federal  Judges  by  popular  vote  for  terms  not 
exceeding  four  years. 

International  solidarity  of  labor. 

Maximum  hours  of  labor  for  men  and  women  to  be  eight 
hours  a  day  and  forty-four  hours  a  week. 

Minimum  wage  for  workers  to  be  fixed  by  law. 

Old  age  pensions,  unemployment,  and  sickness  insurance. 

Steeply  graduated  income  and  inheritance  taxes. 

National  initiative,  referendum  and  recall. 

Application  of  the  "  home  rule  "  principle  in  state,  county 
and  city  governments. 

Condemnation  of  universal  military  training  and  conscrip- 
tion. 

International  disarmament  to  prevent  future  wars. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  465 

Immediate  release  of  political  and  industrial  prisoners. 
Criminal  prosecution  of  profiteers  and  exploiters  of  labor. 
Free  speech,  free  press,  and  the  right  of  free  assembly. 
All  government  work  to  be  done  by  day  labor  instead  of  by 
contract. 

Equal  pay  for  men  and  women. 
Woman  suffrage. 

A  resolution  condemning  the  Peace  Treaty  and  the 
League  of  Nations  covenant  was  adopted  on  the  ground 
that  they  did  not  conform  to  President  Wilson's  Fourteen 
Points  and  were  not  in  the  interest  of  the  working  classes. 

The  delegates  vigorously  condemned  the  injunction 
issued  by  the  federal  judge  in  the  case  of  the  miners,  de- 
manded the  release  of  Eugene  V.  Debs  and  other  political 
prisoners,  opposed  the  blockade  of  Russia,  favored  the 
Plumb  Plan  for  the  railroads  and  the  cooperative  move- 
ment, and  denounced  the  deportation  of  Hindus.  The 
convention  left  the  way  open  for  cooperation  with  the 
Socialist  Party,  the  Nonpartisan  League  and  other 
groups  outside  of  the  two  old  parties,  selected  Chicago 
for  its  national  headquarters,  and  formed  a  national  com- 
mittee. 

The  question  of  selecting  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President  was  left  for  a  subsequent  convention. 

The  Socialist  Party  and  the  Labor  Parties — The 
formation  of  these  parties  in  different  parts  of  the  coun- 
try brought  a  new  competitor  in  the  field  against  the  So- 
cialist Party  and  caused  vigorous  discussion  in  party  cir- 
cles. In  January,  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  party 
declared  its  belief  that  the  entrance  of  labor  into  politics 
was  a  step  in  advance  of  the  old  trade  union  tactics,  and 
therefore  should  not  be  opposed.  Nevertheless  it  was  too 
early  to  judge  whether  the  labor  parties  were  destined 


466      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

to  become  mere  vote-catching  organs  or  revolution- 
ary groups,  and  the  socialists  for  some  time  yet  must 
maintain  toward  them  an  attitude  of  "  watchful  wait- 

ing." 

The  Left  Wing  Movement —  Another  cause  for  con- 
troversy in  the  party  immediately  after  the  signing  of  the 
armistice  was  the  "  Left  Wing  "  section  formed  inside  the 
Socialist  Party.  The  movement  known  as  the  Left  Wing 
in  a  sense  but  continued  the  struggle  evidenced  for  many 
years  past  within  the  party  between  the  more  syndical- 
istic members  who  pinned  their  faith  chiefly  to  the  general 
strike  and  other  industrial  weapons  and  who  looked  at 
political  action  as  well-nigh  a  negligible  revolutionary  fac- 
tor, and  those  party  members  who  believed  in  the  effective- 
ness of  political  action  and  felt  that  immediate  demands 
should  be  retained  in  the  party  platform.  This  contro- 
versy came  to  a  head  in  1912,  when,  by  Section  6  in  the 
Constitution,  those  advocating  violence  and  sabotage  were 
\subject  to  expulsion. 

Impetus  to  Movement —  The  recent  impetus  given  to 
the  left  wing  movement  came  largely  from  the  Russian 
revolution,  and  the  feeling  that  revolution  was  imminent 
throughout  the  world. 

The  emphasis  on  violence  as  a  means  to  democracy 
during  the  war;  the  wholesale  arrests  and  imprisonment 
of  radicals;  the  influx  into  the  party  of  certain  foreign, 
Socialist  Labor  and  I.  W.  W.  elements,  and  the  lack  of  in- 
itiative on  the  part  of  a  number  of  the  party  officials 
were  among  the  other  factors  which  strengthened  this 
group.  Many  party  members  also  felt  that  the  birth  of 
the  Labor  Party  necessitated  a  more  radical  stand  on  the 
part  of  socialists  if  a  proper  distinction  were  to  be  drawn 
between  the  two  groups. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  467 


Those  who  havp  refiisnrl  to  join  the  Left  Wing  section  .  \  x 
maintained_that  the  Socialist  Party  in  the  United  States      y 
hao!"generally  held  a  left  wing  position  and  that  the  at- 
tempt to  create  in  the  party  in  America  the  same  divisions 
as  existed  abroad  was  highly  artificial.     They  also  con-, 
tended  that  the  Left  Wing  failed  to  sense  the  psychology 
of  the  masses  of  the  American  people,  and  did  not  suffi-ij 
ciently  take  into  account  the  difference  between  American ;, 
and  European  conditions. 

Dissensions  in  Movement. —  A  separate  "  Left  Wing  " 
section  was  formed  within  the  party,  a  Left  Wing  mani- 
festo was  issued,  similar  in  tone  to  the  manifesto  of  the 
Communist  International,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
capture  the  machinery  of  the  party. 

Because  of  alleged  irregularities,  a  number  of  foreign; 
speaking  sections  and  state  and  local  organizations  were! 
thereupon  expelled  from  the  party. 

On  June  21,  1919,  the  Left  Wing  section  held  a  conven- 
tion in  New  York.  At  this  convention  a  majority  decided 
to  continue  their  fight  for  the  Left  Wing  position  within 
the  Socialist  Party,  declaring  that  if  the  representatives 
of  the  suspended  and  expelled  organizations  were  refused 
seats  at  the  Emergency  Convention  to  be  held  in  Chicago 
on  August  30,  all  of  the  Left  Wing  delegates  would  join 
together  and  organize  a  Communist  Party.  The  Russian 
Federations,  who  composed  the  bulk  of  the  membership  of 
the  Left  Wing,  and  who  favored  the  immediate  formation 
of  the  Communist  Party,  thereupon  withdrew  from  the 
convention,  and,  together  with  the  Michigan  group  which 
constituted  the  extreme  right  of  the  Left  Wing,  formed 
the  Communist  Party.  Subsequently  a  number  of  the 
members  of  the  Left  Wing  Council  affiliated  themselves 
with  the  new  party.  These  groups  issued  a  call  for  a 


468      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

Communist  Party  Convention  to  be  held  in  Chicago,  on 
September  1. 

Birth  of  Communist  Labor  Party. —  On  August  30, 
the  Emergency  Convention  of  the  Socialist  Party  began  its 
sessions  in  Mechanics  Hall,  Chicago.  When  the  conven- 
tion organized  with  the  uncontested  delegates,  the  Left 
Wing  group  were  found  to  be  in  a  decided  minority.  The 
following  day  some  26  of  the  150  delegates  seated  at  the 
convention  bolted,  and,  with  a  number  of  delegates  from 
Ohio,  Washington,  Oregon,  California,  and  other  states, 
organized  a  party  which,  on  September  2,  was  named  the 
Communist  Labor  Party. 

Formation  of  Communist  Party. —  On  September  1, 
the  Communist  Party  opened  its  sessions  in  Smolny  Insti- 
tute, Chicago.  During  the  following  days  the  Communist 
Labor  Party  urged  that  the  two  groups  amalgamate  on  a 
basis  of  equality.  The  Communist  Party  refused  to  unite 
under  these  conditions,  and  required  that  every  delegate 
from  the  Communist  Labor  Party  who  desired  to  enter  the 
Communist  Party  pass  individually  through  the  creden- 
tials committee.  As  no  basis  of  agreement  could  be  found, 
the  parties  permanently  organized  as  separate  entities. 

Both  the  Communist  and  Communist  Labor  Parties 
voted  to  affiliate  with  the  Moscow  International.  Both 
decided  to  run  candidates  for  political  offices  merely  for 
propaganda  purposes,  declaring  that  chief  reliance  should 
be  placed  on  industrial  action.  Both  urged  that  their  re- 
spective parties  encourage  the  organization  of  revolu- 
tionary industrial  unions,  shop  committees,  etc.,  advocated 
"  the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat,"  and  formulated 
platforms  and  programs  similar  to  the  Manifesto  of  the 
third  (Moscow)  International. 

The  Communist  Party  voted  to  exclude  from  its  mem- 


THE  UNITED  STATES  469 

bership  all  who  obtained  their  "  entire  livelihood  from  rent, 
profit  and  interest  "  and  all  who  entered  "  into  the  service 
of  the  national,  state  or  local  governmental  bodies  other- 
wise than  through  the  Civil  Service  or  by  legal  compul- 
sion." It  forbade  any  member  from  contributing  "  arti- 
cles or  editorials  of  a  political  or  economic  character  to 
publications  other  than  those  of  the  Communist  Party  " — 
except  that  articles  may  be  written  to  scientific  or  profes- 
sional journals.  It  decided  to  run  candidates  for  legisla- 
tive offices,  not  for  executive  offices.  The  party  was 
largely  dominated  by  the  Russian  Federations.  It  also 
contained  the  state  delegations  from  Michigan,  Massa- 
chusetts and  Minnesota,  and  scattered  groups  from  other 
states.  The  Michigan  group  refused  to  sign  the  mani- 
festo or  to  assume  any  offices  following  the  rejection  of  its 
minority  platform.  After  adjournment  the  party  urged 
its  mtmben  to  boycott  the  November  elections.  During 
the  ensuing  months  many  Communist  Party  headquarters 
were  raideJ,  its  members  were  arrested  and  an  attempt  was 
made  in  several  states  to  prove  that  party  membership 
was  unlawful. 

Activities  of  Socialist  Party. —  The  Socialist  Party 
during  the  week  reaffirmed  its  belief  in  the  effectiveness  of 
parliamentary  action ;  declared  in  favor  of  a  system  of 
representation  based  on  occupational  groups ;  emphasized 
the  need  for  industrial  as  opposed  to  craft  unionism  and 
decided  to  create  a  special  department  on  industrial  or- 
ganization ;  urged  hearty  support  of  the  cooperative  move- 
ment ;  condemned  Mexican  intervention,  demanded  the  re-j 
peal  of  the  Espionage  law,  "  the  reestablishment  of  consti- 
tutional civil  liberty  "  in  the  United  States,  and  the  release 
of  all  political  prisoners  and  conscientious  objectors; 
opposed  universal  military  service  and  anti-immigration 
legislation;  hailed  the  fight  for  greater  democracy  in  Ire- 
land and  India;  condemned  the  race  riots  against  the 


470      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

negroes,  and  anti-Jewish  pogroms  and  denounced  the  at- 
tempt to  unseat  Victor  L.  Berger  from  Congress. 

It  also  referred  to  referendum  vote  two  reports  on  inter- 
mi  t  ion  ;il  relations.     The  majority  report  repudiated  the 
'Berne  Conference  as  "  retrograde  "  and  urged  the  forma- 
/  tion  of  a  new  international  which  would  include  the  Com- 
I  munist  Party  of  Russia  and  only  those  parties  declaring 
"  their  strict  adherence  by  word  and  deed  to  the  class 
struggle."     The  minority  report  indorsed  the  third  (Mos- 
cow) International. 

The  Party  Manifesto. —  Its  manifesto,  which  caused 
widespread  enthusiasm  among  all  of  the  delegates  present, 
read  in  part  as  follows : 

"  It  was  the  world  wide  struggle  between  the  working  class 
and  the  capitalist  class  which  dictated  the  decisions  of  the 
Versailles  Conference.  This  is  clearly  shown  on  the  one  hand 
by  the  desperate  attempts  to  crush  Soviet  Russia  and  by  the 
destruction  of  Socialist  Finland  and  Soviet  Hungary,  and  on 
the  other  hand  by  its  recognition  of  the  unsocialistic  coalition 
government  of  Germany. 

"  The  so-called  League  of  Nations  is  the  Capitalist  Black 
International  against  the  rise  of  the  working  class.  It  is  the 
conscious  alliance  of  the  capitalists  of  all  nations  against  the 
workers  of  all  nations.  .  .  . 

"  Recognizing  the  crucial  situation  at  home  and  abroad,  the 
Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States,  at  its  first  national  con- 
vention after  the  war,  squarely  takes  its  position  with  the  un- 
compromising section  of  the  international  socialist  movement. 
We  unreservedly  reject  the  policy  of  these  socialists  who  sup- 
ported their  belligerent  capitalist  governments  on  the  plea  of 
'  national  defense  '  and  who  entered  into  demoralizing  com- 
pacts for  so-called  civil  peace  with  the  exploiters  of  labor  dur- 
ing the  war  and  continued  a  political  alliance  with  them  after 
the  war.  We,  the  organized  socialists  of  America,  pledge  our 
support  to  the  revolutionary  workers  of  Russia  in  the  support 


THE  UNITED  STATES  471 

of  their  Soviet  Government;  to  the  radical  socialists  of  Ger- 
many, Austria  and  Hungary  in  their  efforts  to  establish  work- 
ing-class rule  in  'their  countries,  and  to  those  socialist  organi- 
zations in  England,  France,  and  Italy  and  other  countries  who, 
during  the  war,  as  after  the  war,  have  remained  true  to  the 
principles  of  uncompromising  international  socialism. 

"  We  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  so-called  League  of  Nations. 
Against  this  international  alliance  of  capitalist  governments, 
we  hold  out  to  the  world  the  ideal  of  a  federation  of  free  and 
equal  socialist  nations. 

"  A  genuine  and  lasting  peace  can  be  built  only  upon  the 
basis  of  reconciliation  among  the  peoples  of  the  warring  na- 
tions and  their  mutual  cooperation  in  the  task  of  reconstructing 
the  shattered  world. 

"  We  emphatically  protest  against  all  military,  material  or 
moral  support  which  our  government  is  extending  to  czarist 
counter-revolutionists  in  Russia  and  the  reactionary  forces  in 
Hungary  and  we  demand  the  immediate  lifting  of  the  inde- 
fensible and  inhuman  blockade  of  Soviet  Russia. 

"  We  demand  the  unconditional  and  immediate  liberation  of 
all  political  and  industrial  class  war  prisoners  convicted  under 
the  infamous  Espionage  Law  and  other  repressive  legislation. 
We  demand  the  immediate  and  unconditional  release  of  all 
conscientious  objectors.  We  demand  the  full  restoration  to 
the  American  people  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  liber- 
ties. .  .  . 

"  The  great  purpose  of  the  Socialist  Party  is  to  wrest  the 
industries  and  the  control  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  from  the  capitalists  and  their  retainers.  It  is  our  pur- 
pose to  place  industry  and  government  in  the  control  of  the 
workers  with  hand  or  brain,  to  be  administered  for  the  benefit 
of  the  whole  community. 

"  To  ensure  the  triumph  of  socialism  in  the  United  States 
the  bulk  of  the  American  workers  must  be  strongly  organized 
politically  as  socialists  in  constant,  clear-cut  and  aggressive 
opposition  to  all  parties  of  the  possessing  class.  They  must 
be  organized  on  the  economic  field  on  broad  industrial  lines, 


472      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

as  one  powerful  and  harmonious  class  organization,  cooperat- 
ing with  the  Socialist  Party,  and  ready  in  cases  of  emergency 
to  reenforce  the  political  demands  of  the  working  class  by 
industrial  action." 

To  a  careful  observer  at  these  conventions,  the  Com- 
munist Labor  Party  seemed  to  possess  the  least  unity  of 

purpose,  and  the  least  substantial  membership.  The  Com- 
munist Party,  largely  controlled  by  the  strong  Russian 

Federation,  gave  promise  of  considerable  effectiveness  as 
propaganda  organization,  but  not  as  a  political  party 

n  the  generally  accepted  definition  of  that  term.     The 

Socialist  Party  remained  intact,  and,  with  the  issue  of 
political  action  clarified,  and  spurred  on  by  the  necessity 
of  gaining  a  larger  audience  among  the  English  speaking 
workers,  seemed  in  a  strategic  position  to  function  effec- 
tively in  American  political  life. 

Debs  and  Other  Socialists. —  While  controversies  were 
waging  within  the  party,  and  the  left  wingers  were  con- 
demning socialist  officials  for  their  lack  of  aggressive- 
ness, the  government  was  sending  these  same  officials  to 
long  terms  in  prison  for  their  alleged  aggressive  action 
during  the  war.  (See  Nearing,  The  Debs  Decision.) 
The  trial  of  Eugene  V.  Debs,  four  times  candidate  for 
President  on  the  Socialist  Party  ticket,  attracted  wide- 
spread attention.  In  June,  1918,  Debs  delivered  a  speech 
in  Canton,  Ohio,  in  which  he  declared,  among  other  things, 
that  if  Rose  Pastor  Stokes  —  who  had  been  arrested  and 
sentenced  to  ten  years'  imprisonment  for  intimating  that 
this  was  a  government  of  profiteers  —  was  guilty,  he  also 
was  guilty.3  Debs  was  indicted  on  three  counts  under 

»  He  stated  among  other  things:  "  I  want  to  say  that  if  Rose  Pastor 
Stokes  is  guilty,  so  am  I.  If  she  should  be  sent  to  the  penitentiary 
for  ten  years,  so  ought  I.  What  did  she  say?  She  said  that  a 
government  could  not  serve  both  the  profiteers  and  the  employees 


THE  UNITED  STATES  473 

the  Espionage  Act,  tried  before  a  Cleveland  jury,  where 
he  was  the  only  witness  in  his  own  defense,  and  sentenced 
to  ten  years  in  jail. 

He  appealed  his  case  to  the  Supreme  Court  on  the 
ground  that  the  St.  Louis  socialist  platform  and  the  rec- 
ords from  the  trial  of  Mrs.  Stokes  had  been  illegally 
admitted  into  evidence,  and  that  he  had  been  tried  on 
his  "  state  of  mind."  The  court,  however,  sustained  the 
conviction,  and  reaffirmed  its  decision  that  the  Espionage 
Act  is  not  an  interference  with  the  constitutional  right  of 
free  speech.  In  late  March  Debs  was  sent  to  the  peni- 
tentiary at  Moundsville,  West  Virginia,  where  he  was  given 
the  position  of  a  clerk  in  the  hospital  and  was  later  trans- 
ferred to  Atlanta,  Georgia.  The  trial  and  conviction 
caused  an  international  furore  in  the  socialist  and  labor 
movement,  and  led  to  bitter  denunciation  of  the  Wilson 
administration  throughout  Europe. 

Other  Socialist  Leaders — In  February,  1918,  Victor 
L.  Berger,  editor  of  the  Milwaukee  Leader  and  subse- 
quently reflected  Congressman,  Adolph  Germer,  National 
Secretary  of  the  Socialist  Party,  J.  Louis  Engdahl,  editor 
of  the  American  Socialist,  and  Irwin  St.  John  Tucker,  so- 
cialist, publicist  and  clergyman,  were  also  indicted  on  the 
charge  of  obstructing  recruiting  and  enlisting,  and,  on 
February  20,  1919,  were  sentenced  by  Judge  K.  M.  Landis 
in  Chicago  to  twenty  years  in  the  Federal  prison.  They 
immediately  appealed  the  case.  Of  importance  also  are 
the  cases  of  Kate  Richards  O'Hare,  formerly  interna- 
tional secretary  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  the  United 
States,  who  was  sentenced  to  five  years  imprisonment  for 
a  speech  delivered  in  Fargo,  North  Dakota,  while  touring 
the  state  under  the  auspices  of  the  Nonpartisan  League  — 

of  the  profiteers.  Roosevelt  has  said  a  thousand  times  more  in  his 
paper,  The  Kansas  City  Star." 


474      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

a  speech  which  had  been  delivered  scores  of  times  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  country ;  that  of  Rose  Pastor  Stokes, 
convicted  after  her  return  to  the  Socialist  Party,  and  sen- 
tenced to  ten  years  in  prison  for  her  statement  regarding 
the  government  as  a  government  for  profiteers;  those  of 
Scott  Nearing,  of  Max  Eastman  —  who  escaped  prison 
terms  —  and  of  numerous  other  officials  and  workers.  The 

•  great  length  of  many  of  the  sentences  imposed  caused  as- 

I  tonishment  throughout  Europe. 

In  the  Summer  of  1919,  the  Lusk  Committee,  appointed 
by  the  New  York  State  Legislature,  began  a  campaign 
against  the  Rand  School  of  Social  Science,  the  chief  edu- 
cational institution  in  the  socialist  movement,  with  a  view 
to  putting  it  out  of  existence.  The  activities  of  the  com- 
mittee were  bitterly  denounced. 

Summary. —  Throughout  the  war,  as  has  been  seen,  the 
Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States  maintained  a  defi- 
nitely anti^waT-pjosition.  Many  of  its  leaders,  because  of 
anti-war  statements,  were  imprisoned,  while  the  socialist 
press  was  greatly  hampered,  many  papers  being  totally 
suppressed.  Af**T  *?Ur  pnfranpp  in  the  Eiirappan  JffVj  ft 
small  group  of  publicists  left  the  party.  The-party,  hnw- 
ever,  remained  intact,  and,  in  January,  1919,  contained 
a  larger  membership  than  at  the  outbreak  of  the  European 
war,  although  not  to  large  as  in  1912.  The  socialist  votes 
fluctuated  considerably  during  this  period.  Following  the 
armistice,  a  Left  Wing  movement  developed  momentum, 
and  resulted  in  the  formation  of  two  new  parties. 

CANADA 

"One  Big  Union." — In  Canada  the  socialists  con- 
ducted, during  the  war,  in  connection  with  other  groups, 
a  vigorous  though  unsuccessful  fight  against  conscription. 
Of  main  interest  during  the  early  part  of  1919  was  the 


LATIN  AMERICA  475 

decision  of  the  labor  movement  of  Western  Canada  at  the 
Western  Canadian  Labor  Conference  on  March  16  to 
work  for  "  one  big  union  "  for  all  of  Western  Canada. 
The  decision  led  to  the  severance  of  the  movement  from 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

The  conference  also  favored  the  following  revolutionary 
declaration : 

"  Industrial  soviet  control  by  selection  of  representatives 
from  industries  is  more  efficient  and  of  more  value  to  producers 
than  the  present  form  of  Canadian  political  government,  and 
we  accept  without  alteration  the  principle  of  proletarian 
dictatorship  as  a  means  of  transforming  society  from  a  capi- 
talistic to  a  communal  basis." 

Resolutions  for  the  abolition  of  the  censorship  of  the 
press,  for  the  abolition  of  restrictions  on  the  rights  of 
free  speech  and  for  the  release  of  all  political  prisoners 
held  in  Canadian  jails  were  likewise  passed.  The  dele- 
gates also  demanded  the  six-hour  day,  five  days  a  week. 

The  Winnipeg  Strike. —  An  event  of  equal  importance 
in  the  labor  world  in  1919  was  the  general  strike  in  Win- 
nipeg and  the  election  in  Ontario  of  a  farmer-labor  gov- 
ernment. 

LATIN    AMERICA 

Introductory. —  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  both  the 
socialist  and  labor  movements  in  most  of  the  South  Amer- 
ican countries  were  weak.  During  the  latter  part  of  the 
war,  labor  showed  greater  activity  than  ever  before  and 
there  was  scarcely  a  portion  of  South  America  not  visited 
by  the  general  strike. 

General  Strike  in  Buenos  Aires. —  The  chief  center  of 
agitation  was  in  Buenos  Aires,  Argentina,  where  the  So- 
cialist Party  is  the  plurality  party.  In  January,  1919, 


476      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

a  strike  broke  out  at  the  Vasena  Ironworks  near  Buenos 
Aires.  In  attempting  to  break  it  up,  the  authorities  killed 
several  men.  A  sympathetic  strike  ensued  on  January  8, 
involving  the  police,  firemen,  street  cleaners,  tramway 
workers  and  other  municipal  employees.  Machine  guns 
were  used  against  the  workers,  a  number  of  street  battles 
took  place,  and,  on  January  11,  martial  law  was  declared 
and  General  Dellepaine  appointed  military  dictator.  The 
strike  was  later  declared  off,  but  not  before  a  number  of 
concessions  were  made  to  the  workers. 

Harbor  workers  refused  to  return  to  work  for  a  num- 
ber of  weeks,  completely  paralyzing  the  work  of  loading 
and  unloading  vessels.  The  strike  was  finally  settled, 
the  strikers  obtaining  their  chief  demands. 

Pan-American  Socialist  Conference. —  The  Argentine 
socialists  were  instrumental  in  arranging  a  Pan-American 
Socialist  Conference,  on  April  26,  1919,  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  greater  unity  of  action  among  the  socialist 
forces  in  the  various  countries.  The  conference  was  at- 
tended by  socialists  from  Argentina,  Chile,  Uruguay,  Par- 
aguay and  Peru.  Delegates  from  the  United  States  were 
denied  pas-sports.  The  party  was  also  represented  at 
the  Berne  Conference  by  two  delegates  —  Drs.  Tomoso 
and  Justo.  These  presented  a  resolution  for  a  Society  of 
Nations,  based  upon  free  trade,  disarmament,  abolition  of 
international  diplomacy,  and  popular  control  of  interna- 
tional action  on  international  questions. 

A  small  group  seceded  from  the  party  in  1918,  because 
of  the  actions  of  its  officials  in  voting  for  military  protec- 
tion for  the  Argentine  ships  against  submarines. 

Strikes  in  Other  Countries. —  During  the  summer  and 
winter  of  1918  also  general  strikes  broke  out  in  Monte- 
video, Uruguay.  Here  likewise  the  military  power  was 
used  to  break  them  up.  In  December,  grave  labor  dis- 


LATIN  AMERICA  477 

turbances  were  reported  in  Chili,  among  the  miners.  The 
president  was  given  power  to  declare  martial  law  with  a 
view  of  putting  down  disorders  "  provoked  by  Bolsheviks 
who  have  managed  to  reach  the  country." 

In  Lima  and  Callao,  Peru,  on  January  13,  1919,  a  gen- 
eral sympathetic  strike  was  called  in  behalf  of  the  cotton 
mill  workers  who  struck  for  an  eight-hour  day  and  fifty 
per  cent,  increase  in  wages.  Practically  all  stores,  offices 
and  factories  in  both  cities  were  closed,  business  between 
Lima  and  Callao  was  suspended,  and  the  city  for  awhile 
was  placed  in  darkness.  Here  again  the  cavalry  were 
called  in  and  several  strikers  were  shot  and  others  ar- 
rested. A  conference  was  finally  arranged  which  ended 
in  the  establishment  of  an  eight-hour  day  by  government 
decree  and  the  designation  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  ar- 
bitrator. A  further  general  strike  of  a  week's  duration 
occurred  in  May. 

Mexico.  In  the  Summer  of  1919,  the  Socialist  Party 
of  Mexico  held  its  first  convention.  Dissension  between 
the  delegates  first  arose  in  the  seating  of  the  secretary  of 
the  Pan-American  Federation  of  Labor  and  an  alleged 
spokesman  for  Samuel  Gompers,  as  a  delegate,  this  con- 
troversy continuing  during  the  sessions.  Toward  the 
close  of  the  convention,  the  more  conservative  groups 
obtained  control  and  the  election  of  delegates  to  the 
Moscow  International  was  left  to  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee. This  ended  in  the  bolting  of  the  radical  element  and 
the  subsequent  formation  of  the  Mexican  Communist 
Party. 

In  Brazil,  where  the  socialist  and  labor  movement  is 
weak,  the  socialists,  in  1916,  elected  a  member  to  the 
National  Congress. 

In  Cuba,  a  general  strike  took  place  in  December,  1918, 


478      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  repeal  of  the  compulsory 
military  service  law,  the  law  for  the  expulsion  of  "  alien 
agitators,"  the  provision  in  the  penal  code  prohibiting 
strikes,  and  the  law  providing  for  food  control.  Business 
in  many  parts  of  the  country  was  paralyzed. 

AUSTRALASIA 

The  Australian  Labor  Party. —  At  the  outbreak  of  the 
European  War,  the  Australian  Labor  Party  found  itself 
in  control  of  the  Federal  Parliament.  In  that  year  An- 
drew Fisher  was  elected  for  the  third  time  the  country's 
Prime  Minister,  and,  retiring  at  the  end  of  1915  to  ac- 
cept the  position  of  Australia's  High  Commissioner  in 
London,  was  succeeded  by  W.  M.  Hughes,  the  Attorney 
General. 

The  labor  government  in  the  meanwhile  had  placed  Aus- 
tralia's fleet  at  the  disposal  of  England,  and  had  raised 
an  army  of  several  hundred  thousand.  Many  socialists 
and  laborites  protested,  though  unsuccessfully,  against 
this  action  in  support  of  "  British  imperialism,"  and  the 
government  answered  this  protest  by  passing  a  War  Pre- 
cautions Act,  which  gave  to  the  authorities  extensive  power 
over  the  civil  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  country. 

Premier  Hughes  and  Defeat  of  Conscription. —  Early 
in  1916,  Premier  Hughes  visited  England  and  there  his 
ultra-patriotic  addresses  soon  made  him  the  idol  of  the 
British  governing  class.  He  returned  to  Australia  in- 
tent on  passing  a  conscription  law.  In  October,  1916, 
a  national  referendum  on  conscription  was  taken,  with  the 
result  that  1,034,918  voted  for,  and  1,145,198  against  this 
measure.  The  Labor  Party  in  Victoria,  Queensland  and 
New  South  Wales  decided  officially  to  oppose  conscription, 
and,  in  the  last  named  state,  to  expel  all  members  who 
defied  the  party  policy.  Hughes  and  several  other  party 


AUSTRALASIA  479 

leaders  thus  found  themselves  outside  of  the  party,  while 
the  Labor  Party  representation  in  the  Australian  House 
of  Representatives  shrunk,  as  a  result  of  this  action,  to 
a  minority.  The  Senate,  however,  remained  in  the  control 
of  the  Laborites,  who  were  thus  able  to  block  much  of  the 
government's  legislation.  Hughes  formed  a  coalition  with 
"  the  interests  "  whom  he  had  been  fighting  for  a  number 
of  years,  organizing  the  so-called  National  Government. 
On  May  5,  1917,  a  general  election  was  held,  and  the 
Labor  Party  polled  47  per  cent,  of  the  vote,  the  coali- 
tion —  consisting  of  the  conservatives,  the  liberals  and 
the  conscription-laborites  —  receiving  slightly  more  than 
a  majority.  Following  that  election,  the  party  strength 
increased  in  many  of  the  Australian  states. 

Resolution  on  Peace  and  Recruiting. —  In  the  Fall  of 
1918  the  triennial  interstate  conference  of  the  Labor 
Party  declared  for  an  early  negotiated  democratic  peace 
based  on  the  Russian  formula.  Allied  statement  of  will- 
ingness to  negotiate  such  a  peace  was,  furthermore,  made 
a  condition  of  future  assistance  in  recruiting.  Compul- 
sory military  training  was  approved,  providing  that  it  be 
conducted  in  the  time  of  the  employer  and  without  a  re- 
duction of  pay,  that  the  military  organization  be  arranged 
democratically  and  that  those  in  training  be  permitted  to 
retain  their  arms  on  the  completion  of  their  term  of  serv- 
ice. The  conference  also  repudiated  Prime  Minister 
Hughes. 

The  "One  Big  Union."— During  1918  and  1919  the 
labor  movement  gave  much  attention  to  the  "  One  Big 
Union  "  idea,  and  large  numbers  of  unions  indorsed  the 
Workers'  Industrial  Union  of  Australia,  formed  "  to  bind 
together  in  one  organization  all  wage-workers  in  every  in- 
dustry to  achieve  the  purposes  set  forth  in  the  preamble." 
The  preamble  declared  that  the  primary  purpose  of  the 


480      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

organization  was  to  secure  the  "  abolition  of  capitalistic 
class  ownership  of  the  means  of  production  and  the  estab- 
lishment in  its  place  of  social  ownership  by  the  whole 
community."  Many  unions  which  approved  the  general 
idea  of  industrial  unionism  kept  aloof  from  the  new  or- 
ganization because  of  its  revolutionary  preamble.  Dur- 
ing the  Summer  of  1919,  the  Australian  Labor  Conference 
elected  an  executive  strongly  opposed  to  the  One  Big 
Union  proposal. 

Following  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  the  party  de- 
livered to  the  government  a  strong  protest  against  the 
continuance  of  the  War  Precautions  Act  which,  it  de- 
clared, annihilated  all  of  the  liberties  which  Britons  the 
world  over  were  wont  to  point  to  as  evidence  of  the  super- 
iority of  their  institutions. 

New  Zealand. —  Two  years  after  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  in  1916,  a  New  Zealand  Labor  Party  was  organized 
as  a  protest  against  the  reaction  of  the  liberal  govern- 
ment. Many  leaders  of  this  party  and  of  the  industrial 
labor  movement  were  imprisoned  during  the  war  for  alleged 
seditious  activities.  The  July,  1919,  congress  of  the 
party  gave  much  attention  to  the  land  problem,  favoring 
socialization,  and,  in  the  interim,  land  tenure  based  on 
occupancy  and  use;  the  securing  to  the  community  of  all 
values  created  by  the  community  and  the  elimination  of 
exploitation.  Internationally  it  demanded  self-determina- 
tion for  Ireland,  Egypt,  India  and  all  subject  peoples, 
and  the  withdrawal  of  troops  from  Russia,  Hungary  and 
all  socialist  republics.  The  1919  vote  in  municipal  elec- 
tions in  Wellington  was  nearly  double  that  of  1917. 

In  Asia  Proper. —  In  India  the  war  witnessed  the  re- 
sort to  the  general  strike  as  a  means  for  gaining  greater 
political  and  economic  power.  The  labor  movement  in 
Japan  received  a  considerable  impetus,  while  the  radicals 


AUSTRALASIA  481 

and  socialists  in  China  were  occupied  in  preventing  the 
return  of  the  monarchy,  and  in  endeavoring  to  keep  China 
out  of  war.  In  the  Summer  of  1919,  it  was  reported  that 
the  Japanese  Socialist  Party  had  been  reorganized,  and 
had  ceased  to  be  a  mere  secret  society.  In  South  Africa 
the  Labor  Party  split  on  the  question  of  militarism,  the 
seceding  group  forming  an  anti-militarist  international 
league. 


CHAPTER  XV 
THE  SOCIALIST  MOVEMENT  BEFORE  1914  * 

THE    INTERNATIONAL 

The  "  League  of  the  Just."—  The  "  first  International  " 
did  not  come  into  existence  until  1864.  Nearly  a  gen- 
eration prior  thereto,  however,  in  the  year  1836,  a  group 
of  workers  from  various  countries  formed  a  secret  organi- 
zation in  Paris  known  as  the  League  of  the  Just,  and 
adopted  as  its  motto  the  shibboleth,  "  All  men  are 
brothers."  Eleven  years  thereafter,  the  remnants  of  this 
league,  exiled  to  London,  reorganized  under  the  name  of 
the  Communist  League,  and  commissioned  Marx  and  En- 
gels  to  formulate  its  principles.  The  result  was  the  Com- 
munist Manifesto.  Revolutionary  uprisings  on  the  con- 
tinent and  the  arrest  of  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  league 
led  to  the  dissolution  of  this  league  in  1852. 

Formation  of  First  International. —  Twelve  years 
later,  on  September  28,  1864,  the  first  International  was 
formed  at  St.  Martin's  Hall,  London.  The  Geneva  Con- 
vention in  1866  advocated  the  eight-hour  day  and  educa- 
tion for  the  workers,  and  turned  down  the  proposal  of 
the  French  comrades  to  exclude  the  intellectuals  from  mem- 
bership. Social  ownership  was  advocated  at  the  Lau- 

i  These  various  movements  are  described  at  considerable  length  in 
Kirkup's  History  of  Socialism,  Orth's  Socialism  and  Democracy  in 
Europe,  Walling,  Stokes,  Hughan,  and  LaSdler's  The  Socialism  of 
To-day,  Hunter's  Socialists  at  Work  and  Violence  and  the  Labor 
Movement,  etc. 

489 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914 :  INTERNATIONAL     483 

sanne  and  Brussels  Congresses  in  1867  and  1868  respect- 
ively. The  Franco-Prussian  War,  the  Commune  of 
Paris,  and  the  fight  between  the  anarchists,  led  by  Bakou- 
nin,  and  the  socialists,  led  by  Marx,  greatly  interfered 
with  effective  work  on  the  part  of  the  International.  In 
order  to  keep  the  organization  from  the  control  of  the 
anarchist  element,  Marx,  in  the  late  sixties,  secured  the 
expulsion  of  the  anarchists  and  the  removal  of  its  head- 
quarters to  New  York.  The  International  met  in  Basel 
in  1870,  at  The  Hague  in  1872,  in  Geneva  a  few  months 
later,  and,  a  short  time  after  its  removal  to  New  York, 
quietly  expired. 

Second  International. —  On  July  14,  1889,  the  anni- 
versary of  the  Bastille,  the  foundation  was  laid  in  Paris 
for  the  second  International.  The  first  International,  as 
Vandervelde  declared,  might  be  compared  with  a  brilliant 
general  staff  without  an  army,  while  the  second  Interna- 
tional secured  the  support  of  strong  working  class  or- 
ganizations in  various  parts  of  Europe. 

The  International  Conferences. —  Eleven  years  after 
its  formation,  the  International  established  a  permanent 
Bureau  on  the  initiative  of  the  Dutch  delegation  to  the 
International  Congress.  The  first  International  Secre- 
tary, Victor  Serwy,  came  into  office  in  1901,  retiring  in 
1904.  Camille  Huysmans  of  Belgium  was  elected  in  the 
succeeding  year,  and  held  that  office  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  European  War.  Emile  Vandervelde  was  chairman  of 
the  International  for  some  years  prior  to  the  war.  At 
first  the  Bureau  was  "  no  more  than  a  letter-box  and  a 
postal  address,  a  mere  medium  of  communication,  without 
power  and  without  real  influence,"  but  gradually  grew  in 
influence  until  1914. 

International  Socialist  Congresses  were  held  in  Paris 
in  1889,  in  Brussels  in  1891,  in  Zurich  in  1893,  in  London 


484      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

in  1896,  in  Paris  in  1900,  in  Amsterdam  in  1904,  in  Stutt- 
gart in  1907,  in  Copenhagen  in  1910  and  in  Basel  in  1912. 
Vienna  was  selected  for  1914,  but  the  war  prevented  the 
convocation  of  this  gathering.  Chief  among  the  problems 
discussed  at  these  conferences,  as  is  shown  elsewhere  in 
this  book,  was  that  of  militarism. 

GERMANY 

Organization  of  Party. —  The  German  Social  Demo- 
cratic Movement  may  be  said  to  have  been  definitely  or- 
ganized on  May  23,  1863,  a  year  before  the  formation  of 
the  first  International,  at  the  foundation  in  Leipsic  of  the 
Universal  German  Workingmen's  Association.  Foremost 
among  its  organizers  was  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  and  picturesque  characters  in  Europe.2 
The  association  was  composed  chiefly  of  workingmen  from 
Prussia.  Workers  of  Saxony  and  South  Germany  united 
in  Frankfort  about  the  same  time  into  a  movement  of  a 
less  radical  nature.  Under  the  guidance  of  Wilhelm  Lieb- 
knecht  and  August  Bebel,  this  movement  in  1868  pro- 
claimed its  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the  Interna- 
tional, and,  the  following  year,  at  Eisenach,  founded  the 
Social  Democratic  Workingmen's  Party.  In  1875,  at  the 
Gotha  Congress,  the  Lassallian  and  Liebknecht-Bebel 
groups  (Lassalle  had  long  since  died),  merged  into  the 
Socialistic  Workingmen's  Party,  with  a  membership  of 
25,000. 

The  Anti-Socialist  Laws. —  In  1877  the  socialists  se- 
cured about  a  half  million  votes  and  sent  a  dozen  members 
to  the  Reichstag.  This  increase  alarmed  the  Emperor, 
and,  the  following  year,  the  Reichstag,  influenced  by  Bis- 
marck, passed  the  famous  anti-socialist  laws,  which  placed 

'See  Brandos,  Ferdinand  Lassalle, 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  FRANCE       485 

the  ban  on  socialist  meetings  and  literature.     Free  speech 
was  enjoyed  only  in  the  Reichstag. 

Increase  in  Vote —  Despite  this  ban,  the  socialist  vote 
continued  to  mount.  In  1881  it  had  reached  312,000 ;  in 
1890,  1,427,000,  an  increase  of  300  per  cent.  The  anti- 
socialist  laws  were  thus  seen  to  be  ineffective,  and  were 
thereupon  withdrawn.  In  1912,  the  number  of  socialists 
in  the  Reichstag  was  110,  while  the  party  obtained  4,250,- 
329  votes  or  34  per  cent,  of  the  vote  of  the  country. 
Throughout  its  history  it  did  effective  work  in  behalf  of 
social  legislation  and  political  reform.  Its  dues  paying 
membership  in  1913  was  962,850;  its  press  included  93 
dailies  with  a  circulation  of  1,800,000,  while  it  conducted 
an  extensive  educational  work.  It  worked  in  close  co- 
operation with  the  trade  union,  and,  later,  with  the  con- 
sumers' cooperative  movement. 

FRANCE 

Organization  of  Movement. —  France  was  the  home  of 
the  Utopian  socialists  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  and,  later,  served  as  the  headquarters  of  many 
revolutionary  leaders  exiled  from  other  lands.  The  Com- 
mune of  1871  put  a  temporary  quietus  on  the  activities 
of  the  French  movement,  and  it  was  not  until  the  early 
eighties  that  the  socialist  movement  began  to  revive, 
through  the  efforts  of  Jules  Guesde  and  others.  The  his- 
tory of  socialism  during  the  next  generation  was  a  his- 
tory of  schisms.  In  1882  the  movement  divided  into  the 
"  Possibilists  "  and  the  "  Impossibilists."  Five  years  later, 
after  a  temporary  reconciliation  of  the  groups,  the  party 
secured  its  first  representation  in  the  French  Chamber  of 
Deputies.  In  1891  a  further  split  occurred  in  the  ranks 
of  the  "  Possibilists."  In  1893  forty  socialists  were  elected 
to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  under  the  standard  of  various 


486      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

socialist  parties.  The  forty  soon  organized  a  socialist 
parliamentary  group,  of  which  Jaures  3  was  leader. 

Controversies  of  the  Nineties. —  During  the  late  nine- 
ties, the  socialists  gave  much  attention  to  the  defense  of 
Dreyfus.  In  1899  controversy  raged  over  the  acceptance 
by  Milk-rand  of  the  office  of  Minister  of  Commerce.  In 
1904  Millerand,  who  had  further  displeased  the  socialists 
by  his  prosecution  of  anti-militarists  and  his  opposition 
to  international  disarmament,  was  expelled  from  the  move- 
ment. In  1906,  Viviani  and  Briand,  two  other  socialists 
who  accepted  portfolios  in  the  ministry,  were  also  dropped. 
In  1905  the  various  socialist  factions  were  united  into  the 
"  French  Section  of  the  Workers'  International  Party." 

From  that  year  until  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  par- 
liamentary group  spent  much  of  its  energies  in  advocating 
the  disestablishment  of  the  church,  the  secularization  of 
education,  the  reorganization  of  the  army,  and  advanced 
labor  legislation.  In  1909  it  bitterly  opposed  Clemenceau, 
and,  later,  Briand,  for  their  autocratic  attitude  toward 
the  striking  post  office  clerks  and  telegraph  operators. 

Recent  Growth — The  vote  of  the  French  socialist 
parties  steadily  increased  throughout  this  period  as  fol- 
lows: 1885,  30,000;  1887,  120,000;  1893,  440,000  with 
40  deputies;  1906,  878,000,  with  54  deputies;  1910, 
1,106,000  with  76  deputies;  1914,  1,400,000  with  101 
deputies.  In  1914,  the  socialists  secured  about  one-sixth 
of  the  total  votes  cast.  In  1914,  prior  to  the  war,  they 
conducted  a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  three-year 
military  law  and  worked  for  a  Franco-German  "  rap- 
prochement." They  elected,  in  1911,  3,800  socialist 
members  to  various  municipal  bodies,  and  became  in- 
creasingly influential  among  the  rural  workers.  The  syn- 

•  See  Pease,  Jean  Jaurtt. 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  RUSSIA        487 

dicalist  philosophy  had  early  captured  the  imagination 
of  the  trade  unions  of  France,  and  it  was  not  until  after 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  that  any  great  amount  of  coop- 
eration was  manifest  between  the  socialist  and  the  labor 
union  movement. 

RUSSIA   AND    FINLAND 

During  the  Nineteenth  Century —  Beginning  with  the 
early  fifties,  many  organizations  of  a  revolutionary  na- 
ture —  socialist,  nihilist  and  anarchist  —  existed  in  Rus- 
sia, and,  during  every  succeeding  decade,  thousands  were 
imprisoned,  exiled  and  executed  for  their  revolutionary 
activities.  It  was  not,  however,  until  the  middle  of  the 
nineties  that  the  Social  Democratic  Party  was  organized. 
This  party  took  the  position  that  little  could  be  done  to 
effect  a  revolution  until  economic  conditions  were  ripe 
therefor,  and  felt  that  little  headway  could  be  made  among 
the  peasants  until  the  great  landlords  had  expropriated 
the  farmers  from  their  lands. 

Formation  of  Social  Democracy. —  In  1901  a  more  rad- 
ical party,  the  Social  Revolutionists,  was  formed,  to  agi- 
tate among  the  peasants,  who,  in  their  opinion,  were  ripe 
for  organization.  Nor  was  this  party  opposed  to  violent 
methods.  The  next  few  years  were  years  of  great  unrest. 
Discontent  was  increased  by  the  Russian-Japanese  War. 
In  December,  1904,  a  Congress  of  Zemstvos  demanded  a 
constitution,  by  a  vote  of  102  out  of  104.  In  January, 
1905,  a  body  of  workers,  100,000  strong,  led  by  Father 
Gapon,  marched  unarmed  through  the  streets  of  Petro- 
grad.  They  were  attacked  by  the  troops,  and  one  thou- 
sand killed.  "  Bloody  Sunday,"  as  this  day  was  called, 
was  the  signal  of  uprisings  in  Warsaw,  in  Odessa,  in  the 
fleet  of  the  Czar  on  the  Black  Sea,  and  indeed,  throughout 
Russia.  The  uprising  was  finally  put  down,  and  the  Czar 


488      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

granted  the  demand  for  the  constitution,  but  excluded  the 
workers  and,  indeed,  most  of  the  population,  from  the  suf- 
frage. A  general  strike  followed,  which  resulted  in  almost 
complete  stoppage  of  business  in  Petrograd  and  other 
cities.  On  October  30  the  Czar  agreed  to  summon  the 
Duma,  and,  later,  to  grant  amnesty.  This  did  not  stop 
the  discontent,  however,  and  it  was  estimated  that  no  less 
than  1,600  uprisings  occurred  during  the  next  few  months. 
All  were  brutally  suppressed.  It  was  in  this  1905  revolu- 
tion that  the  Soviets  first  made  their  appearance  as  centers 
of  revolutionary  activity. 

After  the  1905  Revolution —  The  first  Duma  was  con- 
vened in  May,  1906.  Despite  the  fact  that  the  socialists 
officially  boycotted  the  elections,  107  peasants  and  work- 
ingmen  were  elected.  The  session  lasted  70  days.  In  the 
following  elections,  May,  1907,  both  socialist  parties  par- 
ticipated, and  132  socialists  were  elected  to  office  out  of 
524  representatives.  The  second  Duma  was  dissolved  in 
June,  following  the  premier's  threat  to  arrest  16  social- 
ist deputies  and  to  indict  55  others  for  spreading  revolu- 
tionary propaganda  in  the  army  and  navy.  After  the  dis- 
solution of  the  second  Duma,  the  Czar,  without  constitu- 
tional sanction,  divided  the  electorate  into  five  parts,  al- 
lotting to  the  landed  nobility  one  member  of  the  Duma  for 
something  like  230  votes,  and  to  the  artisan  class,  at  the 
other  scale  of  the  ladder,  one  member  for  125,000.  De- 
spite this  change,  the  next  Duma,  elected  in  November, 
contained  14>  socialists  and  14  members  of  the  Labor 
Party. 

A  policy  of  suppression  followed.  Agent  provocateurs 
were  employed  by  the  czarist  government  by  the  thou- 
sands. Former  members  of  the  Duma  were  imprisoned, 
others  were  executed,  and,  during  1908,  no  less  than  70,- 
000  persons  were  banished  for  political  offenses  and  782 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  FINLAND      489 

executed,  while  the  persons  in  exile  numbered  some  180,000. 

Before  the  War —  In  the  1912  elections,  14  socialists 
and  10  labor  members  were  elected.  The  Duma  refused 
to  approve  the  budget,  partly  because  of  the  persecution 
of  the  business  interests  by  the  autocracy,  partly  because 
of  the  rise  of  radicalism  among  the  masses.  In  the  fourth 
Duma,  the  socialists  divided  into  a  group  of  7  "  liqui- 
dators "  who  opposed  the  continuance  of  underground 
methods  of  politics,  and  a  revolutionary  group  of  six, 
who  believed  that  secret  propaganda  presented  the  only 
way  out  of  the  difficulty.  All  of  the  speeches  of  the 
group  were  reported  verbatim  in  many  of  the  newspapers. 

In  June,  1914,  the  socialists  precipitated  a  vigorous 
discussion  on  the  question  of  free  speech  in  the  Duma  by 
their  denunciation  of  the  Czar  and  their  advocacy  of  a 
republic.  They  were  charged  with  sedition  and  treason, 
and  their  indictment  led  to  a  remarkable  general  strike  in 
Petrograd  and  elsewhere  immediately  preceding  the  war. 
In  1905  the  Social  Democrats  split  into  two  groups,  the 
Bolsheviki  (meaning  majority)  and  the  Mensheviki  (the 
minority).  The  former  and  more  radical  group  be- 
lieved it  possible  for  Russia  to  enter  a  socialist  stage  of 
development  from  a  comparative  feudalism  without  pass- 
ing through  the  various  capitalist  stages. 

FINLAND 

Strength  of  Movement —  The  Finnish  Socialist  Party 
is  the  first  in  the  world  to  hold  a  majority  of  seats  in  the 
national  house.  It  was  organized  in  1899  and  officially 
connected  with  the  International  Socialist  B\ireau  in  1903. 
At  the  time  of  organization,  it  already  had  nearly  10,000 
members.  This  membership  decreased  in  1901  because  of 
the  Russian  persecutions,  but  grew  rapidly  again  after 
the  Russian  revolution,  in  1905-1906  possessing  some 


490      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

85,000.  A  large  number  of  these,  however,  had  joined 
the  movement  chiefly  as  a  result  of  temporary  revolu- 
tionary fervor.  Their  membership  soon  lapsed,  and,  in 
1911,  the  party  had  48,000;  in  1915,  61,000.  The  ac- 
tual vote  from  1904  to  1916  was  as  follows: 

Year  Vote  Representatives 

1904 100,000 

1907 329,946  80  including     9  women 

1910 336,659  86  9 

1913 310,503  90  10 

1916 286,792  109  24 

Prior  to  the  war,  the  party  was  continually  urged  to 
devote  its  main  attention  to  the  struggle  for  national 
rights,  but  refused,  preferring  to  direct  its  attacks 
against  the  aristocracy  at  home,  pointing  out  particu- 
larly the  undemocratic  nature  of  the  Diet  with  its  four 
houses  composed  of  the  nobility,  the  clergy,  the  business 
men  and  the  land  owners.  The  socialists  in  Finland  de- 
veloped, before  the  war,  a  splendid  system  of  club  houses 
and  a  fine  cooperative  movement. 

AUSTRIA    AND    HUNGARY 

Development  of  Austrian  Movement. —  Socialist  prop- 
aganda was  first  openly  conducted  in  Austria  in  1869.  It 
was  not,  however,  until  nineteen  years  later  that  a  unified 
party  was  organized.  As  in  numerous  other  countries,  the 
socialists  in  their  early  days  spent  much  of  their  time  in 
ridding  their  movement  of  anarchist  elements.  In  1897, 
a  number  of  seats  in  the  Austrian  Parliament  was  for  the 
first  time  apportioned  to  the  proletariat,  and,  four  years 
later,  the  party  secured  10  seats  in  the  national  body. 
During  the  next  few  years  the  party  conducted  huge 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  HUNGARY      491 

demonstrations  and  general  strikes  in  order  to  force  a 
universal  suffrage,  and,  finally,  in  January,  1907,  a  law 
was  passed  permitting  all  men  above  the  age  of  24  to 
vote.  The  following  May,  the  socialist  vote  reached 
1,041,948,  nearly  one-third  of  the  total  cast,  while  87  so- 
cialists were  returned  to  the  Parliament  out  of  516. 

Composition  of  Movement — In  1911,  the  representa- 
tives decreased  to  82,  although  the  popular  vote  increased. 
The  movement  prior  to  the  war  had  two  branches,  the 
Austrian  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  of  Vienna,  with 
a  dues-paying  membership  of  145,524,  and  the  Czecho- 
slovak S.  D.  L.  P.  of  Prague,  with  144,000.  Dr.  Victor 
Adler  was  the  leader  of  the  former.  The  municipal  coun- 
cilors at  that  time  numbered  3,000. 

HUNGAKY 

The  socialist  movement  in  Hungary  began  about  1867. 
For  years  prior  to  the  war,  its  leaders,  however,  were 
hounded,  imprisoned  and  beheaded,  and  free  speech  and 
press  were  greatly  restricted.  Before  the  war,  despite 
restricted  franchise,  the  socialist  vote  was  reported  at 
85,000,  and  party  representation  in  municipal  bodies,  136. 
The  trade  union  movement,  the  backbone  of  the  socialist 
movement,  reported,  in  1913,  a  membership  of  111,966, 
and  of  these,  59,623  were  paying  party  dues. 

ENGLAND 

The  Social  Democratic  Federation. —  British  social- 
ism made  its  first  appearance  in  1881  on  the  formation 
of  a  group  named,  in  1883,  the  Social  Democratic  Federa- 
tion. The  federation,  supported  by  H.  M.  Hyndman, 
William  Morris,  Edward  Carpenter  and  others,  nominated 
its  first  ticket  in  1885.  The  dockers'  strike  of  1889,  in 
which  John  Burns,  Tom  Mann,  Ben  Tillett  and  others 


492      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

played  leading  parts,  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  move- 
ment. In  1908,  the  federation  changed  its  name  to  the 
Social  Democratic  Party,  and,  three  years  later,  the  party, 
together  with  several  minor  organizations,  united  in  the 
British  Socialist  Party.  This  group  has  always  been 
definitely  Marxist  in  its  point  of  view,  and,  although  it  has 
contributed  much  in  an  educational  way  to  the  spread  of 
socialism,  it  has  never  became  a  political  factor.  Will 
Thorn  was  for  many  years  its  only  representative  in  Par- 
liament. Its  membership  in  1914  was  scarcely  10,000. 
Justice  was  its  principal  organ. 

Formation  of  Independent  Labor  Party. —  More  in- 
fluential than  this  group  was  the  Independent  Labor 
Party,  organized  by  Keir  Hardie  and  others  in  1893. 
The  I.  L.  P.,  from  the  beginning,  gave  more  attention  than 
did  its  predecessor  to  immediate  reforms,  worked  more 
closely  with  the  organized  labor  movement,  and  empha- 
sized the  ethical  phase  of  socialism.  In  1915  the  party 
was  represented  in  Parliament  by  seven  members,  most 
prominent  of  whom  were  Hardie,  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald 
and  Philip  Snowden.  Its  dues  paying  membership  was  ap- 
proximately 85,000.  The  program  of  the  party  is  a 
thoroughly  socialist  one.  It  is  an  integral  part  of  the 
British  Labor  Party. 

The  British  Labor  Party —  The  third  organization  of 
a  political  nature  to  make  its  appearance  was  the  British 
Labor  Party.  In  1899  the  Trade  Union  Congress  ap- 
pointed a  committee  "  to  devise  ways  and  means  to  secure 
an  increased  number  of  labor  members  in  the  next  Parlia- 
ment." The  following  February  a  Labor  Representation 
Committee  was  formed  as  a  means  to  that  end,  with  Ram- 
say MacDonald  as  secretary.  During  the  succeeding 
elections,  which  occurred  at  the  time  of  the  Boer  War  ex- 
citement, Hardie  and  Bell  were  elected  to  Parliament. 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  ENGLAND      493 

These  were  afterwards  joined  by  Arthur  Henderson.  In 
1903,  as  a  result  of  the  Taff-Vale  decision  and  other 
forces,  a  new  party,  afterwards  known  as  the  Labor  Party, 
was  formed.  Three  years  later  the  old  parties  were 
startled  by  the  election  of  twenty-nine  labor  members, 
subsequently  augmented  to  thirty-one.  Hardie  was 
elected  chairman  of  this  group.  In  1908  the  Miners'  Fed- 
eration joined  the  party.  In  January,  1910,  some  40 
labor  members  were  returned  to  Parliament. 

Achievements  of  Labor  Party  Before  the  War. —  The 
parliamentary  labor  group  forced  through  measures  for 
the  feeding  of  school  children,  the  minimum  wage  and 
workingmen's  compensation  and  other  laws,  secured  the 
passage  of  the  Trades  Disputes  act,  and  closely  coop- 
erated with  the  Liberal  Party  in  the  fight  for  Irish  Home 
Rule,  for  the  Welsh  Disestablishment,  for  the  Plural  Vot- 
ing and  other  bills.  In  1907  the  congress  of  the  party 
went  on  record  in  favor  of  "  the  socialization  of  the  means 
of  production,  distribution  and  exchange,  to  be  con- 
trolled in  a  democratic  state  in  the  interest  of  the  entire 
community,  and  the  complete  emancipation  of  labor  from 
the  domination  of  capitalism  and  landlordism,  with  the  es- 
tablishment of  social  and  economic  equality  between  the 
sexes."  The  executive  of  the  party  in  1914  contained 
representatives  from  the  trade  unions,  the  I.  L.  P.  and 
the  Fabian  Society,  who  united  at  elections  on  the  same 
candidates.  The  party  is  a  member  of  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau. 

The  Fabian  Society. —  Of  great  importance  as  an  edu- 
cational movement  is  the  Fabian  Society,  organized  in 
1882,  with  the  motto:  "  For  the  right  moment  you  must 
wait  as  Fabius  did  when  warring  against  Hannibal,  though 
many  censored  his  delays ;  but  when  the  time  comes,  you 
must  strike  hard,  as  Fabius  did,  or  your  waiting  will  be  in 


494      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

vain  and  fruitless."  The  Fabian  basis  proposes  "  the 
reorganization  of  society  by  the  emancipation  of  land  and 
industrial  capital  from  individual  and  class  ownership,  and 
the  vesting  of  them  in  the  community  for  the  general  bene- 
fit." Its  members  are  critical  of  Marxian  formula,  and 
believe  for  the  most  part  in  the  gradual  development  of  so- 
ciety into  a  cooperative  system,  and  in  the  permeation  of 
the  educated  class  with  socialist  thought. 

Under  the  direction  of  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb, 
George  Bernard  Shaw,  Graham  Wallas  and  others,  the 
society  has  published  numerous  books  and  pamphlets ;  has 
made  extensive  surveys  of  trade  unionism,  collectivism, 
social  insurance,  and  other  industrial  problems,  and  has 
secured  the  enactment  of  many  measures  of  social  reforms 
in  municipalities  and  legislatures.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  it  had  a  membership  of  slightly  more  than  2,000. 

In  1915  the  National  Guilds  League  was  formed  by  G. 
D.  H.  Cole  and  other  national  guildsmen  for  the  purpose 
of  spreading  the  guild  socialist  idea. 

Other  Socialist  Groups —  Other  parties  and  labor  and 
socialist  groups  in  England  are  the  Socialist  Labor  Party, 
a  small  party  organized  in  1903,  the  Socialist  Party  of 
Great  Britain,  a  secession  in  1904  from  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party,  the  Church  Socialist  League,  the  University 
Socialist  Federation,  the  "  Herald  "  League,  the  "  Clar- 
ion "  Fellowship,  the  Women's  Labor  League,  the  Central 
Labor  College,  etc. 

ITALY 

Beginnings  of  Party —  The  Italians  were  represented 
in  the  first  International,  but  chiefly  through  the  anarch- 
istic groups  supporting  Bakounin.  It  was  not  until  1882, 
however,  that  the  socialists  received  their  first  representa- 
tion in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  Ten  years  later,  the  so- 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  ITALY          495 

cialists  definitely  separated  themselves  from  the  anarch- 
ists, and  formed  a  distinct  party,  at  the  Genoa  Congress, 
under  the  leadership  of  Philip  Turati.  In  the  following 
elections,  the  party  cast  26,000  votes,  and  elected  six  mem- 
bers of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  By  1904,  the  vote  had 
increased  to  320,000,  and  the  parliamentary  representa- 
tion to  27. 

The  Party  Split. —  In  1906  the  party  congress  was  the 
scene  of  a  bitter  controversy  between  the  syndicalist  and 
socialist  elements,  the  more  moderate  groups  winning  out 
by  a  vote  of  five  to  one.  Arturo  Labriola  later  resigned, 
and  formed  a  separate  syndicalist  group.  In  1910  an- 
other struggle  took  place  between  the  Integralists  or  Marx- 
ists, led  by  Enrico  Ferri,  the  Revolutionists,  led  by  Las- 
sari,  and  the  Reformists,  led  by  Turati.  The  Reformists 
carried  the  day  by  a  large  majority.  Two  years  later  the 
Tripoli  War  precipitated  another  crisis.  The  party  took 
a  definite  anti-war  stand,  and  expelled  Bissolati  and  three 
other  deputies.  Sixteen  of  the  39  socialists  in  the  Cham- 
ber thereupon  formed  a  Socialist  Reformist  Party. 

Extension  of  Franchise — In  1913,  the  Italian  fran- 
chise was  greatly  extended,  and,  as  a  result,  the  vote  of  the 
Socialist  Party  jumped  to  960,000,  while  the  Socialist  Re- 
formist Party  obtained  200,000.  The  dues  paying  mem- 
bership in  that  year  was  about  50,000.  The  two  socialist 
parties  returned  72  deputies  to  the  Chamber,  of  which  51 
were  regulars,  while  a  number  of  independent  socialists 
were  elected  on  other  tickets.  The  vote  in  that  year  ap- 
proximated 25  per  cent,  of  the  total.  The  movement  in 
Italy  contains  a  particularly  large  number  of  intellectuals 
among  its  numbers.  It  is  closely  connected  with  the  trade 
unions. 


496      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 


BELGIUM 

Triple  Character  of  Belgian  Movement —  The  distinc- 
tive feature  of  Belgian  socialism  prior  to  the  war  was  the 
close  integration  between  the  political,  the  trade  union  and 
the  cooperative  branches  of  the  labor  movement. 

The  socialist  movement  in  Belgium  came  into  prominence 
during  the  days  of  the  first  International.  With  the  death 
of  this  organization,  the  Belgian  section  lapsed,  to  be  re- 
vived again  in  the  early  eighties  by  the  weaver  Anseele 
and  others.  The  modern  Belgian  Labor  Party  was 
founded  in  1885. 

Fight  for  Suffrage — Following  its  organization,  the 
party  immediately  began  its  fight  for  universal  suffrage. 
It  held  great  demonstrations  in  Brussels  and  elsewhere  in 
1886,  and  again  in  1890,  when  40,000  paraders  took  a 
solemn  oath,  the  "  oath  of  August  10,"  not  to  give  up  the 
fight  "  until  the  Belgian  people,  through  universal  suf- 
frage, should  regain  their  fatherland."  4 

In  1893  the  demonstration  for  the  suffrage  was  in  the 
form  of  a  general  strike  involving  200,000  workers.  Al- 
though the  strike  lasted  but  a  few  days,  it  had  its  ef- 
fect. A  limited  franchise  was  granted.  The  socialist 
vote  in  the  following  elections  rose  to  345,959,  and  the  so- 
cialist representatives,  to  29.  A  further  general  strike, 
participated  in  by  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  industrial 
workers  of  Belgium,  was  carried  out  in  1913  for  a  still 
further  extension  of  the  suffrage,  and  was  effective  in 
securing  from  the  governmental  commission  a  statement 
that  the  question  of  universal  suffrage  would  be  con- 
sidered. 

Pre-War  Strength —  In  1912  the  party  possessed  30 

*Orth,  Socialum  and  Democracy  in  Europe,  p.  198. 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  BELGIUM      497 

representatives  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  and  7  in  the 
Senate.  Socialist  municipal  councilors  totaled  850,  and 
the  popular  vote  was  estimated  at  600,000. 

HOLLAND 

The  organized  socialist  movement  in  Holland  was 
launched  in  1878,  at  the  formation  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Union.  Ten  years  later,  Niewenhuis,  its  founder, 
was  elected  to  the  Dutch  Parliament  as  the  first  socialist 
representative.  Niewenhuis  finally  became  discouraged 
with  the  slowness  of  parliamentary  action,  and  joined  the 
anarchists.  In  1894  the  anarchist  group  definitely  sep- 
arated from  the  socialists,  and  the  Social  Democratic 
Labor  Party  was  founded,  with  Pieter  J.  Troelstra  as  its 
most  prominent  leader.  From  that  time  to  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  the  vote  steadily  increased.  In  1897,  it  to- 
taled 13,000,  with  three  deputies,  and,  in  1913,  144,000 
voters,  with  18  deputies.  In  1908  a  small  Marxist  party 
was  formed  as  a  protest  against  the  action  of  the  socialist 
deputies  in  throwing  their  weight  in  favor  of  the  more 
liberal  of  the  two  factions  in  Parliament. 

Shortly  before  the  war,  the  socialists  were  asked  to  co- 
operate with  the  government  in  a  coalition  government, 
but,  after  heated  discussion,  replied  in  the  negative.  The 
membership  of  the  party,  in  1912,  was  13,968.  Their  rep- 
resentation in  Parliament  was  one-fifth  of  the  total.  The 
party  has  made  considerable  headway  among  the  intel- 
lectuals and  has  close  connections  with  the  cooperative 
movement,  although  not  with  the  somewhat  anarchistic 
trade  union  movement. 

SCANDINAVIAN    COUNTKIES 

Denmark. —  The  history  prior  to  the  war  of  the  Social 
Democratic  Party  of  Denmark,  founded  in  1878,  has  been 


498      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

one  of  steady  growth.  The  year  of  its  organization  it 
received  767  votes;  in  1913,  107,365.  In  the  latter  year 
there  were  4  members  of  the  Landsthing,  29  socialist  mem- 
bers of  the  provincial  legislatures  and  500  municipal  rep- 
resentatives. 

Norway. —  The  Social  Democratic  Party  in  Norway 
was  founded  in  1887.  Seven  years  later,  at  its  first  elec- 
tions, it  polled  an  insignificant  vote  of  732.  In  1903, 
it  secured  its  first  representatives  in  the  Storthing,  and,  in 
1915,  counted  196,000  voters,  20  representatives  and  a 
party  membership  of  53,800. 

The  party  conducts  many  educational  enterprises,  in- 
cluding a  socialist  school  in  Christiania,  manages  over  a 
hundred  labor  lyceums  in  cooperation  with  the  trade  un- 
ions and  the  cooperative  societies,  has  a  strong  women's 
federation  and  a  vigorous  young  people's  movement  and  is 
closely  allied  with  the  labor  movement. 

Sweden. —  The  Swedish  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party 
was  organized  in  1889.  The  following  year  H.  Branting 
was  elected  to  the  Lower  House  as  the  first  socialist  rep- 
resentative. The  growth  of  the  movement  since  1902  has 
been  as  follows: 

Year  Vote  Representative 

1902 8,751  4 

1905 26,083  17 

1908 54,004  83 

1911 172,000  64 

1914 230,000  78 

1914 265,000  87 

The  socialist  movement  possesses  a  score  of  newspapers 
and  magazines,  including  the  weeklies  and  monthlies  of  the 
Young  People's  Federation  and  the  women  socialists.  It 
also  owns  a  number  of  '*  People's  Houses  "  and  "  People's 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  SCANDINAVIA      499 

Parks  "  valued  at  six  million  crowns  and  works  in  the 
closest  harmony  with  the  trade  union  movement. 

OTHER    EUROPEAN    COUNTRIES 

Switzerland. —  The  socialist  movement  in  Switzerland 
is  of  less  importance  than  in  most  of  the  other  European 
countries. 

The  Griitli  Union  claims  the  distinction  of  being  the 
oldest  political  party  organization  of  the  working  class 
in  that  country,  having  been  in  existence  since  1838. 
While  at  first  a  merely  progressive  party,  in  1878  it  de- 
clared in  favor  of  socialism  and  in  1901  joined  the  Marx- 
ian Social  Democratic  Party,  becoming  the  opportunist 
wing  of  that  movement.  In  1902,  this  party  polled  55,000 
votes,  electing  seven  members  to  the  National  Council. 
The  vote  steadily  increased,  and  in  the  Fall  of  1914,  the 
Social  Democratic  Party  had  18  representatives  out  of  a 
total  of  200,  and  212  members  in  the  cantonal  councils. 
At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  party  membership  was 
33,238. 

Spain. —  The  Spanish  socialist  movement  had  its  early 
beginnings  in  1869,  in  which  year  a  branch  of  the  Inter- 
national was  formed,  as  a  result  of  the  agitation  of  La 
Fargue  and  others.  This  organization,  however,  soon  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  anarchists  and  it  was  not  until  1879 
that  a  socialist  party,  the  Social  Labor  Party,  was  formed, 
partly  through  the  influence  of  Pablo  Iglesias.  Twelve 
years  later,  it  nominated  its  first  candidates,  polling  5,000 
votes.  This  number  grew  to  23,000  in  1907.  In  1910 
the  party  formed  a  coalition  with  the  Republicans,  in 
which  election  Iglesias  was  elected  in  Madrid,  receiving1 
40,000  votes.  A  few  years  ago,  the  party  possessed  some 
forty  municipal  councillors. 

Portugal —  The  Socialist  Party  in  Portugal  was  formed 


500      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

in  1876,  largely  at  the  instigation  of  La  Fargue  and  other 
Spanish  internationalists.  For  years,  because  of  the  sup- 
pressive  acts  of  the  government,  it  barely  maintained  an 
existence.  In  1910  it  had  about  1,000  members,  but  in 
1911,  after  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  and  the  sep- 
aration of  the  church  and  state,  it  took  on  a  new  lease 
of  life,  and  three  years  later  claimed  a  membership  of 
3,300.  In  1917  it  was  represented  by  one  socialist,  a 
printer,  in  Congress  and  many  members  of  municipal 
bodies. 

Servia. —  In  Servia,  the  Socialist  Party  entered  for  the 
first  time  in  national  elections,  in  1904,  when  it  polled 
2,508  votes.  This  vote  increased  to  30,000  in  1914.  The 
movement  throughout  has  been  anti-militarist.  In  1912, 
the  two  socialist  deputies  elected  to  the  Skuptchina  voted 
against  the  war  budgets  and  against  all  war  demands  of 
the  government. 

Rumania. —  The  first  Rumanian  socialist  organization 
was  formed  in  the  nineties  by  a  group  of  Rumanian 
students  educated  in  Western  Europe.  For  a  few  years 
after  the  organization  of  the  party,  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
students  continued,  but,  in  1889,  discouraged  by  the  slow 
growth  of  the  movement,  the  young  founders  deserted  and 
joined  the  Liberal  Party.  Following  this  secession,  Dr. 
C.  Rakowsky  gathered  up  the  remnants  of  the  movement, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  C.  Dobrogeanu-Gherea,  a  well  known 
writer  and  economist,  succeeded  in  putting  it  on  its  feet. 
Socialist  clubs  were  organized  throughout  the  country, 
newspapers  published,  and  national  conventions  planned. 
In  1907,  following  a  revolt  of  the  farmers,  the  party  was 
subjected  to  severe  persecution.  Clubs  were  dissolved, 
the  property  of  the  party  was  confiscated,  and  about  a 
thousand  Jewish  socialists  were  expelled  from  the  country. 
The  Balkan  War  of  1913  brought  to  the  party  another 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  UNITED  STATES     501 

period  of  stress.  At  that  time,  several  socialists  who 
indorsed  the  expansion  policy  of  the  government  were 
expelled  from  the  party  together  with  some  of  the  ex- 
treme opportunists.  In  1914  the  socialist  vote  was  2,047. 
Greece. —  The  Greek  socialist  movement  has  been 
largely  a  democratic  reform  party,  rather  than  a  party  of 
the  working  class.  Attempts  to  organize  the  movement 
were  made  in  1885,  by  Dr.  Drakoules,  a  Greek  educated 
in  Paris.  Eight  years  later,  the  party  polled  some  4,000 
votes.  In  1912,  the  vote  mounted  to  28,000,  falling  again 
to  12,000  in  1914.  Dr.  Drakoules  was  elected  to  Parlia- 
ment in  1901. 

THE    UNITED    STATES 

Formation  of  Socialist  Labor  Party. —  From  1850  to 
the  early  seventies  numerous  attempts  were  made  to  or- 
ganize socialist  groups  in  this  country,  and  much  educa- 
tional propaganda  was  carried  on.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  1876,  at  the  formation  of  the  Workingmen's  Party 
of  America  —  called,  the  following  year,  the  Socialist  La- 
bor Party  of  North  America  —  that  a  group  with  any 
considerable  amount  of  staying  power  was  organized. 
This  movement  at  first  emphasized  educational  work,  and 
called  on  all  workingmen,  "  for  the  time  being,  to  refrain 
from  participation  in  elections."  The  next  year,  however, 
it  was  reorganized  along  political  lines.  Its  next  fight 
was  with  the  anarchist  groups.  In  1892  it  nominated  its 
first  presidential  ticket,  with  Simeon  Wing,  a  manufac- 
turer of  photographic  instruments,  as  candidate  for  Pres- 
ident, and  Charles  H.  Matchett,  for  Vice-President. 
These  candidates  secured  21,512  votes  in  six  states.  Four 
years  later,  Matchett,  for  President,  received  36,275  votes, 
and,  in  1898,  the  party  reached  its  zenith  with  82,204. 

Split  in  S.  L  .P. —  A  bitter  controversy  with  organized 


502      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

labor,  the  formation  of  a  competing  union,  known  as  the 
Socialist  Trade  and  Labor  Alliance,  and  the  dictatorial 
policy  of  Daniel  De  Leon,  the  leader  of  the  party,  led  to 
dissensions,  and,  in  1899,  to  a  split,  Morris  Hillquit  and 
others  forming  the  Rochester  branch  of  the  party. 

Western  Movements. —  In  the  meanwhile  another  move- 
ment, more  American  in  its  nature,  was  growing  up  in  the 
Middle  West,  around  the  Coming  Nation  and  the  Appeal 
to  Reason.  It  first  organized  the  Brotherhood  of  the  Co- 
operative Commonwealth,  and,  on  June  18,  1897,  united 
with  the  remnants  of  the  American  Railway  Union,  led  by 
Eugene  V.  Debs,  in  the  Social  Democracy  of  America. 
At  the  first  convention  of  this  group  in  Chicago,  on  June 
7,  1898,  the  majority  of  the  S.  D.  favored  a  plan  for 
colonization.  The  minority  who  opposed  this  plan  with- 
drew, forming  the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  America, 
with  an  executive  board  consisting  of  Eugene  V.  Debs, 
Victor  L.  Berger,  Seymour  Stedman  and  others.  The  S. 
D.  P.,  during  the  next  two  years,  had  considerable  success, 
particularly  in  Massachusetts,  where  it  elected  two  state 
representatives,  and  mayors  in  Haverhill  and  Brockton. 

Birth  of  Socialist  Party. —  In  March,  1900,  it  met  in 
Indianapolis,  was  addressed  by  Morris  Hillquit,  Max 
Hayes  and  Job  Harriman,  of  the  Rochester  or  dissenting 
branch  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party,  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  arrange  terms  of  a  union  between  these  two 
groups.  A  presidential  ticket  was  nominated  with  Eu- 
gene V.  Debs  as  candidate  for  President  and  Job  Harri- 
man, for  Vice-President.  Dissensions  afterwards  arose, 
but  the  two  groups  worked  together  during  the  campaign, 
which  resulted  in  a  socialist  vote  of  97,730. 

Increase  in  Strength — On  July  29,  1901,  a  Unity 
Convention  was  held  in  Indianapolis,  representing  various 
factions,  and  the  Socialist  Party  was  launched.  The 


BEFORE  1914*:  THE  UNITED  STATES      503 

party  rapidly  grew  in  membership,  and,  in  1904,  Debs  and 
Hanford  obtained  a  vote  of  402,321.  In  1908,  owing  to 
the  progressive  nature  of  the  two  old  party  candidates  — 
Roosevelt  and  Bryan  —  the  Socialist  Party  barely  held  its 
own,  obtaining  but  424,520  votes.  In  1912  it  took  an- 
other leap  forward  with  901,000  votes,  despite  the  ap- 
pearance in  the  field  of  the  Progressive  Party.  The  So- 
cialist Labor  Party,  in  the  meanwhile,  steadily  decreased 
in  numbers  and  influence. 

Educational  Work. —  The  party  during  this  period  con- 
ducted an  extensive  educational  work.  The  most  impor- 
tant of  the  educational  institutions  connected  with  the 
movement  was  the  Rand  School  of  Social  Science  or- 
ganized about  1907  in  New  York  City.  Although  this 
was  not  officially  an  organ  of  the  party,  the  members  of 
the  American  Socialist  Society,  the  controlling  body,  were 
all  members  of  the  Socialist  Party. 

In  1905  the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society,  a  purely 
educational  organization,  unaffiliated  with  any  political 
party,  was  organized  in  New  York  City  "  for  the  purpose 
of  promoting  an  intelligent  interest  in  socialism  among 
college  men  and  women,  graduates  and  undergraduates." 
The  society  has  established  chapters  for  the  study  of  so- 
cialism in  many  colleges  and  centers  of  population.  It 
conducts  a  magazine,  sends  lecturers  to  colleges,  or- 
ganizes conferences  and  conventions,  publishes  pamphlets 
and  assists  in  the  publication  of  books.  In  contrast 
to  the  Fabian  Society  of  England,  it  does  not  require 
its  membership  to  adhere  to  any  economic  or  political 
creed. 

CANADA 

The  Canadian  socialist  movement  was  unable,  before  the 
war,  to  grip  the  imagination  of  any  considerable  number 


504      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

of  the  workers  of  that  country.  As  far  back  as  1890, 
branches  of  the  American  Socialist  Labor  Party  were  or- 
ganized in  several  cities.  In  1899  a  Canadian  Socialist 
League  was  formed  by  those  dissatisfied  with  the  De  Leon 
leadership,  and  six  years  later  all  existing  socialist  organ- 
izations were  united  into  the  Socialist  Party  of  Canada. 
The  Western  Clarion  became  the  official  party  organ. 
The  party  membership  increased  from  3,507  in  1903  to 
17,071  in  1913. 

In  1911  a  second  socialist  group,  the  Social  Democratic 
Party,  came  into  existence,  and,  in  January,  1915,  claimed 
a  membership  of  5,380.  In  1912  it  joined  the  Interna- 
tional Socialist  Bureau.  Its  organ  is  the  Forwards. 
The  older  and  more  radical  of  the  parties  refused  to  unite 
with  the  International  so  long  as  the  British  and  Aus- 
tralian Labor  Parties  remained  as  members. 

A  third  party  of  a  socialistic  nature  is  the  Labor  Party, 
founded,  but  only  weakly  supported,  by  the  labor  unions 
of  Canada.  The  two  socialist  groups  did  not  succeed, 
prior  to  the  war,  in  electing  representatives  to  the  do- 
minion Parliament,  although  a  few  were  elected  to  pro- 
vincial legislatures. 

LATIN    AMERICA 

On  account  of  the  late  development  of  modern  industry, 
the  low  educational  and  living  standard  of  the  workers, 
and  other  factors,  the  socialist  and  labor  movement  in 
Latin  America  failed  until  recently  to  gain  any  consider- 
able headway. 

Argentina. —  The  oldest  of  the  socialist  movements  is 
that  in  Argentina,  organized  in  1896  by  Italian  and  Ger- 
man socialists.  In  1904  the  movement  was  represented 
in  the  International  Socialist  Bureau,  and  the  same  year 
cast  1,257  votes  and  elected  one  member  to  the  House  of 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  LATIN  AMERICA     505 

Deputies.  During  the  next  few  years  many  socialist  lead- 
ers were  prosecuted  on  account  of  their  participation  in 
strikes.  In  1911  Jean  Jaures  visited  the  country  and 
gave  the  movement  an  impetus.  In  1912,  1914  and  1916, 
the  socialist  votes  jumped  to  23,000,  40,000  and  60,000 
respectively,  and  the  representatives  in  the  House  of  Dep- 
uties, to  4,  9  and  14.  The  party  membership  increased 
from  4,000  in  1912  to  7,400  in  1916.  The  party's  chief 
organ  is  the  Vanguardia,  published  in  Buenos  Aires.  The 
movement  cooperates  closely  with  the  trade  unions. 

In  Brazil,  Chili  and  Uruguay —  The  Socialist  Party  in 
Brazil  was  organized  in  1916,  and  shortly  after  claimed 
a  membership  of  2,570.  It  showed  considerable  success  in 
its  first  municipal  election.  While  a  Democratic  Party, 
composed  chiefly  of  workingmen  of  a  socialistic  character, 
was  formed  in  Chili  as  early  as  1894,  an  out-and-out  so- 
cialist movement  was  not  started  until  1912.  One  repre- 
sentative was  that  year  elected  to  office,  but  was  subse- 
quently unseated.  In  1915  the  party  held  its  first  na- 
tional convention  in  Santiago  and  established  The  Van- 
guardia as  its  official  organ. 

In  Uruguay,  the  first  socialist  representative,  Profes- 
sor Emilio  Frugoni,  of  the  University  of  Montevideo,  was 
elected  in  1911  with  the  support  of  the  liberals.  A  So- 
cialist Party,  however,  did  not  come  into  existence  until 
1913. 

Porto  Rico. —  As  early  as  1901,  a  socialist  movement, 
led  by  Santiago  Iglesias  and  Eduardo  Conde,  appeared  in 
Porto  Rico,  but  this  movement  soon  lost  its  socialist  char- 
acter. Seven  years  later  a  Workers'  Party  was  formed, 
with  a  socialist  basis,  and  polled  702  votes.  In  1914,  the 
votes  increased  to  more  than  4,000,  chiefly  in  Arecibo, 
where  the  party  won  the  majority  in  the  city  council,  and, 


506      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

in  August,  1917,  following  a  strike  in  which  the  police 
brutally  clubbed  the  strikers,  to  25,000.  Iglesias  in  this 
year  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Deputies. 

Cuba. —  In  Cuba,  another  of  the  West  Indies,  the  So- 
cialist Party  was  formed  in  1910,  and,  two  years  later, 
merged  with  the  Radical  Labor  Party.  In  1916  it  polled 
nearly  5,000  votes. 

Mexico  and  Yucatan. —  Socialists  in  Mexico  were  ac- 
tive for  a  number  of  years  before  the  war  in  numerous 
revolutionary  movements.  The  most  interesting  develop- 
ment of  socialism  was,  however,  noted  in  Yucatan.  When 
this  section  was  conquered  by  General  Salvador  Alvarado,' 
a  socialist,  in  1915,  idle  lands  were  confiscated,  the  peons 
were  freed,  and  land  and  financial  assistance  were  given 
to  them.  At  the  same  time,  socialist  locals  and  coopera- 
tive societies  were  formed  by  Alvarado  throughout  Yuca- 
tan, the  government  paying  the  party  dues  and  the  cam- 
paign expenses,  and  soon  100,000  workers  were  enrolled 
members  of  the  party.  Under  the  slogan,  "  Socialism, 
Land  and  Liberty,"  Carranza  received  a  ninety  per  cent, 
vote  from  that  country  in  the  following  December.  Al- 
varado and  others  then  started  a  propaganda  league 
as  an  adjunct  to  the  party  for  the  purpose  of  educating 
the  peons  in  the  principles  of  socialism.  The  league  soon 
developed  a  dues-paying  membership  of  50,000.  The 
movement  prior  to  the  war  possessed  a  comic  monthly 
and  two  weeklies,  each  with  a  circulation  of  20,000, 
while  the  government  paper,  La  Voz  de  la  Revolution, 
the  only  daily  paper  there,  published  socialist  literature 
and  carried  on  socialist  propaganda.  It  was  reported  in 
1917  that  "  all  mayors,  municipal  councils,  federal  and 
state  officials,  are  members  of  the  Socialist  Party." 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  AUSTRALASIA      507 

AUSTRALASIA,    AFRICA,    ASIA 

Development  of  Australian  Labor  Party. —  The  so- 
cialistic elements  in  Australia  have,  for  the  most  part, 
grouped  themselves  around  the  Australian  Labor  Party. 
As  early  as  1859,  a  working  class  representative  was 
elected  to  the  Victorian  Legislative  Assembly.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  after  the  Great  Strike  of  1890  that  steps 
were  taken  toward  the  organization  of  an  independent 
labor  movement.  The  following  year,  24  representatives 
of  the  Labor  Party  were  elected  to  the  New  South  Wales 
Legislature,  and  from  that  time  the  movement  steadily 
grew.  The  Labor  Party  has  since  been  in  control  of 
affairs  at  various  periods  in  every  legislature  and  in  the 
national  government.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the 
party  had  reached  its  high  water  mark,  every  state  with 
the  exception  of  Victoria  having  a  labor  government, 
while  in  the  federal  government  labor  was  in  the  majority. 
The  anti-socialist  groups  were  represented  by  the  Con- 
servative Party. 

For  "  White  "  Australia —  The  party  throughout  its 
career  has  fought  vigorously  for  labor  legislation  and  for 
government  ownership  of  a  number  of  essential  indus- 
tries. It  is  definitely  nationalistic  in  its  make-up,  and 
has  campaigned  for  a  citizens'  army  and  for  a  "  white 
Australia,"  on  the  ground  that  the  importation  of  coolie 
labor  would  mean  a  definite  lowering  of  the  standard  of 
living. 

Labor  in  Parliament —  The  labor  representation  in  the 
Federal  Parliament  increased  from  8  in  the  Senate  and 
16  in  the  House  in  1901  to  81  and  40  respectively  in 
1914;  while  the  anti-socialist  members  decreased  from  26 
in  the  Senate  and  59  in  the  House  to  5  and  35  respect- 
ively. However,  owing  to  a  split  in  the  party  resulting 


508      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

from  the  fight  over  conscription,  labor,  in  1917,  was  rep- 
resented by  but  12  Senators  and  22  Members  of  the 
House.  The  1914  vote  was  1,040,000,  the  1917  vote, 
947,605. 

New  Zealand. —  While  New  Zealand  has,  during  the 
last  twenty  years,  made  great  strides  in  social  legisla- 
tion, and  has  been  regarded  as  the  "  social  laboratory  "  of 
the  world,  it  was  not  until  1912  that  workers  began  to  or- 
ganize into  an  independent  labor  movement.  Four  years 
later,  June,  1916,  at  a  joint  conference  of  the  United 
Federation  of  Labor,  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  and 
the  Labor  Representation  Committee,  the  New  Zealand 
Labor  Party,  with  a  socialist  objective,  was  finally 
launched. 

South  Africa. — The  beginnings  of  the  political  labor 
movement  in  South  Africa  was  made  in  1909,  at  the  birth 
of  the  Labor  Party.  The  following  year,  four  represen- 
tatives were  sent  to  the  legislature,  and  soon  thereafter 
Johannesburg  went  almost  completely  labor.  As  a  re- 
sult of  a  bitter  industrial  fight  in  1913,  the  party  re- 
turned in  the  Transvaal  —  where  the  fight  was  most  in- 
tense—  23  of  the  25  elected  officials,  secured  a  majority 
of  the  House,  and  cast  a  vote  of  26,000  votes  as  com- 
pared with  12,000  for  the  conservatives,  and  3,000  for 
the  liberals. 

The  party,  however,  was  split  by  the  war,  and  many 
resignations  took  place.  Only  four  members,  in  the  re- 
sulting elections,  were  returned  to  the  Parliament.  The 
anti-war  group  organized  an  International  League,  and, 
in  1916,  with  a  membership  of  1,900,  they  elected  some  180 
members  of  councils  and  school  boards  in  the  various 
municipalities. 


SOCIALISM  BEFORE  1914:  ASIA  509 

ASIA 

On  account  of  the  backwardness,  industrially  and  polit- 
ically, of  most  of  the  Asiatic  countries,  and  the  obstacles 
placed  in  the  path  of  democratic  movements  by  the  gov- 
ernments in  Asia,  the  labor  and  socialist  forces  in  that 
continent  were  but  little  organized  prior  to  the  European 
War. 

Japan. —  The  socialist  movement  in  Japan  was  or- 
ganized by  a  group  of  young  students  in  Tokio  in  1899 
and  was  at  first  a  mere  debating  society.  Soon  there- 
after the  Railroad  Workers'  Union  indorsed  socialism  as 
the  final  goal  of  the  labor  movement,  and  this  action  so 
encouraged  the  socialists  that,  in  1901,  they  formed  a 
Japanese  Socialist  Party.  The  government  became 
alarmed  at  this  manifestation  of  radicalism,  and  sup- 
pressed their  organ,  the  Labor  World,  and  four  other 
non-socialist  journals  that  had  published  their  party 
manifesto. 

Further  Suppression — The  socialists  thereafter  con- 
fined their  attention  to  educational  propaganda,  and,  dur- 
ing the  Russo-Japanese  War,  conducted  a  strong  anti- 
war propaganda,  and  increased  their  membership  to  5,000. 
Following  the  war,  the  movement  became  increasingly  pop- 
ular, and  established  a  daily  paper.  Further  persecu- 
tions followed  throughout  the  next  few  years  culminating 
in  May,  1910,  in  the  arrest  of  twenty-four  prominent  so- 
cialists, charged  with  entertaining  anarchist  views.  The 
trial  was  held  behind  closed  doors,  and,  in  January,  1911, 
the  defendants  were  declared  guilty,  and  twelve  of  them 
were  hanged.  Socialist  literature  was  confiscated,  books 
were  burned,  and  the  party  was  dissolved. 

Later  a  monthly  publication,  the  New  Society,  was 
started  in  Japan  for  the  purpose  of  giving  information 


510      SOCIALISM  IN  THOUGHT  AND  ACTION 

concerning  the  international  socialist  movement.  Bona 
fide  labor  unions  were  also  suppressed  prior  to  the  war, 
although,  in  September,  1916,  workmen  of  the  city  of 
Osaka  organized  a  radical  group  with  socialistic  pro- 
clivities. 

China. —  The  first  socialist  organization  in  China  was 
founded  in  1911.  During  the  Chinese  revolution  the  move- 
ment spread  rapidly  and  some  thirty  socialists  were 
elected  to  the  Parliament  of  the  new  Chinese  Republic. 
This  success  led  to  the  establishment  of  more  than  two 
score  socialist  newspapers,  to  free  socialist  schools  and 
labor  unions,  to  the  widespread  distribution  of  socialist 
literature  and  to  socialist  theatrical  companies.  Yuan 
Shi  Kai,  in  August,  1913,  fearful  of  the  results  of  this 
propaganda,  issued  an  edict  dissolving  the  party,  arrest- 
ing its  leaders  and  jailing  and  executing  many  of  them. 

The  socialists,  however,  continued  to  conduct  a  secret 
propaganda,  and  were  an  important  factor  in  the  over- 
throw of  the  Yuan  Shi  Kai  imperialistic  government  and 
the  establishment  of  a  new  republican  regime  under  Li 
Yuan  Hung. 

In  Other  Asiatic  Countries. —  In  India  and  other  por- 
tions of  Asia,  little  or  no  socialist  movement  existed  prior 
to  the  war,  although  increasing  demands  were  heard 
among  the  masses  for  a  larger  control  over  the  govern- 
ments of  their  respective  countries. 


SELECT  BIBLIOGRAPHY  ON  SOCIALISM  AND 
ALLIED  SUBJECTS1 

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Bell  (London). 
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Huebsch. 
Bernstein,       Edward.        Evolutionary       Socialism.       1909. 

Huebsch. 
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1919.     Dutton. 

Blatchford,  Robert.     Merrie  England.     1897.     Boni  &  Live- 
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Chas.  H.  Kerr  &  Co.  (Chicago). 

Socialism     and     War.     1915.     New     Review     Pub.     Co. 
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i  The  dates  here  given  indicate  the  years  of  first  publication  of  the 
books  listed,  except  when  the  books  have  been  revised,  when  the  dates 
of  the  revised  editions  are  frequently  noted.  The  publishers  of  the 
books  here  cited  are,  for  the  most  part,  located  in  New  York.  When 
publishers  are  situated  elsewhere,  their  city  is  mentioned  following 
the  first  book  on  the  list  issuing  from  their  respective  houses. 

511 


512  SELECT  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Debs,  Eugene  V.     Debs.     His  Life,  Writings  and  Speeches. 

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Harpers. 

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Kerr. 

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Ferri,  Enrico.     Socialism  and  Modern  Science.     1894.     Kerr. 
Fraina,  Louis  C.     Revolutionary  Socialism.     1918.     Commu- 
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The  Social  Revolution  in  Germany.     1919.     The  Revolu- 
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Ghent,  W.  J.     Mass  and  Class.     1904.     Macmillan. 
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1907.     Macmillan. 
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(London). 
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Macmillan. 
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and  Wagnalls. 

Socialism  Summed  Up.     1914.     Rand  School. 
Hillquit,  Morris,  and  Ryan,  John  A.     Socialism:  A  Promise 

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(Bibliography.)      1911.     Lane. 
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Hunter,  Robert.  Socialists  at  Work.  1908.  Macmillan. 
Violence  and  the  Labor  Movement.  1914.  Macmillan. 
Why  We  Fail  as  Christians.  1919.  Macmillan. 


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Hyndman,     Henry     M.     Economics     of     Socialism.     1896. 

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The  Road  to  Power.     1909.     Samuel  Block  (Chicago). 
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514  SELECT  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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tury. 

Bryant,  Louise.  Six  Red  Months  in  Russia.  1918. 
Doran. 


SELECT  BIBLIOGRAPHY  517 

Billiard,  Arthur.  The  Russian  Pendulum.  1919.  Mac- 
millan. 

Bullitt,  Wm.  C.  The  Bullitt  Mission  to  Russia.  1919. 
Huebsch. 

Lenin,    Nicholai.     Soviets    at   Work.     1918.     Rand    School. 

Lenin,  Nicholai,  and  Trotsky,  Leon.  (Edited  by  Louis  C. 
Fraina.)  The  Proletarian  Revolution  in  Russia.  1919. 
Communist  Press. 

Lomonossoff,  George  V.  Memoirs  of  the  Russian  Revolu- 
tion. 1919.  Rand  School. 

Magnes,  Judah.  Germany  and  Russia  at  Brest-Litovsk. 
1919.  Rand  School. 

Olgin,  Moissaye  J.  The  Soul  of  the  Russian  Revolution. 
1917.  Holt. 

Poole,    Ernest.     The    Dark    People.     1918.     Macmillan. 
The  Village.     1918.     Macmillan. 

Ransome,  Arthur.     On  Behalf  of  Russia.     1918.     New  Re- 
public. 
Russia  in  1919.     1919.     Huebsch. 

Reed,  John.  Ten  Days  that  Shook  the  World.  1919.  Boni 
and  Liveright. 

Ross,  E.  A.     Russia  in  Upheaval.     1918.     Century. 

Russell,  Charles  Edward.  Unchained  Russia.  1918.  Ap- 
pleton. 

Sack,  A.  J.  The  Birth  of  the  Russian  Democracy.  1918. 
Russian  Information  Bureau. 

Socialist  Literature  Co.  (Editor).  Education  and  Art  in 
Soviet  Russia.  1919.  S.  L.  C. 

Spargo,  John.     Bolshevism.     1919.     Harpers. 

Trotsky,   Leon.     The   Bolsheviki  and  World  Peace.     1918. 

Boni  and  Liveright. 
Our   Revolution.     1918.     Holt 

From  October  to  Brest-Litovsk.     1919.     Socialist   Litera- 
ture Co. 

Williams,   Albert   Rhys.     Lenin,  the   Man   and   His   Work. 

1919.     Scott  and  Seltzer. 
See  also  file  of  The  Nation,  The  Dial,  The  New  Republic, 


518          NOTES  ON  THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Liberator  and  the  Class  Struggle,  Struggling  Russia 
(anti-Bolshevik),  and  Soviet  Russia,  published  by  the 
Soviet  Bureau. 


NOTES  ON  THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Anti-Socialist  Books.  In  the  foregoing  bibliography,  the 
most  painstaking  anti-socialist  book  is  that  of  Skelton. 
Other  books  critical  of  the  socialist  theories  are  those  of  Ely, 
Le  Rossignol,  Rae,  Schaeffle,  Seligman,  Simkhovitch,  Sombart, 
Vaughan  and  Weyl. 

Marxian  Socialism.  The  most  important  classics  on 
Marxian  socialism  are  Marx  and  Engels'  Communist  Mani- 
festo, Engels'  Socialism,  Utopian  and  Scientific  and  Marx' 
Capital.  Boudin's  treatise  gives  an  excellent  interpretation 
of  the  Marxian  system  of  thought,  as  do  the  works  of 
Kautsky,  who  was  regarded,  prior  to  the  war,  as  the  chief 
Marxian  theorist  of  Europe.  Other  popularizers  of  the 
Marxian  philosophy  are  Hyndman,  Hillquit.  Hughan  and 
Spargo.  Bernstein  represents  the  Revisionist  point  of  view. 
Fraina,  Macy  and  Haywood  present  the  viewpoint  of  the  ex- 
treme "  left  "  of  the  movement. 

The  Socialist  State.  The  following  books  have  given 
special  attention  to  the  nature  of  the  socialist  state  and  to 
the  objections  urged  against  socialism:  Kautsky 's  Social 
Revolution  (latter  half),  Hillquit's  Socialism  in  Theory  and 
Practice,  Hillquit  and  Ryan's  debate,  Spargo's  Applied 
Socialism,  and  Bertrand  Russell's  and  Hughan's  contribu- 
tions. The  works  of  Wells,  Shaw,  and  Kelly,  while  some- 
what unorthodox,  are  particularly  suggestive  along  these  lines. 
Wells'  New  Worlds  for  Old  is  one  of  the  most  readable  books 
on  the  subject.  Blatch ford's  Merrie  England  has  been  espe- 
cially popular  among  the  rank  and  file  of  workers. 

The  Socialist  Movement.  The  most  comprehensive 
history  of  socialism  prior  to  the  war  was  that  of  Kirkup,  and 


NOTES  ON  THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY          519 

the  most  extensive  source  book  on  the  world-wide  movement, 
The  Socialism  of  Today  by  Walling  and  other  members  of 
the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society.  Waiting's  book  of  docu- 
ments on  The  Socialists  and  the  War  also  gives  much  valuable 
information,  while,  for  the  latest  phases  of  the  socialist  move- 
ments, The  American  Labor  Year  Book,  edited  by  Trachten- 
berg.  should  be  consulted.  Other  books  describing  the  move- 
ments in  various  countries  as  it  existed  prior  to  the  European 
War  and  those  of  Hunter,  Orth,  Sombart,  Mac-Donald  and 
Hillquit. 

Bibliographies.  Bibliographies  on  Socialism  have  been 
prepared  by  the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society,  70  Fifth 
Ave.,  N.  Y.  City,  The  Rand  School  of  Social  Science,  7  E. 
15th  St.,  N.  Y.  City,  The  National  Socialist  Party,  220 
So.  Ashland  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111.,  and  the  Fabian  Society,  25 
Tothill  St.,  Westminster,  London,  S.  W.,  England. 

Periodicals.  To  keep  informed  concerning  the  latest 
developments  of  socialism  it  is  necessary  frequently  to  con- 
sult periodicals  on  socialism.  The  Socialist  Review,  a 
(monthly)  published  by  the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society, 
70  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  City,  an  educational,  not  a  political 
propagandist  journal,  edited  by  the  author  of  this  book, 
seeks  to  supply  the  reader  with  the  latest  facts  concerning 
the  activites  and  theories  in  the  field  of  socialism  through- 
out the  world.  The  Liberator  (monthly),  published  in  31 
Union  Sq.,  N.  Y.  City,  edited  by  Max  and  Crystal  Eastman, 
and  the  Class  Struggle,  a  monthly,  15  Spruce  St.,  N.  Y. 
City,  edited  by  Ludwig  Lore  and  others,  are  also  valuable 
propaganda  journals.  The  two  socialist  dailies  of  importance 
are  the  New  York  Call,  444  Pearl  St.,  N.  Y.  City,  and  the 
Milwaukee  Leader,  Brisbane  Hall,  Milwaukee.  The  "  Inter- 
national Relations  Section "  of  The  Nation  is  constantly 
printing  important  documents  relating  to  the  socialist  move- 
movement. 

The  Eye  Opener  and  The  Party  Bulletin,  220  So.  Ashland 
Blvd.,  Chicago,  are  the  official  organs  of  the  Socialist  Party; 
The  Communist,  1221  Blue  Island  Ave.,  Chicago,  the  official 


520          NOTES  ON  THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

organ  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  The  Communist  Labor 
Party  Newt,  3207  Clark  Ave.,  Cleveland  Ohio,  the  organ  of 
the  Communist  Labor  Party.  The  Appeal  to  Reason,  Girard, 
Kansas,  is  a  propaganda  weekly  with  a  very  considerable  cir- 
culation. New  periodicals  are  constantly  starting  up. 

In  England,  the  New  Statesman,  a  weekly  contributed  to 
by  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb,  Bernard  Shaw  and  others,  the 
Socialist  Review  (a  quarterly),  edited  by  Ramsay  MacDonald, 
the  Labor  Leader  (weekly),  organ  of  the  Independent  Labor 
Party,  the  London  Herald,  edited  by  George  Lansbury  and 
the  New  Age,  the  organ  of  the  National  Guildsmen,  are  all 
worth  consulting.  Le  Populaire,  edited  by  Jean  Longuet,  and 
L'Humanite,  are  important  socialist  organs  in  France.  Vor- 
waerts  is  the  chief  socialist  daily  of  Germany. 


INDEX 


Accidents,   industrial,   26-27. 

Accumulation  of  capital,  ques- 
tion of,  under  socialism,  224- 
227. 

Addams,  Jane,  A  New  Con- 
tcience  and  an  Ancient  Evil, 
quoted,  45. 

Adler,  Friederich,  at  Berne  Con- 
ference of  1919,  291;  at  Lu- 
cerne Conference,  302;  opposes 
resolution  condemning  soviet 
rule  in  Russia,  354  n. ;  secre- 
tary of  militant  party  of  Aus- 
trian Social  Democracy,  388; 
founding  of  Dag  Volk  by,  389; 
assassination  of  Austrian  Pre- 
mier by,  389;  trial  and  im- 
prisonment of,  389-391. 

Adler,  Victor,  conservative 
leader  of  Austrian  Social  De- 
mocracy, 388,  491. 

Administration  of  industries  un- 
der socialism,  136-138. 

Administrators,  question  of  in- 
centive for,  under  socialism, 
210-211;  character  of,  with  de- 
velopment of  the  corporation, 
217-218;  type  of,  under  social- 
ism, 218-219. 

Adulteration  of  foods,  11. 

Advertising,  wastes  of,  under 
competitive  system,  18-19;  di- 
version of  productive  workers 
by,  19-20;  evaluation  of,  20- 
21. 

Agriculture,  wastes  in,  under 
competitive  system,  15-17;  con- 
centration in  industries  con- 
nected with,  87,  93-94;  position 
of  those  occupied  in,  94r-96. 

Allen,  Adventures  in  Socialism, 
cited,  52. 

All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets, 
329-330. 


521 


Allyn,  Lewis  B.,  cited  on  debase- 
ment of  foods,  11. 

Alvarado,  General  Salvador,  so- 
cialist conqueror  of  Yucatan, 
506. 

America,  influence  of  economic 
factors  hi  molding  history  of, 
64-67.  See  United  States. 

American  Federation  of  Labor, 
policy  adopted  by,  of  reward- 
ing labor's  friends,  463. 

American  Revolution,  economic 
forces  behind,  65. 

American  Sugar  Refining  Com- 
pany, 87. 

Amsterdam,  congress  of  1904  at, 
251. 

Anarchism,  discussion  of  charge 
that  socialism  is  identical  with, 
235-238. 

Anarchist  communism,  doctrine 
of,  177,  236-237. 

Anderson,  William  C.,  British 
internationalist,  416. 

Angell,  Norman,  The  British 
Revolution  and  American  De- 
mocracy, cited,  153,  199. 

Anti-war  attitude  of  socialists 
in  United  States,  454. 

Argentina,  socialism  in,  476,  504- 
505. 

Army,  opposition  of  American 
socialists  to  a  large  standing, 
457. 

Art,  effects  of  capitalist  re'gime 
on,  48-49;  under  socialist  r6- 
gime,  132-134;  work  of  Soviet 
Government  in  Russia  in,  349. 

Artists,  incentives  for  and  posi- 
tion of,  under  socialism,  214- 
215. 

Assignment  of  tasks  under  so- 
cialism, 138-141. 

Australia,    effect    of    European 


INDEX 


war  on  socialism  in,  382;  so- 
cialist activities  in,  since  1914, 
478-479 ;  "  one  big  union  "  idea 
in,  479-480;  history  of  social- 
ism in,  before  1914,  507;  move- 
ment in,  for  "  white  "  Austra- 
lia, 507. 

Austria,  effect  of  war  on  labor 
and  socialist  movement  in,  4; 
cooperatives  in,  192;  trade 
union  membership  in,  202;  at- 
titude of  socialists  of,  in  sum- 
mer of  1914,  269-270;  attitude 
of  socialists  after  opening  of 
hostilities,  280;  pronounce- 
ments of  socialists  during  the 
war,  284;  strikes  in,  in  1918, 
365;  support  of  government  by 
Social  Democrats  in,  during 
war,  388;  events  in,  during  the 
war,  leading  to  revolution,  388- 
391;  fall  of  the  monarchy,  392; 
formation  of  provisional  gov- 
ernment and  elections  of  May 
4,  1919,  392-393;  account  of 
socialist  movement  in,  before 
1914,  490-491. 

Baer,  John  M.,  Congressman  of 
N  on  partisan  League,  461. 

Baker,  C.  A.,  Public  vt.  Private 
Electricity  Supply,  cited,  222- 
223. 

Balch,  Approachet  to  the  Great 
Settlement,  cited,  283,  287. 

Balkan  countries,  activities  of 
socialists  in,  since  1914,  446- 
450. 

Balkan  crisis  of  191-3,  action  of 
socialists  concerning,  259-261. 

Barnes,  George  N.,  411,  412. 

Basel,  congress  at,  in  1912,  259- 
260. 

Bassett,  C.  E.,  and  others,  Co- 
operative Marketing  and  Fi- 
nancing of  Marketing  Atiocia- 
tiont,  quoted,  16. 

Bavaria,  events  in,  following 
German  revolution,  398  n. 

Beard,  Charles  A.,  works  by, 
cited  and  quoted,  66  n. 


Bebel,  August,  Woman  under 
Socialism,  cited,  146;  attitude 
at  time  of  Franco-Prussian 
War,  249 ;  on  the  general  strike 
as  a  preventive  of  war,  254- 
255. 

Belgian  Labor  Party,  founding 
of,  496. 

Belgium,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202 ;  anti-war  demonstrations 
in,  prior  to  German  invasion, 
271;  attitude  of  socialists  of, 
after  declaration  of  war,  275- 
276;  socialists  in,  during  the 
war,  440;  socialist  elections, 
440;  socialism  in,  before  1914, 
496-497. 

Bellamy,  Edward,  Looking  Back- 
ward and  Equality  by,  52. 

Belloc,  Hilaire,  The  Servile 
State,  cited,  154. 

Benson,  Allan  1 ...  socialist  presi- 
dential candidate  in  1916,  456, 
457. 

Berger,  Victor  L.,  passport  re- 
fused to,  to  attend  Stockholm 
conference,  287;  reflected  to 
Congress  in  1918,  unseated,  re- 
nominated,  460;  sentence  of, 
to  prison,  473. 

Berne  conference  of  1919,  290  ff.; 
responsibility  for  war  dis- 
cussed at,  291;  condemnation 
of  soviet  rule  in  Russia  by, 
353-354;  refusal  of  Swiss  so- 
cialists to  send  representatives 
to,  442;  representatives  from 
Argentina  at,  476. 

Bernstein,  Edward,  Evolution- 
ary Socialitm,  cited,  78, 
100. 

Besant,  Annie,  Fabian  Ettayi, 
cited,  135,  137;  quoted,  211. 

Besteiro,  Julian,  Spanish  social- 
ist, 444,  445. 

Bevan,  E.,  Social  Democracy 
during  the  War,  cited,  368  n. 

Bibliographies  on  socialism,  519. 

Big  business  and  political  cor- 
ruption, 230. 


INDEX 


523 


"  Big  Five  "  in  meat-packing  in- 
dustry, 87. 

Bissolati,  L.,  427,  430. 

Birth  control,  effects  of,  239. 

Blacklisting,  forbidding  of,  un- 
der socialism,  208  n. 

Blackpool  Conference  of  British 
Labor  Congress,  411-412. 

"  Bloody  Sunday  "  in  Petrograd, 
487. 

Bogart,  E.  L.,  Economic  History 
of  the  United  States,  cited,  65. 

Bohemia,  socialist  sentiment  in, 
452. 

Bolsheviks,  split  of  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party  in  Russia,  into 
Mensheviks  and,  315  n.,  489; 
composition  of,  315  n. ;  come 
under  leadership  of  Trotsky, 
319;  revolutionary  demonstra- 
tions by,  against  provisional 
government,  321,  322;  suppres- 
sion of  leaders  of,  by  Kerensky, 
322;  charges  by,  against  Ke- 
rensky government,  323,  324, 
326;  increase  in  strength,  and 
revolution  of,  327;  definite  pro- 
gram of,  on  disputed  questions, 
328;  come  into  power  with  fall 
of  Kerensky  government,  332- 
333;  drive  for  peace  begun  by, 
340-341;  Russian  and  foreign 
forces  opposed  to,  350-351;  the 
Red  Terror,  353  n.,  356  n.- 
357  n. ;  socialist  critics  of,  352 ; 
claimed  to  be  non-Marxian, 
354-355;  defense  of  methods  of, 
355-356;  continued  Allied  aid 
of  opponents  of,  357;  summary 
of  defense  of  cause  and  meth- 
ods of,  357-358. 

Bombacci,  N.,  official  of  Italian 
party,  arrested,  429. 

Book  publication  under  social- 
ism, 135. 

Books  pertaining  to  socialism, 
511-520. 

Boss,  disappearance  of  political, 
under  socialism,  233. 

Boudin,  Louis  B.,  The  Theoreti- 
cal System  of  Karl  Marx,  cited 


and  quoted,  60  n.,  100,  101,  102, 
105,  109,  113,  114,  115;  .^ -trial - 
ism  and  War,  cited,  67. 

Bourgeois  system,  rise  of,  53- 
55. 

Bourgeoisie,  defined,  54  n. 

Brailsford,  H.  N.,  quoted  on  so- 
viet rule  in  Hungary,  398  n., 
400. 

Brandes,  G.,  Ferdinand  Laitalle, 
cited,  484. 

Brandeis,  Louis,  Business,  a 
Profession,  cited,  26. 

Branting,  H.,  437,  438,  498. 

Brazil,  socialists  in,  477,  505. 

Brest-Litovsk,  negotiations  be- 
tween Russian  delegates  and 
Germans  at,  340-341. 

Brissenden,  The  I.  W.  W.,  etc., 
cited,  185,  203. 

British  Labor  Party,  liberal  in- 
terpretation of  meaning  of 
working  class  by,  80;  position 
taken  by,  regarding  European 
war,  277-279;  defense  or,  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  296- 
297;  events  connected  with, 
during  the  war,  409  ff. ;  and  the 
Stockholm  Conference,  410- 
411;  reconstruction  program 
of,  413-415;  "Labor's  Call  to 
the  People"  issued  by,  416; 
history  of,  492^493;  achieve- 
ments of,  before  the  war,  493. 

Brook  Farm  experiment,  51. 

Brooks,  J.  G.,  American  Syndi- 
calism, cited,  185. 

Brussels,  Congress  of  1914,  1, 
267-269;  Congress  of  1868, 
247;  Congress  of  1891,  249. 

Bryan,  W.  J.,  503. 

Buckle,  physical  interpretation 
of  history  by,  61. 

Buenos  Aires,  general  strike  in, 
475-476. 

Bulgaria,  stand  taken  by  social- 
ists of,  toward  Euro}>ean  war, 
275;  attitude  of  socialists  after 
declaration  of  war,  281 ;  social- 
ism in,  since  1914,  446-447. 

Bullitt,   William  C.,  conclusions 


524 


INDEX 


of,  concerning  Soviet  Govern- 
ment in  Russia,  357. 

Bullock,  C.  J.,  Principle*  of 
Economics,  cited,  227. 

Bunning,  Stuart,  at  Berne  Con- 
ference of  1919,  291. 

Bureaucratic  control,  attention 
concentrated  on  evils  of,  by  the 
war,  3-4;  as  an  objection  to 
socialism,  234. 

Burns,  John,  491. 

Business  practices,  corrupt,  un- 
der capitalist  system,  38-43. 

Cachin,  M.,  leader  of  centrists 
in  France,  421. 

Canada,  socialism  in,  since  1914, 
474-475;  history  of  socialism 
in,  before  the  war,  503-504. 

Canadian  Socialist  League,  504. 

Cannan,  Freedom,  cited,  154. 

Capital,  accumulation  of,  under 
socialist  regime,  224-227. 

Capitalism,  character  of  indict- 
ment of,  by  socialism,  9-10; 
the  wastes  of,  in  material,  11- 
23;  waste  of  human  life  under, 
24-29;  inequality  of  wealth  un- 
der, and  effects,  31-37;  effect 
of,  on  ethical  life  of  the  com- 
munity, 37-48;  break-down  of, 
59 ;  mechanical  impossibility 
of,  114-115. 

Capitalists,  achievements  of  mod- 
ern, 54-55;  limitations  of, 
shown  by  occurrence  of  peri- 
odic crises,  55-57;  decrease  in 
class  of,  57;  evolution  of,  75. 

Carpenter,  Edward,  491. 

Carranza,  President,  506. 

Central  Labor  College  In  Eng- 
land, 494. 

Chain  stores,  91-92. 

Chicago  election  of  1917,  socialist 
vote  in,  459;  vote  in  1918,  460. 

Child  workers,  wages  of,  33,  34. 

Chili,  labor  disturbances  in,  476- 
477;  socialism  in,  505. 

China,  socialism  in,  481,  510. 

Christian  socialist  movement, 
156. 


Church,  position  of,  under  social- 
ism, 154-159. 

Church  Socialist  League  in  Eng- 
land, 494. 

Cincinnati  vote  of  socialists 
(1917),  459 

Clarion  Fellowship  in  England, 
494. 

Class  antagonisms  created  by 
modern  industry,  58. 

Class  consciousness,  value  of,  76- 
77. 

Class  struggle,  theory  of  the,  as 
a  cornerstone  of  scientific  so- 
cialism, 68-80;  the  fundamen- 
tal idea  of  syndicalism,  179. 

Clemenceau,  Premier,  attitude 
toward  Hungarian  Soviet, 
401  n.;  letter  from  socialists, 
425;  formation  of  national 
bloc,  427. 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  socialist  vote  in, 
in  1917,  459. 

Coal,  concentration  in  control  of, 
89. 

Cohen,  Law  and  Order  in  In- 
dustry, cited,  204. 

Cole,  G.  H.  D.,  Self-Oovemment 
in  Industry,  cited  and  quoted, 
136,  137,  147,  150,  170,  171,  172, 
173,  178,  185,  200,  203;  The 
World  of  Labor,  cited,  203; 
National  Guilds  League 
formed  by,  494. 

Collective  ownership,  50  n. ;  sys- 
tem of,  an  aim  of  socialism, 
122;  meaning  of,  122  n. ;  extent 
of,  under  socialism,  124-125; 
of  land,  128-131. 

Coman,  K.,  Industrial  History 
of  the  United  States,  cited, 
65. 

Combination,  growth  of,  83-84. 

Commercial  travelers,  a  source 
of  economic  waste,  21. 

Committee  of  48,  formation  of, 
459-460. 

Commons,  John  R.,  History  of 
Labor  in  United  States,  cited, 
52,  203;  Races  and  Immigrants 
in  America,  cited,  64;  Princi- 


INDEX 


525 


pies  of  Labor  Legislation, 
cited,  189. 

Communist,  early  significance  of 
word,  154  n. 

Communist  anarchism,  236-237. 

Communistic  experiments  in 
United  States,  51. 

Communist  International  Confer- 
ence at  Moscow  (March,  1919), 
302-306. 

Communist  Labor  Party,  plat- 
form of,  regarding  land,  130; 
views  of  extreme  left  held  by, 
169  n. ;  cooperative  movement 
indorsed  by,  194 n.;  origins  of, 
466-468;  efforts  to  amalgamate 
with  Communist  Party,  468; 
careful  estimate  of,  472. 

Communist  Manifesto  of  Marx 
and  Engels,  quoted,  10;  begin- 
nings of  Marxian  socialism 
with,  53;  analysis  of  historical 
r61e  of  class  struggle  in,  69- 
70;  virile  international  note 
struck  in,  247;  origins  of,  482. 

Communist  Party,  formation  and 
platform  of,  468-469;  value  of, 
as  a  propaganda  organization, 
472. 

Communists,  abolition  of  private 
property  advocated  by,  124. 

Communist  Socialists,  extremists 
called,  154  n.;  tactics  advo- 
cated by,  for  transition  to  so- 
cialism, 162-164. 

Compensation  for  work  under 
socialism,  141-146. 

Concentration  in  industry,  81  ff. ; 
in  manufacture.  85-88;  in  nat- 
ural resources,  88-89 ;  in  public 
utilities,  89-90;  in  finance,  90- 
91;  in  wholesale  and  in  retail 
trade,  91-92;  in  agriculture, 
93-94. 

Connolly,  James,  Irish  leader, 
419. 

Constitution,  the  'Soviet,  in  Rus- 
sia, 343-347;  of  German  Re- 
public, 485-486. 

Contracts,  corruption  connected 
with  giving  of,  231-232. 


Control,  concentration  of,  81  n. ; 
the  corporation  and,  84-85. 

Cooperative  League  of  America, 
194  n. 

Cooperative  movement,  the  vol- 
untary, 127-128,  190-194;  atti- 
tude of  socialists  toward,  193- 
195;  lack  of  profit  motive  in, 
216-217. 

Cooperatives,  accumulations  of 
capital  by,  226-227. 

Cooperative  system,  wastes  in 
manufacturing  that  could  be 
avoided  under,  13-15;  avoid- 
able wastes  in  agriculture,  15- 
17;  aspirations -of  scientific  so- 
cialism toward,  53. 

Copenhagen  Congress  of  1910, 
257-258. 

Corporation,  extent  of  growth  of 
the,  82;  relation  of,  to  concen- 
tration of  control,  84-85;  effect 
of,  upon  middle  class,  102-103; 
viewed  as  a  step  toward  social- 
ism, 187-188. 

Cory,  H.  E.,  cited,  163. 

Cossacks,  help  given  Russian 
revolutionists  by,  310. 

Cottrell,  H.  M.,  quoted  on  waste 
in  farming,  16. 

Council  of  Workers'  and  Sol- 
diers' Delegates,  proposed  con- 
ference of,  at  Stockholm 
(1917),  286,  287.  , 

Craft  consciousness  developed  by 
trade  unions,  202. 

Creative  work,  opportunity  af- 
forded for,  by  administrative 
positions,  219. 

Creative  workers,  incentives  for, 
under  socialism,  211. 

Crime,  relation  between  capital- 
ist system  and,  45-48. 

Crises,"  development  of  industrial, 
55-56;  incapacity  of  capitalists 
demonstrated  by,  57 ;  causes  of, 
112-113;  effect  of  trusts  on, 
113;  results  of,  115-116. 

Criticism  of  socialism,  207- 
244. 

Cuba,     labor     disturbances     in 


526 


INDEX 


(1918),  488-489;  Socialist 
Party  in,  506. 

Curran,  Peter,  British  delegate 
at  Paris  congress  of  1900,  250. 

Czar,  abdication  of,  311-312. 

Czecho-Slovak  republic,  socialist 
sentiment  in,  452. 

Czecho-Slovaks,  forces  of,  op- 
posed to  Soviet  Government  in 
Russia,  343;  amount  advanced 
by  President  Wilson  to,  343  n. 


Danish  West  Indies,  activities  of 
Danish  socialists  at  time  of 
sale  of,  434. 

Davies,  The  Collectivitt  State  in 
the  Making,  cited,  198. 

Death,  statistics  of  preventable 
or  postponable,  27. 

Debs,  Eugene  V.,  President  Wil- 
son criticized  by  Italian  radical 
press  for  permitting  imprison- 
ment of,  430;  account  of  trial 
and  imprisonment  of,  472-473; 
leader  of  American  Railway 
Union,  502;  candidate  for 
President  in  1900,  502. 

Decreasing  fertility,  law  of, 
242  n. 

De  Leon,  Daniel,  leader  of  So- 
cialist Trade  and  Labor  Al- 
liance, 502;  dissatisfaction  in 
Canada  with  leadership  of,  504. 

De  Maeztu,  Authority,  Liberty 
and  Function,  cited,  154. 

Democratic  management,  details 
of,  under  national  guild  theory, 
173-174;  demand  for,  by  so- 
cialists, 904;  advance  toward, 
since  1914,  204-205. 

Democracy,  spirit  of,  injured  by 
capitalist  system,  48. 

IVnikin,  anti-Bolshevik  General, 
aid  given  to,  by  Allies,  357. 

Denmark,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202;  neutrality  favored  by  so- 
cialists of,  in  European  war, 
975;  socialist  activities  in,  dur- 
ing the  war,  433,  434;  history 


of  socialism  in,  prior  to  war, 
497-498. 

Department  stores,  91. 

Deviile,  The  State  and  Social- 
ism, cited,  147. 

Dictatorship  of  the  proletariat, 
163-1C4;  demand  for,  by  social- 
ists of  left  wing,  after  German 
revolution,  375-376. 

Direct  action,  meaning  of,  1G3  n. ; 
as  a  means  of  attaining  new 
social  order,  169  n. ;  meaning 
of,  under  syndicalism,  179;  the 
weapon  of  anarchism,  235. 

Disarmament,  complete,  urged  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  294. 

Discharge  of  workers,  under  so- 
cialism, 206. 

Disease,  a  cause  of  social  and 
economic  waste,  27;  statistics 
of,  27;  association  of  poverty 
and,  28-29. 

Distribution  of  goods,  wastes  in, 
18-23. 

Douglas,  Paul  H.,  Problem  of 
Labor  Turnover,  cited,  25  n.; 
quoted  on  1917  elections  in 
Ohio,  459. 

Dowe,  P.  E.,  cited  on  traveling 
salesmen,  21  n. 

Drakoules,  Dr.,  leader  of  Greek 
socialists,  447,  501. 

Eastman,  Max,  trial  of,  485; 
editor  of  Liberator,  520. 

Ebert,  Friederich,  appointment 
of,  as  Imperial  Chancellor, 
380;  elected  president  of  Ger- 
man Republic,  384. 

Economic  interpretation  of  his- 
tory, 60-68. 

Education,  socialization  of,  196- 
198;  attention  given  to,  by  So- 
viet Government,  349. 

Educational  work,  under  social- 
ism, 131-132;  of  Socialist  Party 
in  America,  503. 

Eisner,  Kurt,  at  Berne  Confer- 
ence of  1919,  991,  295;  elected 
head  of  Bavarian  Republic, 
and  assassinated,  387  n. 


INDEX 


527 


Ely,  Richard  T,  French  and 
German  Socialism,  cited,  5J; 
Studies  in  the  Evolution  of  In- 
dustrial Society,  cited,  64,  71. 

Emigration  and  immigration, 
resolutions  concerning,  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  297- 
298. 

Engdahl,  J.  Louis,  sentenced  to 
prison,  473. 

Engels,  F.,  10;  doctrine  of  eco- 
nomic interpretation  of  history 
as  formulated  by,  61;  Origin 
of  the  Family,  cited,  64,  160; 
Socialism,  Utopian  and  Scien- 
tific, quoted,  147. 

England,  Utopian  socialists  of, 
50;  history  of  socialism  in, 
491-494.  See  Great  Britain. 

Equality  in  remuneration,  prin- 
ciple of,  141. 

Espionage  Law,  condemnation 
of,  by  socialists  in  America, 
471. 

Ethical  factors  in  economic  in- 
terpretation of  history,  63-64. 

Ethical  life  of  community,  ef- 
fect of  capitalist  system  on, 
37-48. 

Ethics,  influence  of  economic 
forces  on,  67-68. 

Europe,  cooperative  movement 
in,  192;  trade  unionism  in, 
201-202;  stand  taken  by  social- 
ists of  different  countries,  after 
declaration  of  war,  275-282. 

European  War,  economic  back- 
grounds of,  67  n. 

Exploitation  as  criterion  for  so- 
cializing of  industries,  126-127. 

Extreme  left,  tactics  advocated 
by,  for  transition  to  socialism, 
162-164.  See  Left  Wing 
movement. 

Fabian  Research  Department  on 
Control  of  Industry,  citftl  and 
quoted,  195,  196,  197,  199,  201, 
204,  216,  222,  228. 

Fabian  Society,  bureaucratic  col- 
lectivism of,  ridiculed  by  na- 


tional   guildsmen,    171  n. ;    his- 
tory of,  493-494. 

Family,  socialism  and  the,  159- 
161. 

Family  life,  effect  of  inequality 
of  wealth  on,  35-36. 

Farmers,  income  of,  105-106; 
progressive  spirit  among,  106- 
107. 

Farming  wastes  connected  with, 
15-17;  slow  progress  of  con- 
centration in,  93-94;  depend- 
ence of  those  engaged  in,  94- 
96.  See  also  Agriculture. 

Farming  land,  socialist  position 
in  regard  to,  129-131. 

Farms,  increase  in  number  of 
mortgaged,  98. 

Federal  Children's  Bureau,  28. 

Ferri,  Enrico,  495. 

Feudalism,  breaking  down  of, 
53-54. 

Finance,  concentration  in,  90-91. 

Finland,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
victory  of  socialism  in,  in  June, 
1916,  elections,  447-448;  events 
in,  following  Russian  revolu- 
tion, 448;  socialist  successes  in 
1919,  449-450;  strength  of  so- 
cialism in,  before  1914,  489- 
490;  vote  of  party  from  1904 
to  1916,  490. 

Fisher,  Irving,  Report  on  Na- 
tional Vitality,  cited,  27. 

Fitzhugh,  The  Wealth  of  the 
North  and  the  South,  cited,  66. 

Fixing  of  prices,  question  of,  un- 
der socialism,  227-229. 

Flexner,  Prostitution  in  Europe, 
cited  and  quoted,  40. 

Follett,  The  New  State,  cited, 
154. 

Food,  waste  in  production  of,  11. 

Foods,  absurdities  in  advertise- 
ments of,  20. 

Fraina,  Louis  t".,  Rtmlutionary 
Socialism,  cited  and  quoted, 
76,  79  n.,  163  n.,  203. 

France,  early  socialist  writers  of, 
51 ;  history  of  syndicalist  move- 
ment in,  177-178;  cooperatives 


528 


INDEX 


in,  192;  trade  union  member- 
ship in,  202;  socialists  of,  on 
the  general  strike  as  preventive 
of  war,  265-267;  anti-war  dem- 
onstrations in,  in  July,  1914, 
271-272 i  action  of  socialists 
upon  outbreak  of  war,  276; 
progress  of  socialism  in,  since 
1914,  420-424;  views  of  social- 
ists in,  concerning  League  of 
Nations  and  peace  treaty,  424- 
427;  1919  election,  427;  account 
of  socialism  in,  before  1914, 
485-487. 

Franco-Prussian  War,  socialism 
during  the,  248-249. 

Frazier,  Lynn  J.,  Governor  of 
No.  Dakota,  461. 

Frederich,  Stephen,  regime  of,  in 
Hungary,  405-408. 

French  and  Indian  War,  eco- 
nomic forces  behind,  64-65. 

Function,  theory  of  organization 
by,  151-152. 

General  Confederation  of  Labor, 
in  France,  423-424. 

General  strike,  as  a  preventive  of 
war,  252-254;  Bebel's  views  on 
the,  254-255;  discussed  at 
Copenhagen  Congress  of  1910, 
258;  attitude  of  French  social- 
ists regarding,  265-267;  pro- 
posed in  France  (July,  1919), 
425-426;  calling  of,  in  Switzer- 
land (November,  1918),  442- 
443. 

Geneva  Convention  of  1866,  482. 

Germany,  effect  of  war  on  labor 
and  socialist  movement  in,  4; 
cooperatives  in,  192;  trade 
union  membership  in,  202;  so- 
cialists in,  during  period  of 
Franco-Prussian  War,  248- 
249;  opposition  of  Social  Dem- 
ocrats in,  to  military  budget 
of  1913,  261-262;  debate  by 
Social  Democrats  over  support 
of  taxation  bill,  262-264;  anti- 
war campaign  in  summer  of 
1914,  270-271;  position  taken 


by  socialists  upon  outbreak  of 
war,  279-280;  pronouncements 
of  socialists  during  the  war, 
284;  separate  peace  signed  by 
Russia  with,  313-344;  begin- 
ning of  active  opposition  to 
war  in,  359;  split  in  Social 
Democratic  Party,  on  question 
of  war,  361;  peace  proposals 
formulated  by  socialists  of, 
362;  Reichstag  resolution  of 
July  13,  1917,  363-364;  grow- 
ing discontent  among  the 
masses,  364-365;  effect  of  Aus- 
trian strikes,  365-366;  strike  in, 
of  a  million  workers,  366-367; 
beginning  of  revolt  proper, 
368;  abdication  of  Kaiser, 
368-369;  appointment  of  Ebert 
as  Imperial  Chancellor,  369; 
program  of  new  government, 
372-374;  Congress  of  Councils 
of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers' 
Deputies,  374-375;  activities  of 
Spartacans,  377-379;  resigna- 
tion of  Independent  Socialist 
members  from  cabinet,  379- 
381;  separation  of  Spartacans 
and  Independents,  381-382;  the 
January  revolt,  382-383;  sup- 
pression of  Spartacans  and 
murder  of  Liebknecht  and 
Rosa  Luxemburg,  383;  meeting 
of  National  Assembly,  383- 
385;  character  of  new  Consti- 
tution, 385-386;  signing  of 
peace  treaty,  386-387;  disturb- 
ances following  signing  of 
treaty,  387;  the  July  (1919) 
strike,  387;  account  of  social- 
ism in,  before  1914,  484-485. 

Germer,  Adolph,  sentenced  to 
prison,  473. 

Ghent,  W.  J.,  Mast  and  Clatt, 
cited  and  quoted,  12,  38,  39,  73, 
74,  75,  76,  100;  Socialism  and 
8vccet»,  cited,  190. 

Gide,  Charles,  quoted  on  extent 
of  cooperative  movement, 
192-193. 

Glasgow    Conference    of    Trade 


INDEX 


529 


Unions  (September,  1919), 
418. 

Gompers,  Samuel,  429,  463. 

Gorky,  Maxim,  315  n. ;  tribute  by, 
to  cultural  work  of  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment, 349. 

Government,  corruption  of,  by 
big  business,  41-43. 

Government  ownership,  limita- 
tions of,  198;  a  step  toward 
industrial  democracy,  199-200; 
question  of  inefficiency  of,  220; 
how  present-day,  differs  from 
the  socialist  ideal,  220-222; 
comparison  between  private 
and,  222-223.  See  Public  own- 
ership. 

Gray,  War  Time  Control  of  In- 
dustry, cited,  198. 

Great  Britain,  effect  of  war  on 
labor  and  socialist  movement 
in,  4;  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202;  opposition  of  socialists  to 
war,  prior  to  England's  en- 
trance in  1914,  272-273;  con- 
tinued opposition  of  socialists 
in,  to  war,  after  outbreak  of 
hostilities,  276-277 ;  position 
taken  by  Labor  Party,  277- 
278;  attitude  of  British  Social- 
ist Party,  278-279;  British 
Labor  Party  after  the  out- 
break of  hostilities,  409-410; 
the  party  and  the  Stockholm 
Conference,  410-412;  coalition 
with  government  and  labor 
truce,  412-413;  reconstruction 
program,  413-415 ;  elections, 
415-417;  trade  union  con- 
gresses, 418-420;  history  of  so- 
cialist activities  in,  before  1914, 
491-494. 

Great  man  theory  under  eco- 
nomic interpretation  of  his- 
tory, 63. 

Greece,  socialists  of,  favor  neu- 
trality in  European  war,  281 ; 
socialism  in,  since  1914,  447; 
character  of  socialist  move- 
ment in,  501. 


Groat,  G.  G.,  Organized  Labor 
in  America,  cited,  203. 

Guesde,  Jules,  becomes  member 
of  French  war  cabinet,  276. 

Guild  socialism,  theory  of,  170  ff.; 
views  of  socialists  regarding, 
176-177.  See  National  guilds- 
men. 

Guthrie,  Socialism  before  the 
French  Revolution,  cited,  52. 

Guyot,  Yves,  Where  and  Why 
Public  Ownership  Has  Failed, 
cited,  222. 

Haase,  Hugo,  German  Social 
Democat,  opposes  military 
budget  of  1913,  261-262;  at- 
tack on  increased  military  ap- 
propriation by,  264;  continues 
in  opposition  to  war,  after  out- 
break of  hostilities,  279;  sup- 
port given  to  the  war  by,  360; 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in 
German  government  after  rev- 
olution, 370  n. ;  assassination  of, 
398. 

Hamilton,  W.  H.,  Current  Eco- 
nomic Problems,  quoted,  189  n. 

Handicraft  industry,  views  of  so- 
cialists regarding,  125-126. 

Hard,  William,  magazine  articles 
by,  cited,  328,  342,  354  n. 

Hardie,  Keir,  general  strike  as 
preventive  of  war  favored  by, 
258;  at  Brussels  Congress  of 
1914,  268;  organizer  of  Inde- 
pendent Labor  Party  in  Eng- 
land, 492. 

Harriman,  Job,  American  social- 
ist, 502. 

Harris,  E.  P.,  Cooperation  the 
Hope  of  the  Consumer,  cited 
and  quoted,  11,  12,  23  n.,  38, 
193,  194. 

Hayes,  Max,  American  socialist, 
502. 

Henderson,  Arthur,  leader  of 
British  Labor  Party,  278;  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  294; 
chairman  of  Lucerne  Confer- 
ence, 301;  converted  to  Stock- 


530 


INDEX 


holm  plan  upon  visiting  Rus- 
sia, 410-411;  resignation  of, 
from  British  cabinet,  411. 

Herald  League  in  England,  494. 

Herv6,  teaching  of,  that  "the 
proletariat  has  no  fatherland," 
254;  views  of,  challenged  by 
Bebel,  254-256. 

Hillquit,  Morris,  History  of  80- 
cialitm  in  United  States,  cited, 
52;  quoted  on  socialist  position 
regarding  land,  129;  quoted  on 
administration  of  industries 
under  socialism,  137;  Socialitm 
in  Theory  and  Practice,  cited, 
146,  190,  199,  203;  passport  re- 
fused to,  to  attend  Stockholm 
conference,  287;  vote  cast  for, 
for  mayor  of  New  York 
(1917),  458;  socialist  activities 
of,  402. 

Hillquit  and  Ryan,  Socialism, 
Promise  or  Menace,  cited,  159, 
161,  207. 

Hinds,  American  Communities, 
cited,  52. 

History,  economic  interpretation 
of,  60-68. 

Hobson,  John  A.,  English  econ- 
omist, 3;  The  Evolution  of 
Modern  Capitalism,  cited,  14, 
25,  71  n.,  73,  211;  Imperialism, 
cited,  67;  quoted  on  corpora- 
tions and  concentration  of  con- 
trol, 85;  cited  and  quoted,  90, 
91,  93,  96,  104,  116,  167; 
Democracy  after  the  War, 
cited,  176-177;  Work  and 
Wealth,  cited  and  quoted,  209, 
911,  212,  219,  224;  quoted  on 
government  ownership,  221  n. 

Hobson,  S.  G.,  National  Guilds, 
quoted,  151  n.;  Guild  Principle 
in  War  and  Peace,  cited,  170. 

Hoffmann,  Frederic  I..,  Indus- 
trial Accident  Statistics,  cited, 
26. 

Holland,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
fight  for  neutrality  in  Euro- 
pean war,  made  by  socialists 
of,  274;  activities  of  socialists 


in,  since  1914,  440-441 ;  history 
of  socialist  movement  in,  497. 

Holyoke,  G.  J.,  History  of  Co- 
operation by,  194  n. 

Horvath  General,  self-appoint- 
ed military  dictator  of  Russian 
forces  in  Far  East,  355. 

Howe,  Frederic  C.,  The  High 
Cost  of  Living,  quoted,  22  n., 
98  n.;  Why  War,  cited,  67, 

110  n. 

Howells,  W.  D.,  A  Traveler 
from  Altruria  by,  52. 

Hughan,  Jessie  W.,  American 
Socialism  of  the  Present  Day, 
cited  and  quoted,  117  n.,  120, 
121,  127,  142,  146. 

Hughes,  W.  M.,  478,  479. 

Human  element,  importance  of 
in  determining  results  of  pri- 
vate and  public  service,  223- 
224. 

Human  life,  waste  of,  under  cap- 
italistic system,  24-29. 

Hungary,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202;  attitude  of  socialists  of,  in 
summer  of  1914,  270;  socialist 
position  in,  one  of  opposition 
to  war  after  opening  of  hostili- 
ties, 280;  events  in,  during 
early  days  of  war,  393-394; 
the  October  (1917)  revolution, 
394;  declaration  of  republic  In, 
395;  revolt  against  Karolyi 
government,  395-396;  resigna- 
tion of  Karolyi  in  favor  of 
communists,  396-397;  activities 
of  Bela  Kun  government,  397- 
400;  Allied  intervention,  400- 
401 ;  Bela  Kun's  appeal  ad- 
dressed to  proletariat  of  the 
world,  401-403;  Bela  Kun's 
overthrow  and  Rumanian  ag- 
gression, 403-404;  temporary 
dictatorship  of  Archduke  Jos- 
eph, 404-405;  resignation  of 
Archduke  Joseph,  followed  by 
Frederich  regime,  405-408;  be- 
ginnings and  early  history  of 
socialist  movement  In,  491. 


INDEX 


531 


Hunter,  Robert,  Violence  and 
the  Labor  Movement,  cited,  40, 
482  n.;  Why  We  Fail  as  Chris- 
tians, cited,  159;  Socialists  at 
Work  by,  493  n. 

Huysmans,  Camille,  secretary  of 
International,  286,  290  n.,  483. 

Hyde,  Henry  M.,  cited  and 
quoted,  97  n. 

Hyndman,  H.  M.,  491 

Iglesias,  Pablo,  Spanish  socialist, 
444,  499. 

Illinois  Labor  Party,  464. 

Imperialism,  launching  of  policy 
of,  115-116. 

Incentive,  stifling  of,  as  a  basis 
for  objection  to  socialism,  207- 
227. 

Increasing  misery  theory,  108- 
111;  justification  of  Marx's 
prophecy,  111. 

Independent  Labor  Party  in 
England,  492. 

Independent  Social  Democratic 
Party  of  Germany,  361;  joins 
Majority  socialists  in  govern- 
ment after  German  revolution, 
370;  resignation  of  cabinet 
members,  on  account  of  use  of 
force  against  sailors,  379-381 ; 
Spartacans  separate  from,  381- 
382. 

India,  labor  movement  in,  480; 
socialism  in,  510. 

Industrial  accidents,  waste  due 
to,  26-27. 

Industrial  crises,  112-117. 

Industrial  democracy,  govern- 
ment ownership  as  a  step  to- 
ward, 199-200. 

Industrial  system  under  capital- 
ist regime,  31-36. 

Industrial  Workers  of  the  World, 
syndicalism  among,  178;  plan 
worked  out  by,  in  United 
States,  178  n. 

Industry,  diversion  of,  to  lux- 
uries, under  capitalism,  12-13. 

Inefficiency,  fear  of,  under  so- 
cialist regime,  208. 


Inequality  of  wealth,  under  pri- 
vate ownership  system,  31-37; 
effect  on  ethical  life  of  com- 
munity, 37-49. 

Inevitability  of  socialism,  53-59. 

Intellectual  production  under 
socialism,  131-135 

Intellectual  proletariat,  101. 

Intemperance,  augmented  under 
capitalist  system,  47. 

Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society, 
organization  and  character  of, 
503;  publications  of,  520. 

International,  the  first,  247;  the 
second,  249-250;  activities  of, 
during  European  War,  283  ff. ; 
the  Berne  Conference  of  1919, 
290-300;  the  Lucerne  Confer- 
ence (August,  1919),  300-302; 
meeting  of  the  Communist  or 
so-called  third,  at  Moscow, 
302-306;  question  of  future  re- 
lation between  second,  and  the 
Communist,  306 ;  French  social- 
ists and  the  second,  423;  ac- 
count of  formation  of  first, 
482-483;  foundation  laid  of 
second,  483 ;  permanent  Bureau 
and  conferences  of,  483-484. 

International  Communists,  Mos- 
cow meeting  of  (March,  1919), 
302-306. 

International  Cooperative  Alli- 
ance, publications  of,  194  n. 

International  Harvester  Com- 
pany, 87;  paternalistic  pro- 
posals of,  205. 

Internationalism,  socialism  and, 
247  ff . ;  beginnings  of,  247- 
248. 

International  Socialist  Con- 
gresses, 1,  483-484. 

Inventors,  position  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 211,  212-213. 

Ireland,  socialist  progress  in, 
during  the  war,  419. 

Italy,  foothold  gained  by  syndi- 
calism in,  178;  cooperatives  in, 
192;  trade  union  membership 
in,  202;  position  of  neutrality 
taken  by  socialists  of,  at  begin- 


532 


INDEX 


ning  of  European  war,  273- 
274;  socialist  activities  in,  after 
entrance  of  country  into  the 
war,  427—429;  socialist  declara- 
tion following  signing  of  ar- 
mistice, 429-430;  criticism  of 
President  Wilson  in,  430;  the 
1919  activities,  430-431;  strikes 
and  disturbances  in  cities  of, 
432-433;  increase  in  votes  in 
1919  elections,  433;  socialism 
in,  before  1914,  494-495;  con- 
nection of  socialism  with  trade 
unions  in,  495. 

Japan,  labor  movement  in,  480; 
reorganization  of  Socialist 
Party  in,  481;  socialism  in,  be- 
fore 1914,  509-510. 

Jaures,  Jean,  Studies  in  Social- 
urn,  quoted,  79  n. ;  at  congress 
at  Paris  in  1900,  250;  opposes 
Bebel's  opinions  on  the  gen- 
eral strike  and  war,  255-256; 
argues  in  1914  for  general 
strike  as  preventive  of  war, 
265-266;  at  Brussels  Congress 
of  1914,  269;  as  a  French  so- 
cialist leader,  486. 

Jenks,  J.  W.,  The  Trust  Prob- 
lem, quoted,  20;  cited,  22. 

Jews,  outrages  against,  by  White 
Terrorists  in  Hungary,  405. 

Johnson,  Emory  R.,  American 
Railway  Transportation,  cited, 
89;  The  New  Spirit  in  Indus- 
try, cited,  205. 

Jones,  Eliot,  '/'///•  Anthracite  Coal 
Combination,  cited,  89  n. 

Joseph,  Archduke,  brief  dictator- 
ship of,  in  Hungary,  404-405. 

Jouhaux,  I ...  resignation  of  from 
Peace  Conference,  425. 

Jowett,  F.  W.,  415,  416. 

Jugo-Slav  Socialist  Parties,  con- 
gress of,  452-453. 

Justo,  Dr.,  leader  Argentine  so- 
cialists, 476. 

Karolyi,  Count,  Michael,  ap- 
pointed president  of  Hunga- 


rian Republic,  494-495;  revolt 
of  1918  against  government  of, 
395-396;  resignation  of,  396- 
397;  blame  for  Bolshevism  in 
Hungary  placed  on  Entente 
by,  397. 

Kautsky,  Karl,  Ethict  and  the 
Materialistic  Conception  of 
Hittory,  cited,  64;  The  Class 
Struggle,  cited,  73;  The  Road 
to  Power,  cited  and  quoted, 
78,  79  n^  84-85;  Social  Revolu- 
tion, cited  and  quoted,  93,  111, 
115,  126,  210;  predictions  of, 
concerning  future  state,  123; 
Tin  Socialist  Republic,  quoted, 
125;  cited  and  quoted,  129-130, 
132,  133,  136,  166;  at  Berne 
Conference  of  1919,  291. 

Kelley,  Florence,  Modern  Indus- 
try, cited  and  quoted,  36. 

Kellogg  and  Gleason,  Krititli 
Labor  and  the  War,  cited,  203, 
205,  409. 

Kelly,  E.,  Twentieth  Century  So- 
cialism, quoted  and  cited,  14- 
15,  22,  212. 

Kerensky,  spokesman  of  Russian 
labor  group  against  war,  281; 
comes  to  front  in  Russian  revo- 
lution, 311;  becomes  member 
of  Social  Revolutionary  Party, 
315  n. ;  debate  between  Lenin 
and,  on  tactics,  320;  succeeds 
Lvov  as  Premier,  322 ;  Kornilov 
revolt  and  appointment  of,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  army, 
325;  defense  by  government  of, 
against  Bolshevist  charges, 
328-329;  events  leading  to  fall 
of,  330-331;  power  of,  passes 
to  Military  Revolutionary 
Committee,  332;  advances  on 
Petrograd  with  armed  force, 
but  flees,  334-335. 

Kettle,  Southern  Wealth  and 
Northern  Profits,  cited,  66. 

Kidd,  Benjamin,  religious  inter- 
pretation of  history  by,  61. 

Kiel,  mutiny  at  (1918),  368. 

King,  Dr.  W.  I.,  cited  on  unequal 


INDEX 


533 


distribution  of  wealth,  31,  32, 
104,  111,  120. 

Kirkpatrick,  George  R.,  socialist 
vice-presidential  candidate  in 
1916,  456. 

Kirkup,  Thomas,  History  of  So- 
cialism, cited,  52,  482;  Inquiry 
into  Socialism,  cited,  188,  206. 

Knights  of  Labor,  the,  462. 

Kolchak,  Admiral,  anti-Bolshev- 
ist force  led  by,  350-351;  coup 
d'etat*  of  October  and  Novem- 
ber, 1918,  351;  aid  of  Allies  to, 
357,  358;  opposed  to  transport 
to,  424. 

Kornilov,  General  I.  C.,  in  com- 
mand of  Russian  army,  323, 
324;  revolt  led  by,  against  Ke- 
rensky,  324-325. 

Kropotkin,  Fields,  Factories  and 
Workshops,  cited,  16. 

Kun,  Bela,  leader  in  Hungarian 
revolt  against  Karolyi  govern- 
ment, 395;  government  of,  in 
power,  397-400;  soviet  elections 
held  by,  400;  plans  to  over- 
throw government  of,  400-401; 
appeal  by,  addressed  to  prole- 
tariat of  the  world,  401^*03; 
overthrow  of,  403;  comparison 
of  Bolshevism  of  Frederich 
regime  with  that  of  govern- 
ment of,  407^108. 

Labor  charter,  discussion  of,  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  297. 

Labor  legislation,  extent  of,  188- 
189. 

Labor  parties,  advent  of  local,  in 
United  States,  462;  formation 
of  Labor  Party  of  the  United 
States,  464;  principles  of,  464- 
465;  Socialist  Party  and,  465- 
466. 

Labor  party  idea,  development 
of,  during  the  war,  463-464. 

Labor  theory  of  value,  117-120. 

Labor  unions,  extent  and  mem- 
bership of,  201-202;  criticism 
of,  202;  contribution  of,  to  so- 
cialism, 202-203. 


Laidler,  H.  W.,  Boycotts  and  the 
Labor  Struggle,  cited,  33  n.,  40; 
Report  on  Condition  of 
Women  and  Child  Wage-Earn- 
ers in  United  States,  cited, 
33  n.;  (with  Walling,  Stokes 
and  Hughan),  The  Socialism 
of  Today,  cited,  157,  482;  Brit- 
ish Cooperative  Movement, 
cited,  192,  223;  Public  Owner- 
ship Throughout  the  World, 
cited,  198. 

Land,  collectivism  in,  128-131. 

Land  problem  in  Russia  after  the 
revolution,  320. 

Landis,  J.  M.,  sentence  socialist 
leaders,  473. 

Large-scale  production,  increase 
of,  82-83. 

I.  a  ski,  Harold,  Authority  in  the 
Modern  State,  quoted,  152— 
153;  Studies  in  the  Problem  of 
Sovereignty,  cited,  154. 

Lassalle,  Ferdinand,  German  so- 
cialist, 484. 

Lassallian  socialists  in  Germany, 
position  taken  by,  at  time  of 
Franco-Prussian  War,  249. 

Latin  America,  socialism  in,  since 
1914,  475-478;  history  of  so- 
cialism in,  before  1914,  504- 
506. 

Lauck  and  Sydenstricker,  Condi- 
tions of  Labor  in  American  In- 
dustries, cited,  24  n.,  27,  28, 
35;  statistics  of  wages  by,  33. 

Lawson,  Thomas  W.,  Frenzied 
Finance,  cited,  41. 

Lazzari,  C.,  428,  430,  431,  433. 

Lea,  H.,  "The  Eve  of  the  Ref- 
ormation," cited,  67. 

League  of  Nations,  discussion  of, 
at  Berne  Conference  (Febru- 
ary, 1919),  292-393;  attitude 
of  French  labor  party  toward, 
424-425;  condemned  by  Social- 
ist Party  in  America,  470. 

League  of  the  Just,  482. 

Lee,  passport  refused  to,  to  at- 
tend Stockholm  conference, 
287. 


53* 


INDEX 


Left  Wing  movement  in  United 
States,  466-467;  dissensions  in, 
467-468;  develops  into  Com- 
munist Labor  Party,  468. 

Lenin,  Nicholai,  Soviets  at  Work, 
quoted,  167,  347-348,  355;  ar- 
rival of,  in  Petrograd  after 
Russian  revolution,  317;  bio- 
graphical account  of,  31 7  n.; 
immediate  peace  negotiations 
demanded  by,  318;  goes  into 
biding  on  Kerensky's  accession 
to  Premiership,  322;  return  of, 
on  downfall  of  Kerensky,  332; 
appointed  president  of  soviet 
government,  333;  justification 
By,  of  signing  of  separate 
peace  with  Germany,  342;  pro- 
gram of,  for  higher  productiv- 
ity, 347-348;  statement  by, 
concerning  proletarian  rule, 
362  n.;  criticism  and  defense  of 
government  established  by, 
352-356. 

Levine,  Louis,  Syndicalism  in 
France,  cited  and  quoted,  179, 
181,  182,  184,  185. 

Liebknecht,  Karl,  campaign  of, 
against  militarism,  265;  stand 
taken  by,  against  the  war 
(December,  1914),  360-361; 
imprisonment  of,  362;  murder 
of,  383. 

Liebknecht,  W.,  quoted  on  scope 
of  working  class,  79  n. ;  avoid- 
ance of  Utopian  dreams  by, 
123;  attitude  at  time  of  Fran- 
co-Prussian War,  249;  on  so- 
cialist program  to  prevent  war, 
253. 

Lindhagen,  Mayor  of  Stockholm, 
436. 

Lippmann,  Walter,  Stakes  of  Di- 
plomacy, cited,  67;  on  inactive 
stockholders,  104;  Drift  and 
Mattery,  quoted,  215-216,  217- 
218. 

Litvinov,  Maxim,  defense  by,  of 
so-called  Red  Terror,  357  n. 

Lloyd  George,  410,  411,  412,  415, 
419. 


Lloyd,  H.  D.,  Trade  Unionism, 
cited,  203. 

Lomov,  A.,  report  of,  on  in- 
creased productivity  in  Russia, 
349  n. 

London,  congress  at,  in  1896, 
249;  congress  at,  in  1915,  283- 
284;  conference  of  British 
Labor  Party  at  (June,  1918), 
413. 

London,  Meyer,  socialist  Con- 
gressman, 455-456;  defeat  of, 
in  1918  election,  460. 

Longuet,  Jean,  French  deputy 
to  Brussels  meeting,  2;  at 
Berne  Conference  of  1919,  291, 
299;  group  of  French  socialists 
led  by,  420;  characterization  of 
peace  treaty  by,  in  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  427;  defeat  of,  427. 

Loria,  The  Economic  Causes  of 
War,  cited,  67. 

Lumbering  industry,  concentra- 
tion in  control  of,  89. 

Lunacharsky,  A.  V.,  Commissar 
of  Education  under  Soviet 
Government  in  Russia,  350  n. 

Lusitania  incident,  socialist  feel- 
ing concerning,  455. 

Lusk  Committee,  activities  of, 
474. 

Luxemburg,  Rosa,  campaign  of, 
against  militarism,  265;  con- 
tinues opposition  to  war  after 
opening  of  hostilities,  279; 
member  of  new  Independent 
Social  Democratic  Party,  361; 
imprisonment  of,  362;  murder 
of,  383. 

Luxuries,  diversion  of  industry 
to,  under  capitalism,  12-13. 

Lvov,  Prince,  Premier  of  provi- 
sional government  after  Rus- 
sian revolution,  312  n.;  suc- 
ceeded by  Kerensky,  322. 

McCann,  Alfred  M..  cited  on 
food  adulteration,  I  '. 

Macdonald,  J.  Ramsay,  Syndical- 
ism by,  185  n.;  The  Socialist 
Movement,  quoted,  241;  gen- 


INDEX 


535 


eral  strike  as  preventive  of 
war  advocated  by,  258;  quoted 
on  League  of  Nations,  293- 
294;  defense  of  attitude  of 
British  Labor  Party  by,  296; 
permanent  policy  of  rule  by 
aggressive  minorities  con- 
demned by,  298. 

Machinery,  expensiveness  of  a 
factor  in  class  struggle,  71. 

Madison,  James,  class  struggle 
theory  expounded  by,  68-69. 

Magnes,  Judah  I..,  Russia  and 
Germany  at  Brest-Litovsk  by, 
340  n. 

Mail-order  houses,  91. 

Majoritaires  and  Minoritaires  in 
France,  420-421. 

Malthusian  theory  concerning 
overpopulation,  238;  not  justi- 
fied by  present-day  tendencies, 
238-239. 

Manifesto  issued  by  Communist 
International  (Moscow,  1919), 
302-306. 

Manifesto  of  Socialist  Party  in 
America,  issued  in  1919,  470- 
472. 

Manly,  Basil  M.,  Report  of  Com- 
mission on  Industrial  Rela- 
tions,  quoted,  72;  quoted  on 
corporations  and  concentration 
of  control,  85  n. 

Mann,  Tom,  491. 

Mannerheim,  General,  449. 

Manufacture,  concentration  in, 
85-88. 

Manufacturing,  wastes  in,  under 
competitive  system,  13-15. 

Marot,  Helen,  American  Labor 
Unions,  cited,  203;  The  Crea- 
tive Impulse  in  Industry,  cited, 
210. 

Marriage,  effect  of  modern  in- 
dustrial conditions  on,  36-37. 

Marshall,  Principles  of  Econom- 
ics, cited,  71  n. 

Marx,  Karl,  Communist  Mani- 
festo of  Engels  and,  quoted, 
10  ff .,  53 ;  economic  interpre- 
tation of  history  formulated 


by,  60;  Capital,  cited  and 
quoted,  62,  102,  108,  109;  con- 
ception of  class  struggle  of, 
69-70;  quoted  on  disappear- 
ance of  the  middle  class,  99; 
increasing  misery  theory  of, 
108;  advice  of,  to  German 
Social  Democracy  at  time  of 
Franco-Prussian  War,  248. 

Marxian  socialism,  53. 

Mass  action,  significance  of 
words,  163  n. 

Matchett,  Charles  H.,  Socialist 
Labor  presidential  candidate, 
501. 

Mazaryk,  President  of  Czecho- 
slovak republic,  452. 

Mehring,  Franz,  open  opposition 
of,  to  the  war,  361,  362. 

Mellen,  Charles  H.,  on  salaries 
of  railroad  presidents,  218  n. 

Melvin,  Socialism  as  the  Socio- 
logical Ideal,  cited,  206. 

Menshevik  group  of  Social  Dem- 
ocratic Party,  315  n.,  489. 

Mexican  Communist  Party,  477. 

Mexican  crisis  of  1915,  protests 
from  socialists  at  time  of,  456. 

Mexican  intervention,  socialist 
condemnation  of,  469. 

Mexico,  socialist  activities  in, 
477;  history  of  socialism  in, 
506. 

Middle  class,  position  of,  in  class 
struggle,  75;  theory  of  disap- 
pearance of  the,  99-108;  in 
reality  a  small  and  weak 
group,  108. 

Militarism,  efforts  of  Interna- 
tionals against,  247-275.  >'«•• 
Wars. 

Miliukov,  Paul,  minister  of  war 
in  provisional  government 
formed  after  Russian  revolu- 
tion, 312 n.;  events  leading  to 
resignation  of,  316-318;  failure 
of  League  for  Rebirth  of  Rus- 
sia formed  by,  350. 

Mill,  J.  S.,  Principles  of  Politi- 
cal Economy,  cited,  210. 

Misery,     theory     of     increasing, 


536 


INDEX 


108-110;  scope  and  significance 
of  word,  110. 

Moderate  socialists,  tactics  advo- 
cated by,  for  transition  to  so- 
cialism, 164r-168. 

Moderwell,  Hiram,  account  of 
Munich  revolution  by,  388  n.; 
quoted,  397. 

Moffett,  Cleveland,  quoted  on  di- 
version of  industry  to  luxuries, 
12  n. 

Money,  question  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 145-146. 

Money,  Chiozzo,  Socialitm  and 
the  Great  State,  cited,  11; 
Riches  and  Poverty,  quoted, 
11;  plan  of,  concerning  publi- 
cations, 134. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  abandonment 
of,  called  for  by  American  so- 
cialists, 456. 

Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  cited, 
64. 

Morgari,  Signor,  urges  revolu- 
tion, 428,  431. 

Morocco  crisis  of  1911,  attitude 
of  socialists  during,  258-359. 

Morris,  William,  Newt  from  No- 
where, cited,  52;  theory  of,  as 
to  handicraft  industry,  125; 
ideal  of,  emphasized  by  na- 
tional guildsmen,  171,  172;  one 
of  founders  of  S.  D.  F.,  491. 

Moscow,  first  congress  of  Inter- 
national Communists  at,  302- 
306. 

Munroe,  Government  of  Ameri- 
can Citiet,  cited,  232. 

Murdoch,  John  ('•.,  Economici 
and  Ethict,  cited,  121. 

National  Cash  Register  Com- 
pany, unethical  practices 
charged  against,  40-41. 

National  Guilds  League,  170; 
formation  of,  494. 

National  Party,  organized  in 
United  States  in  October, 
1917,  459. 

National  guildsmen  and  the  state, 
150-161. 


National  guild  socialism.  See 
Guild  socialism. 

Natural  resources,  social  losses 
in,  under  capitalistic  system, 
17-18;  concentration  in,  88-89; 
increasing  government  control 
of,  195-196. 

Nearing,  Scott,  Income,  cited 
and  quoted,  71;  Anthracite, 
cited,  89  n.;  The  Debt  Deci- 
tion,  cited,  472;  trial  of,  474. 

Needs,  principle  of  remunera- 
tion in  accordance  with, 
142. 

Neilson,  How  Diplomat*  Make 
War,  cited,  67. 

Netherlands,  trade  union  mem- 
bership in,  202. 

Netter,  Gaston  G.,  quoted  on 
food  adulteration,  12  n. 

New  Age,  The,  English  weekly, 
170. 

New  Society,  Japanese  socialist 
publication,  509. 

Newspapers  under  socialism, 
134. 

New  York  City  election  of  1917, 
socialist  gains  in,  458-459. 

New  York,  New  Haven  and 
Hartford  R.  R.,  corrupt  prac- 
tices of,  42,  230;  evils  of  profit 
incentive  shown  by,  220  n. 

New  Zealand,  trade  union  mem- 
bership in,  202;  labor  and  so- 
cialist movements  in,  480,  508. 

Nicolaisen,  a  leader  of  Danish 
Party,  435. 

Nieboer,  Slavery  at  an  Indut- 
trial  Syttem,  cited,  64. 

Nieuwenhuis,  Domela,  leader  of 
Dutch  socialists,  253,  497. 

Nonpartisan  League,  the,  106, 
460-461;  program  of,  461-462. 

Nordoff,  Commvnittic  Societiet 
of  United  Statet,  cited,  52. 

North  Dakota,  success  of  Non- 
partisan  League  in,  460-463. 

Norway,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202;  socialist  activities  in,  since 
1914,  433,  439-440;  progress  of 


INDEX 


537 


Social  Democratic  Party  in, 
before  the  war,  498. 

Nottingham  Conference  of  Brit- 
ish Labor  Party,  412^*13. 

Noyes,  History  of  American  So- 
cialitm,  cited,  52. 

Occupational  diseases,  28;  reduc- 
tion of,  under  socialist  regime, 
29. 

Officers,  selection  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 137-138;  under  na- 
tional guild  theory,  174. 

Ogburn,  W.  F.,  article  by,  cited, 
67. 

O'Hare,  Kate  Richards,  sen- 
tenced to  prison,  473. 

Oil,  waste  in,  17. 

Omsk  Government,  formation  of, 
351;  military  and  financial  aid 
given  by  Allies  to,  357-358. 

"  One  big  union  "  idea,  in  West- 
ern Canada,  475;  in  Australia, 
479-480. 

Orage,  A.  R.,  National  Guilds, 
cited,  170. 

Orlando,  Signor,  433. 

Orth,  S.  P.,  Socialism  and  De- 
mocracy in  Europe  by,  482  n.; 
cited,  496. 

Overcrowding,  low  wages  and 
sickness  companions  of,  28. 

Overpopulation,  socialism  and, 
238-243. 

Owen,  Robert,  51. 

Ownership,  private  vs.  public, 
222-223.  See  Government 
ownership. 

Pan-American  Socialist  Confer- 
ence (1919),  476. 

Panics,  periodic,  55-56.  See 
Crises. 

Parental  responsibility,  question 
of,  under  present  industrial 
system,  240-241;  under  social- 
ism, 241. 

Paris,  congress  at,  in  1889,  249; 
congress  of  1900,  249. 

Parmalee,  Poverty  and  Social 
Progress,  cited,  25,  189. 


Parties  in  Russia  after  revolu- 
tion, 314-315. 

Passports,  refusal  of,  to  dele- 
gates to  conference  at  Stock- 
holm, 287-288. 

Patriotism,  views  of,  held  by  syn- 
dicalists, 182. 

Pay  for  work,  under  socialism, 
141-146. 

Peace  treaty,  exception  taken  to, 
by  French  socialist  part)',  426- 
427. 

Pease,  Jean  Jaures,  cited,  486. 

Penty,  A.  J.,  Restoration  of  the 
Guild  System  by,  170;  Old 
Worlds  for  New,  cited,  170. 

Periodicals,  on  socialism,  420;  so- 
cialist, 520-521. 

Perky,  Cooperation  in  the  United 
States,  cited,  193. 

Personality,  effect  of  inequality 
of  wealth  on,  43-45. 

Peru,  strikes  in  (1919),  477. 

Petrograd  Soviet  Day,  331-332. 

Philippines,  independence  of, 
called  for  by  American  social- 
ists, 456. 

Pikler,  Julius,  Der  Ursprung  des 
Totemismus,  cited,  64. 

Plechanoff,  George,  at  Congress 
of  Zurich,  253. 

Plumb  plan  for  management  of 
railroads,  205. 

Poland,  cooperatives  in,  192;  op- 
position of  Social  Democratic 
Party  in,  to  European  War, 
281;  position  of  socialism  in. 
451. 

Political  action,  favored  by  so- 
cialism, discarded  by  anarch- 
ism, 235. 

Political  corruption,  under  so- 
cialism and  under  capitalism, 
229-234. 

Political  organization  of  work- 
ers, 59. 

Political  patronage,  corruption 
connected  with,  232-233. 

Political  power  of  workers,  74- 
75. 

Political  socialist  movement,  205. 


538 


INDEX 


Populist  movement,  106. 

Porter,  Progress  of  the  Nations, 
cited,  71  n. 

Porto  Rico,  socialism  in,  SIS- 
SIT. 

Portugal,  neutrality  demanded 
by  socialists  of,  in  European 
war,  275;  government  support- 
ed by  socialists,  after  declara- 
tion of  war,  281;  socialism  in, 
since  1914,  445;  history  of  So- 
cialist Party  in,  499-500. 

Poverty,  and  disease,  28-£?9;  not 
the  chief  evil  of  capitalist  sys- 
tem, 37-38. 

Prices,  fixing  of,  under  socialism, 
227-229. 

Private  property,  socialism  and, 
124;  relation  of  family  life  to, 
as  regards  socialism,  160. 

Production,  wastes  in,  under  cap- 
italism, 11-19. 

Productive  forces,  failure  of  cap- 
italism to  utilize,  11. 

Professions,  incentives  in  and 
position  of,  under  socialism, 
215-216. 

Profit  motive,  of  capitalist  sys- 
tem, 38;  unethical  business 
practices  resulting  from,  38- 
43;  substitutes  for,  under  so- 
cialism, 207-219;  evils  of,  as 
an  incentive,  219-220;  effects 
of,  on  accumulation  of  capital 
under  capitalism  and  under  so- 
cialism, 224-226. 

Progressive  movement,  106. 

Proletariat,  defined,  54  n. ;  ap- 
proaching triumph  of,  59;  in- 
tellectual, 100;  dictatorship  of 
the,  163-164,  375-376. 

Propaganda  of  the  deed,  mean- 
ing of,  235. 

Prostitution,  capitalism  and,  45- 
47. 

Publications,  position  of,  under 
socialism,  134. 

Public  ownership,  limitations  of, 
198-199;  world-wide  trend  to- 
ward, a  development  in  direc- 
tion of  socialism,  195-201. 


Public  utilities,  concentration  in 
control  of,  89-90. 

Race  suicide,  fear  of,  239. 

Radicals,  tactics  advocated  by, 
for  transition  to  socialism,  16J- 
164. 

Railroads,  saving  on,  under  gov- 
ernment administration,  23  n. 

Rakowsky,  Dr.,  Rumanian  lead- 
er, 446,  500. 

Rand  School  of  Social  Science, 
campaign  against,  474;  organi- 
zation and  purpose  of,  503. 

Ransome,  Arthur,  On  Behalf  of 
Russia,  quoted,  309  n. ;  "  Rus- 
sia in  1919,"  quoted,  349  n- 
350  n.,  357  n. 

Rauschenbusch,  Walter,  Christi- 
anity and  the  Social  Crisis, 
cited,  12;  Christianizing  the 
Social  Order,  quoted,  23  n., 
39  n.,  44,  45,  47,  76,  158-159. 

Reckitt  and  Bcchhofer,  The 
Meaning  of  National  Guilds, 
cited  and  quoted,  170,  171. 

Reconstruction  program  of  Brit- 
ish Labor  Party,  413-415. 

Red  Terror,  the,  in  Russia, 
353  n. ;  Soviet  Government's 
defense,  356  n-357  n. 

Reeve,  The  Cost  of  Competition, 
cited,  18,  20. 

Reformation,  the  Protestant,  in- 
fluence of  economic  forces  on, 
67. 

Reforms,  social,  188-189;  social- 
ist criticism  of,  189-190;  ad- 
vantages of,  190. 

Religion,  socialism  and,  154- 
159. 

Religious  movements,  influence 
of  economic  forces  on,  67-68. 

Remuneration  under  socialism, 
141-146. 

Renaudel,  M  .  defeated  as  candi- 
date, 427. 

Renold,  Workshop  Committees, 
cited,  205. 

Research  laboratories,  effects  of 
emergence  of,  212. 


INDEX 


539 


Retail  trade,  concentration  in, 
91-92. 

Revolution,  significance  of  word, 
in  socialist  usage,  liiJri. 

Rittenhouse,  E.  E.,  cited  on  in- 
crease in  sickness  among  work- 
ers, 29. 

Roberts,  labor  member  of  cabi- 
net, 412,  416. 

Rochdale  cooperative,  190-191. 

Roosevelt,  T.,  503. 

Ross,  E.  A.,  quoted  on  effect  of 
inequality  of  wealth  on  per- 
sonality, 43-44 ;  "  Caste  and 
Class,"  quoted,  48. 

Rubinow,  I.  M.,  Social  Insurance, 
quoted,  24  n.,  28,  92  n.;  Wat 
Marx  Wrong?  cited,  100  n.,  103. 

Rumania,  stand  taken  by  social- 
ists of,  toward  European  war, 
275;  attitude  of  socialists  after 
declaration  of  war,  281 ;  ag- 
gressions of,  in  Hungary 
(August,  1919),  404;  activities 
of  socialists  in,  during  the  war, 
446;  history  of  socialist  move- 
ment in,  up  to  time  of  war, 
500-501. 

Russell,  B.,  Justice  in  War  Time 
and  Why  Men  Fight,  cited,  67; 
Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom, 
quoted  and  cited,  133-134,  135, 
145,  148,  170,  185,  214-215, 
236,  243;  Political  Ideals,  cited, 
154. 

Russell,  Charles  Edward,  chair- 
man of  Social  Democratic 
League,  459. 

Russia,  effect  of  war  on  socialist 
and  labor  movement  in,  4;  co- 
operatives in,  192;  opposition 
of  socialists  to  war,  in  summer 
of  1914,  273;  stand  taken  by 
socialists  of,  after  declaration 
of  war,  280-281 ;  resolution 
concerning,  at  Berne  Confer- 
ence of  1919,  298-299;  pro- 
posed action  of  British  Labor 
Party  against  Allied  interven- 
tion in,  417-418;  opposition  of 
French  socialists  to  Allied  pol- 


icy toward,  425;  socialism  in, 
before  1914,  487^89. 

Russian  Revolution,  the,  308  ff. ; 
causes  of  discontent  and  steps 
leading  to,  308-309;  beginnings 
of  March  revolution,  309-310; 
crisis  reached  on  March  11, 
1917,  310;  leadership  taken  by 
socialists,  and  emergence  of 
workmen's  councils,  310-311; 
election  of  Council  of  Workers' 
Deputies,  311 ;  abdication  of 
Czar,  311-312;  the  first  provi- 
sional government,  312ff.; 
composition  of  parties  in  con- 
trol, 314;  military  situation, 
318-319;  the  land  problem, 
320;  events  of  July,  321-322; 
Kerensky's  Premiership,  322— 
323;  the  Kornilov  revolt,  324- 
325;  the  democratic  confer- 
ence, 325-326;  the  Pre-Parlia- 
ment,  326-327;  Bolshevik  revo- 
lution, 327;  program  of  Bol- 
sheviks, 328;  defense  by  Ke- 
rensky  government,  328-329 ; 
calling  of  All-Russian  Con- 
gress of  Soviets  (September, 
1917),  329-330;  fall  of  Keren- 
sky  government,  332;  the  So- 
viet Government,  332  ff. ;  Bol- 
shevist move  for  peace,  340; 
negotiations  at  Brest-Litovsk, 
340-341;  signing  of  Tilsit 
peace,  341-342;  the  Soviet  Con- 
stitution, 343-347;  social  and 
economic  results  of  Soviet 
Government,  348-349;  forces 
opposed  to  Soviet  Government, 
350-352;  socialist  critics  of 
Bolsheviks,  352;  socialist  criti- 
cism of  soviet  rule,  352-355; 
defense  of  Bolshevik  methods, 
355-356;  socialists  of  America 
pledge  support  to  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment, 470-471. 

Russo-Japanese  War,  socialists' 
attitude  during,  250-251. 

Ryan,  John  A.,  quoted  on  out- 
grown objections  to  socialism, 
207. 


540 


INDEX 


Sabotage,  under  syndicalism,  179, 
180. 

Sacchi  decree  of  October  4,  1917, 
in  Italy,  428. 

St.  Louis  convention  of  socialists 
in  1917,  457-458. 

St.  Louis  Resolution,  the,  457. 

Samara  conspiracy,  350. 

Scheidemann,  Philip,  member  of 
Majority  socialists  in  Germany, 
363-364,  375,  376;  member  of 
cabinet  in  German  government 
after  revolution,  370;  resigna- 
tion of,  386. 

Schwab,  C.,  The  Confederate 
States  of  America,  cited,  66. 

Scientific  socialism,  advent  of,  53. 

Scott,  Syndicalism  and  Philo- 
tophic  Realism,  cited,  185. 

Scudder,  Vida  t>.,  Socialism  and 
Character,  cited,  159. 

Seager,  Principles  of  Economics, 
cited  and  quoted,  41,  242. 

Seligman,  E.  R.  A.,  Principles  of 
Economics,  cited  and  quoted, 
61,  62,  63,  64,  67,  68,  239; 
Problems  of  Readjustment 
after  the  War,  cited,  67; 
quoted  on  growth  of  combina- 
tion, 84;  "An  Economic  Inter- 
pretation of  the  War,"  quoted, 
116  n.;  Economic  Interpreta- 
tion of  History,  quoted,  157. 

Scinh.it,  Marcel,  becomes  member 
of  French  war  cabinet,  276. 

Semenov,  General,  commander  of 
anti- Bolshevist  force  in  East- 
ern Siberia,  350-351. 

Servia,  position  of  socialists  in, 
during  the  war,  446;  Socialist 
Party  in,  before  1914,  500. 

Serwy,  Victor,  first  International 
Secretary,  483. 

Shaw,  Bernard,  "The  Case  for 
Equality,"  cited,  142;  leader  in 
Fabian  "Society,  494. 

Sickness,  increase  in,  among 
workers,  29. 

Slmkhovitch,  Vladimir,  quoted 
concerning  economic  forces  be- 
hind Protestant  Reformation, 


67;  Marxism  vs.  Socialism, 
cited  and  quoted,  68,  76,  92  n., 
100,  107,  109,  113,  117  n. 

Simons,  A.  M.,  Wasting  Human 
Life,  cited  and  quoted,  15,  16, 
19  n.,  20;  Social  Forces  in 
American  History,  cited,  64,  66, 
95,  96,  97;  The  American 
Farmer,  cited,  125. 

Sinn  Fein  campaigns  in  Ireland, 
419. 

Skeffington,  Irish  leader,  419. 

Skelton,  O.  D.,  Socialism,  A 
Critical  Analysis,  cited,  93,  95, 
100,  240. 

Slackness,  indifference  and  the 
lazy  stroke,  fear  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 208-209. 

Slovakia,  socialism  in,  452-453. 

Small  businesses,  persistence  of, 
93;  increase  of,  105. 

Smith,  The  Spirit  of  American 
Government,  cited,  66. 

Smith,  Adam,  quoted  on  antag- 
onism between  interest  of 
worker  and  owner,  77-78. 

Snowden,  Philip,  on  "  State  So- 
cialism and  the  National 
Guilds,"  176;  mentioned,  492. 

Snowden,  Mrs.,  urges  disarma- 
ment, at  Berne  Conference  of 
1919,  294. 

Social  Democracy  of  America, 
502. 

Social  Democratic  Labor  Party 
in  Holland,  497. 

Social  Democratic  League,  repu- 
diated by  Italian  Socialists, 
429;  formation  of,  by  pro-war 
socialists,  459. 

Social  Democratic  Party  in  Rus- 
sia after  revolution,  314  n. 

Social  Democratic  Union  in  Hol- 
land, 508. 

Social  Democratic  Workers' 
Community,  party  of,  formed 
in  Germany,  361. 

Social  evil,  capitalist  system  and 
the,  45^t7. 

Socialism,  attitude  of,  toward 
the  war,  in  July,  1914,  1;  sup- 


INDEX 


541 


posed  destruction  of,  by  the 
war,  2;  actual  effects  of  war 
upon  cause  of,  2-6;  underlying 
motive  of,  9;  character  of  in- 
dictment brought  by,  against 
present-day  evils,  9-10;  indict- 
ment of  capitalist  system  on 
account  of  unequal  distribution 
of  wealth,  31-37;  theory  of, 
50  ff. ;  Utopian  school  of,  50- 
.">-';  scientific  or  Marxian,  53; 
why  regarded  as  inevitable,  53- 
59;  the  socialist  common- 
wealth, 122  ff.;  the  aims  of, 
122-123;  doctrines  of,  regard- 
ing private  property,  124;  in- 
tellectual production  under, 
131-135;  democratic  manage- 
ment under,  136-138;  assign- 
ment of  tasks  under,  138-141; 
remuneration  under,  141-146; 
nature  of  the  state  under,  146- 
154;  religion  and,  154-159;  the 
family  and,  159-161;  discussion 
of  method  of  transition  to,  161- 
168;  conflict  of  views  between 
two  wings  of  movement,  168- 
169;  theory  of,  held  by  na- 
tional guildsmen,  170-177;  syn- 
dicalist theory  of,  177-186;  the 
corporation  as  a  step  toward, 
187-188;  tendency  toward,  in- 
dicated by  social  reforms,  188- 
190;  and  the  voluntary  co- 
operative movement,  190-194; 
public  ownership  as  an  indica- 
tion of  trend  toward,  195-201; 
contribution  of  labor  unions  to- 
ward, 202-203;  the  advance  to- 
ward democratic  management, 
204-205;  objections  to,  207  ff.; 
ideal  of  government  ownership 
held  by,  220-222;  question  of 
accumulation  of  capital  under, 
224-227 ;  political  corruption 
and,  229-234 ;  bureaucratic 
control  as  an  objection  to,  234; 
and  anarchism,  235-338;  and 
overpopulation,  238-243 ;  and 
Internationalism,  247-282;  ac- 
tivities during  European  war, 


283  ff.;  the  Berne  Conference 
of  1919,  290-300;  the  Lucerne 
Conference,  300-302;  leader- 
ship assumed  by,  in  Russian 
revolution,  310;  position  held 
by,  hi  first  provisional  govern- 
ment in  Russia,  314  n.;  criti- 
cism by,  of  Soviet  Government, 
352-353;  hi  Great  Britain  since 
1914,  409-420;  in  France,  420- 
427;  in  Italy,  427-433;  hi 
Scandinavian  countries,  433- 
440;  in  the  smaller  European 
countries,  440-450;  hi  United 
States  since  1914,  454-469;  ac- 
tivities in  United  States  hi 
1919,  469^70;  Party  manifesto 
(1919),  470-472;  in  Canada, 
474-475;  hi  Lathi  America, 
475-478;  in  Australasia  and 
Asia  proper,  478-481;  the 
movement  before  1914,  482-510. 

Socialist  commonwealth,  the, 
122  ff. 

Socialist  Labor  Party,  hi  Eng- 
land, 494;  hi  United  States, 
501. 

Socialist  Party,  birth  of,  in 
America,  502. 

Socialist  Party  of  Great  Britain, 
594. 

Socialist  Review,  the,  520. 

Socialist  Trade  and  Labor  Alli- 
ance, formation  of,  502. 

Socialistic  Workingmen's  Party 
hi  Germany,  484. 

Socialization  of  industry,  pro- 
gram for,  166-167. 

Socially  necessary  industries, 
124-125. 

Social  reforms,  188-190. 

Solidarity,  spirit  of,  developed 
by  modern  industry,  73. 

Sombart,  Warner,  Socialism  and 
the  Social  Movement  by,  185  n., 
248. 

Sorel,  G.,  Reflexion*  tur  la  vio- 
lence by,  185  n. 

South  Africa,  Labor  Party  in, 
481;  political  labor  movements 
in,  519. 


542 


INDEX 


South  African  War,  attitude  of 
British  socialists  on,  250. 

Southport  Congress  of  British 
Labor  Party,  417-418. 

Soviet,  meaning  of  name  and  rise 
of  idea  of,  313  n. 

Soviet  government,  Russia  under 
the,  332-342;  Constitution  of, 
343-347;  social  and  economic 
results  of,  348-349;  Uussiun 
and  foreign  forces  arrayed 
against,  350-352;  socialist  crit- 
ics of,  352;  Berne  Conference 
Condemnation  of,  353-354 ; 
called  undemocratic,  355;  de- 
fense of,  355-356;  representa- 
tion by  occupation  under,  356; 
American  socialists  pledge 
support  to,  470-471. 

Soviet  idea  of  socialist  state,  149. 

Soviet  Republic  of  Bavaria, 
387  n. 

Soviets,  Russian,  314;  national 
congress  of,  called  in  April, 
1917,  315. 

Spain,  cooperatives  in,  192;  ac- 
tivities of  socialists  in,  since 
1914,  443-445;  history  of  so- 
cialist movement  in,  449. 

Spargo,  John,  Social  Democracy 
Explained,  quoted,  70;  Social- 
ism, cited  and  quoted,  120,  123, 
139  ^Marxian  Socialitm  and  Re- 
ligion, cited,  158;  Spiritual 
Significance  of  Modern  Social- 
itm, cited,  159;  Syndicalism, 
Socialitm  and  Industrial  Un- 
ionitm,  cited,  185;  Applied 
Socialitm,  cited,  208,  212,  215, 
241;  Bolshevism,  cited,  339, 
354,  355;  chairman  of  Social 
Democratic  League,  459. 

Spargo  and  Arner,  Elements  of 
Socialism,  cited,  142,  146,  147, 
148,  155,  161,  168. 

Spartacus  group  in  Germany, 
361,  377;  demand  by,  for  dic- 
tatorship of  the  proletariat, 
after  the  revolution,  375;  ag- 
gressive activities  of,  377-379; 
separation  of,  from  Independ- 


ent Socialist  Part}',  381;  events 
following  January  revolt  of, 
382-383;  suppression  of,  and 
murder  of  Karl  Liebknecht 
and  Rosa  Luxemburg,  383. 

Spy  system  in  industry,  39-40. 

Stahlberg,  Professor,  candidate 
Young  Finn  Party,  450. 

Standard  of  living,  inadequacy 
of  wages  as  compared  with  a 
decent,  34. 

Standard  Oil  Company,  40,  86. 

State,  nature  of  the,  under  so- 
cialism, 146-154;  war  of  syn- 
dicalists against  the,  180-181. 

State  capitalism,  195  n. 

State  ownership,  theory  of,  advo- 
cated by  national  guildsmen, 
172-173. 

State  socialism,  advancement  of, 
by  the  war,  3;  state  of  society 
called,  195  n. 

State  sovereignty,  new  views  of 
problems  of,  152-153. 

Stauning,  Theodore,  Danish  so- 
cialist leader,  434. 

Steffens,  Lincoln,  quoted  on  busi- 
ness und  corruption  in  govern- 
ment, 41^*2;  The  Shame  of  the 
City,  cited,  231. 

Steinmetz,  C.  P.,  America  and 
the  New  Epoch,  cited,  187;  ar- 
ticles by,  cited  and  quoted, 
211,  213  n. 

Stockholders,  the  middle  class  as, 
101-102,  103;  psychology  of  in- 
active, 103-105. 

Stockholm,  conference  of  1915 
at,  285-286;  proposed  confer- 
ence of  Council  of  Workers' 
and  Soldiers'  Delegates  at 
(1917),  286,  287;  refusal  of 
passports  to  delegates  to  Coun- 
cil of  Workers'  and  Soldiers' 
Deputies  at,  287-288. 

Stockholm  Conference,  British 
Labor  Party  and  the,  410- 
411. 

Stoddard,  The  Shop  Committee, 
cited,  205. 

Stokes,  J.   G.    Phelps,   treasurer 


INDEX 


543 


of  Social   Democratic   League, 
459. 

Stokes,  Rose  Pastor,  472;  sen- 
tence of,  to  prison,  474. 

Stratton,  S.  W.,  quoted  concern- 
ing industrial  laboratory  of 
Bureau  of  Standards,  214  n. 

Streightoff,  F.  H.,  Distribution 
of  Incomes  in  the  United 
States,  cited,  33;  on  minimum 
standard  of  living,  34 n.;  cited, 
105. 

Strikes,  under  syndicalism,  179- 
180;  in  Great  Britain  in  1919, 
417;  in  Spain  in  1917,  444;  in 
Uruguay,  476;  in  Cuba,  477- 
478.  See  General  strike. 

Stuergkh,  Count,  assassinated  by 
Friederich  Adler,  389. 

Stuttgart  Congress  of  1907,  251- 
256. 

Surplus  value  theory,  117-121. 

Sweden,  cooperatives  in,  192; 
trade  union  membership  in, 
202;  neutrality  favored  by  so- 
cialists of,  in  European  war, 
275;  socialist  activities  in,  since 
1914,  433,  436-^38;  growth  of 
socialist  movement  in,  from 
1902  to  1914,  498-^99;  close 
harmony  between  trade  union 
movement  and  socialism  in, 
499. 

Switzerland,  cooperatives  in, 
19J;  trade  union  membership 
in,  202;  stand  taken  by  social- 
ists of,  toward  European  war, 
274-275;  activities  of  socialists 
in,  during  the  war,  441-443; 
history  of  socialist  movement 
in,  before  the  war,  499. 

Syndicalism,  theory  of,  177;  ori- 
gin of,  177-179;  class  struggle 
the  fundamental  idea  of,  179; 
weapons  of,  179-182;  ideal  of, 
183-185;  views  of  socialists  re- 
garding, 185-186. 


Taussig,  F.,  Prfnctpfc*   of  Eeo- 
nomict,  cited,  208,  240. 


Taff-Vale  decision,  influence  on 
Labor  Party,  493. 

Taxation  bill  of  1913  in  Germany, 
opposition  of  Social  Demo- 
crats to,  262-264. 

Tchaikovsky,  Nicholas,  anti-Bol- 
shevist Government  of  North- 
ern Russia  formed  by,  355. 

Tchcheidze,  leader  of  Social 
Democrats  in  Russia,  311. 

Teachers,  position  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 215. 

Tead,  Ordway,  discussion  of 
state  sovereignty  by,  152n.; 
British  Reconstruction  Pro- 
grams, cited,  205. 

Theism  and  economic  determin- 
ism, 157-159. 

Thomas,  Albert,  becomes  Minis- 
ter of  Munitions  in  France, 
276;  at  Berne  Conference  of 
1919,  291. 

Thomas,  J.  H.,  at  Berne  Confer- 
ence of  1919,  294. 

Thomas,  Norman,  quoted  on 
state  sovereignty  question, 
153. 

Tillett,  Ben,  491. 

Tilsit  peace,  signing  of,  341-342. 

Tokoi,  Oscar,  socialist  leader  in 
Finland,  448. 

Tolstoi,  doctrines  of,  235. 

Tomoso,  Dr.,  leader  Argentine 
socialists,  476. 

Townley,  A.  C.,  leader  of  Non- 
partisan  League,  461. 

Trade  unionism,  extent  of,  201- 
202;  criticism  of,  202;  contri- 
bution of,  to  socialism,  202- 
203. 

Transition  to  socialism,  method 
of  effecting,  161-169. 

Traveling  salesmen,  source  of 
economic  waste,  21. 

Tridon,  Andr£,  The  New  Union- 
ism by,  185  n,  203. 

Troelstra,  Pieter  J.,  leader  of 
socialists  of  Holland,  269, 
283  n.,  286,  301,  415,  497;  ac- 
tivities of,  in  Holland  during 
the  war,  440-441. 


544 


INDEX 


Trotsky,  Leon,  arrival  of,  in 
Russia  from  America,  318; 
biographical  sketch  of,  318  n. ; 
principles  of,  as  leader  of  Bol- 
sheviks, 319;  arrested  and  im- 
prisoned by  Kerensky,  322; 
From  October  to  Brest-Lit- 
ovsk  by,  cited,  323,  326,  327- 
328,  340,  341;  appointed  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs  -in 
Soviet  Government  following 
Kerensky 's  fall,  333;  defense 
by,  of  Russia's  separate  peace 
negotiations,  341  n. 

Trusts,  development  of  large- 
scale  production  into,  83 ;  effect 
of,  on  industrial  crises,  113. 

Tuberculosis  rate,  in  New  York 
City,  28. 

Tucker,  Irwin  St.  John,  sen- 
tenced to  prison,  473. 

Turati,  Philip,  495. 

Unemployment,  evil  of,  24-25; 
causes  of,  25-26. 

United  States,  cooperative  soci- 
eties in,  193;  extent  of  trade 
union  movement  in,  201,  202; 
socialist  call  for  embargo  and 
international  conferences,  454- 
456;  Mexican  crisis,  456;  presi- 
dential campaign,  456;  St. 
Louis  Platform,  457-458; 
further  elections  and  se- 
cession from  party,  458-460; 
Nonpartlsan  League,  460-462; 
Labor  Parties  form,  462-465; 
Socialist  Party  and  Labor 
Party,  465-466;  Left  Wing 
Movements,  466-467 ;  formation 
of  Communist  and  Communist 
Labor  Parties,  468-469;  activi- 
ties of  socialists,  469-470; 
manifesto  of  socialists  of 
(1919),  470-472;  history  of  so- 
cialism in,  before  1914,  501- 
503. 

United  States  Steel  Corporation, 
86. 

Universal  German  Workingmen's 
Association,  484. 


University  Socialist  Federation 
in  England,  494. 

Uruguay,  strikes  in  (1918),  476; 
socialism  in,  505. 

Utopianism,  avoidance  of,  by 
modern  socialists,  123. 

Utopian  socialists,  school  of,  50- 
51;  mistakes  of,  51-52;  Marx- 
ian socialism  the  successor  of, 
53. 

Vaillant,  Edouard,  general  strike 
as  preventive  of  war  favored 
by,  253,  258. 

Vanderlip,  Frank  A.,  What 
Happened  to  Europe,  quoted, 
78  n. 

Vandervelde,  Emile,  Collectivism, 
quoted,  139,  143,  144,  147;  So- 
cialism vs.  the  State,  quoted 
and  cited,  151  n.,  199;  accepts 
position  in  Belgian  Cabinet, 
upon  outbreak  of  war,  276; 
chairman  of  International,  483. 

Van  Hise,  Concentration  and 
Control,  cited,  14,  17,  18,  19, 
86,  87,  88,  92;  The  Conserva- 
tion of  Natural  Resources  in 
the  United  States,  quoted,  17. 

Veblen,  T.,  The  Theory  of  Busi- 
ness Enterprise,  quoted,  21,  72, 
219. 

Vedder,  H.  C.,  Socialism  and 
the  Ethics  of  Jesus,  cited,  159. 

Vice,  relation  between  capitalist 
system  and,  45-48. 

Von  Hoist,  E.,  Life  of  J.  C. 
Calhoun,  cited,  66. 

Vonoaerts  of  Berlin,  opposition 
of,  to  European  war,  359. 

Wages,  statistics  of,  32-33;  in- 
adequacy of,  under  capitalist 
regime,  to  decent  standard  of 
living,  34;  evil  effects  of  low, 
35. 

Wage  system,  abolition  of,  under 
theory  of  national  guildsmen, 
171-172. 

Wallace,  Alfred  Russel,  believer 


INDEX 


in  law  of  decreasing  fertility, 
242  n. 

Wallas,  Graham,  Fabian  Society 
member,  505. 

Walling,  W.  E.,  Progressivism 
and  After,  cited,  79  n.;  Social- 
ism a»  It  It,  cited,  79  n.,  126; 
The  Socialists  and  the  War, 
cited,  248;  secretary  of  Social 
Democratic  League,  459. 

Walling  and  Laidler,  State  So- 
cialism—  Pro  and  Con,  cited, 
198,  214  n. 

Walling,  Stokes,  Hughan,  and 
Laidler,  The  Socialism  of  To- 
day by,  157,  482  n. 

Ward,  Harry,  The  Gospel  for  a 
Working  World,  cited,  159. 

Ward,  Lester  F.,  Pure  Sociology, 
quoted,  39;  Applied  Sociology, 
quoted,  212  n. 

War  Precautions  Act  in  Austra- 
lia, 478,  480. 

Wars,  position  taken  by  social- 
ists during  recent,  247-251; 
causes  of,  found  in  economic 
questions,  251-252;  the  general 
strike  as  a  means  of  prevent- 
ing, 252-954.  See  Militarism. 

Waste  of  capitalism,  11-93. 

Water  power,  concentration  in 
control  of,  88. 

Wealth,  inequality  of,  under  cap- 
italistic system  and  effects, 
31-37;  effect  of  inequality  of, 
on  ethical  life  of  community, 
37-49. 

Webb,  Beatrice,  494. 

Webb,  Sidney,  quoted  on  effects 
of  capitalist  system  on  charac- 
ter, 47-48;  The  History  of 
Trade  Unionism,  cited,  203; 
The  Decline  of  the  Birth 
Rate,  cited  and  quoted,  239; 
leader  of  Fabian  Society,  494. 

Wells,  H.  G.,  Tono  Bungay, 
cited,  22;  A  Modern  Utopia, 
cited,  52;  New  Worlds  for 
Old,  cited,  134,  230-231,  241. 

Wells  and  others,  Socialism  and 
the  Great  State,  cited  and 


quoted,  11,  15,  19,  131,  134,  141. 

Weyl,  Walter,  The  End  of  the 
War,  cited,  67. 

White,  I.  C.,  quoted  on  waste  of 
gas,  17. 

White  Guards  and  Red  Guards 
in  Finland,  448-449. 

White  Terror,  in  Hungary,  405- 
408;  in  Finland,  448-449. 

Whitley  Report,  the,  204-205. 

Wholesale  trade,  concentration 
in,  91 ;  cooperatives  engaged  in, 
191. 

Wilson,  Havelock,  416;  new  Brit- 
ish labor  party  proposed  by, 
415. 

Wilson,  President,  message  from, 
to  Extraordinary  National 
Conference  at  Moscow,  323; 
reason  for  United  States 
troops  in  Russia,  352;  condem- 
nation of  executions  in  Russia, 
353;  demonstrations  by  French 
socialists,  upon  arrival  of,  in 
Paris,  422;  hostility  of  Italian 
socialists  to,  upon  visit  to 
Rome,  430;  characterization  of 
philosophy,  432;  socialist  de- 
nunciation of  administration, 
on  account  of  Debs'  convic- 
tion, 473. 

Wing,  Simeon,  Socialist  Labor 
presidential  candidate,  501. 

Winnipeg  strike,  the,  475. 

Woman,  new  type  of,  and  effect 
on  population,  241-243. 

Women's  Labor  League  in  Eng- 
land, 494. 

Women  workers,  wages  of,  33,  34. 

Work,  assignment  of,  under  so- 
cialism, 138-141;  payment  for, 
141-146. 

Worker,  use  of  word,  by  social- 
ists, 165  n. 

Workers,  diversion  of  productive, 
under  competitive  system,  19- 
20;  industrial  and  political  or- 
ganization of,  58-59;  groups  in 
society  to  be  included  under 
head  of,  79  n. 

Workers'  and  Soldiers'  Councils 


546 


INDEX 


in  Germany  after  revolution, 
371-372;  political  power  vested 
in.  374-375;  Congress  of  the, 
in  December,  1918,  376-377. 
Workmen's  Councils  in  Russia, 
organization  of,  after  revolu- 
tion in  March,  1917,  310-311. 


Yanousek,    Anton,   president  of 

Slovak  republic,  453. 
Young  Finn  Party,  450. 


Young  Socialist  Party,  in  Swe- 
den, 436-437. 

Yucatan,  socialist  developments 
in,  406. 

Zetkin,  Clara,  German  socialist 
opposed  to  the  war,  361. 

Zimmerwald  Conference  of  Sep- 
tember, 1915,  284-285;  pro- 
gram of,  indorsed  by  Swiss  so- 
cialists, 1  H  14.'. 

Zurich,  congress  at,  in  1909,  253. 


